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The  Authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel 


AND  OTHER 


CRITICAL    ESSAYS 


SELECTED  FROM  THE  PUBLISHED  PAPERS 

OF  THE  LATE 


EZRA    ABBOT 


BOSTON 
GEO.  H.  ELLIS.  141  FRANKLIN  STREET 

188S 


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COPYRIGHT 
BY    CEO.    H.    ELLIS. 

1 888. 


Press  of  Geo.  H.  Eliis,  141  Franklin  Street. 


Ezra  Abbot,  eldest  child  of  Ezra  and  Phebe  (Abbot)  Abbot,  was 
bom  in  Jackson,  Waldo  County,  Maine,  April  28,  1819;  was  fitted  for 
college  at  Phillips  (Exeter)  Academy ;  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  in 
1840,  and  received  its  degree  of  A.M.  in  1843;  removed  to  Cambridge 
in  1847;  after  some  time  spent  in  teaching,  in  pursuing  private  studies, 
and  in  rendering  service  in  the  libraries  of  Harvard  College  and  the 
Boston  Athenaeum,  was  appointed  in  18^6  Assistant  Librarian  of  Har- 
vard College;  and  in  1872  Bussey  Professor  of  New  Testament  Criti- 
cism  and  Interpretation  in  the  Divinity  School. 

He  was  elected  in  1852  a  member  of  the  American  Oriental  Society, 
and  from  1853  its  Recording  Secretary;  in  1861,  a  member  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences;  in  1871  appointed  University 
Lecturer  on  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament ;  in  the  same 
year  chosen  a  member  of  the  New  Testament  Company  for  the  revision 
of  our  English  Bible.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Society  of  Biblical 
Literature  and  Exegesis,  and  of  the  Harvard  Biblical  Club. 

In  1 861,  he  received  from  Harvard  College  the  honorary  degree  of 
A.M.;  in  1869  that  of  LL.D.  from  Yale  College,  and  the  same  from 
Bowdoin  College  in  1878;  in  1872  from  Harvard  College  that  of  S.T.D. ; 
and  he  was  tendered  the  degree  of  D.D.  by  the  University  of  Edin- 
burgh at  its  recent  tercentenary,  but  passed  away  before  the  date  of  the 
celebration. 

He  died  at  his  home  in  Cambridge  at  5.30  p.m.,  on  Friday,  March 
21,  1884. 


PREFACE. 


The  present  volume  is  issued  in  compliance  with  suggestions 
coming  from  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  Several  of  the  essays  it 
contains  appeared  originally  in  publications  not  easily  accessible, 
yet  embody  results  of  the  highest  value  to  students  of  the  New 
Testament,  whether  in  its  textual  or  its  historical  aspects.  Some 
of  them  will  be  found  to  have  received  from  the  author,  since  their 
first  appearance,  not  a  few  minute  perfecting  touches,  character- 
istic of  his  punctilious  and  vigilant  scholarship.  In  reading  them, 
it  is  important  to  note  the  date  of  composition  (given  at  the 
beginning  of  each),  since  it  has  not  been  found  practicable  always 
to  mention  such  supplementary  or  qualifying  facts  as  the  progress 
of  time  has  brought.  Indeed,  by  far  the  larger  portion  of  the 
present  volume  was  printed  nearly  two  years  ago  ;  and  its  publica- 
tion has  been  delayed  by  causes  over  which  the  editor  has  had 
little  control.  The  chief  infelicitous  result  of  the  delay,  however, 
appears  in  the  fact  that  one  or  two  additions  —  made  somewhat 
inconsistently,  it  must  be  confessed  —  have  come  in  their  turn 
to  need  supplementing  (see,  for  example,  p.  i66,  note).  All  the 
editor's  annotations  have  been  carefully  distinguished  from  the 
work  of  the  author  by  being  enclosed  in  square  brackets ;  but  it 
should  be  observed  that  matter  thus  enclosed  in  the  midst  of 
quotations  or  translations  is  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Abbot  himself. 

Besides  the  elaborate  discussions  of  debatable  textual  questions, 
which  render  the  volume  indispensable  to  the  professional  student, 
room  has  been  found  for  a  few  of  those  papers  in  which  Dr.  Abbot 
addresses  general  readers  in  a  style  alike  lucid,  attractive,  and 
authoritative.  But,  after  all,  to  those  privileged  to  know  the 
variety  and  extent  of  his  learning,  the  retentiveness  and  accuracy 


4  PREFACE 

of  his  memory,  the  penetration  and  fairness  of  his  judgment,  this 
volume  will  seem  but  an  inadequate  and  fragmentary  memorial. 

The  compass  and  special  character  of  the  essay  upon  the  Fourth 
Gospel  have  made  the  editor  glad  to  avail  himself  of  the  separate 
index  to  that  part  of  the  book  courteously  placed  at  his  disposal  by 
Professor  Huidekoper,  of  Meadville.  This  index,  accordingly,  is 
not  incorporated  with  that  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

In  conclusion,  special  thanks  are  due,  and  are  here  publicly 

given,  to  the  several  editors  or  proprietors  of  the  publications  in 

which  the  essays  were  first  printed,  for  the  kind  permission  to 

reproduce  them  in  their  present  form. 

J.  H.  Thayer. 

Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
July,  1888. 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

I.    The  Authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel, 9 

II.    The  Distinction  between  airlu  and  fpwraw, 107    ■' 

III.  Ancient  Papyrus  and  the  Mode  of  making  Paper  from  it,  137 

IV.  The  Comparative  Antiquity  of  the  Sinaitic  and  Vatican 

Manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Bible, 140 

V.    The  late  Professor  Tischendorf, 155 

VI.    The  late  Dr.  Tregelles, 175 

VII.    Gerhard  von  Mastricht, 184 

VIII.    Buttmann's  Greek  Testament, 188 

IX.  Westcott  and  Hort*s  Edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  197 

X.    The  New  Testament  Greek  Text, 204 

XI.  The  Gospels  in  the  New  Revision  (three  articles),    .    .    .  215 

XII.  The  Reading  "only-begotten  God,"  in  John  i.  18,.    .    .  241 

XIII.  The  Reading  "an  only-begotten  God,"  or  "God  only- 

begotten,"  John  i.  18, 272 

XIV.  The  Text  of  John  viii.  44, 286 

XV.    The  Reading  "Church  OF  God,"  Acts  XX.  28, 294 

XVI.    The  Construction  of  Romans  ix.  5 332 

XVII.    Recent  Discussions  of  Romans  ix.  5, 411 

XVIII.    Titus  ii  13 439 

XIX.    I  John  v.  7,  and  Luther's  German  Bible, 458 

XX.    The  Verse-divisions  in  the  New  Testament, 464 


PREFATORY  NOTE  TO  THE  FIRST  ESSAY. 


The  following  essay  was  read,  in  part,  before  the  "  Ministers'  Insti- 
tute," at  its  public  meeting  last  October,  in  Providence,  R.I.  In  con- 
sidering the  external  evidences  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospel  as- 
cribed to  John,  it  was  out  of  the  question,  under  the  circumstances,  to 
undertake  anything  more  than  the  discussion  of  a  few  important  points ; 
and  even  these  could  not  be  properly  treated  within  the  time  allowed. 

In  revising  the  paper  for  the  Unitarian  Review  (Februar)*,  March, 
June,  1880),  and,  with  additions  and  corrections,  for  the  volume  of  "In 
stitute  Essays,"  I  have  greatly  enlarged  some  parts  of  it,  particularly 
that  relating  to  the  evidence  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  was  used  by  Justin 
Martyr.  The  consideration  of  his  quotations  and  of  the  hypotheses  con- 
nected with  them  has  given  occasion  to  the  long  Notes  appended  to  the 
essay,  in  which  will  be  found  the  results  of  some  original  investigation. 
But  the  circumstances  under  which  the  essay  is  printed  have  compelled 
me  to  treat  other  parts  of  the  evidence  for  the  genuineness  of  this 
Gospel  less  thoroughly  than  I  wished,  and  on  certain  points  to  content 
myself  with  mere  references.  It  has  also  been  necessary  to  give  in  a 
translation  many  quotations  which  scholars  would  have  preferred  to  see 
in  the  original  *,  but  the  translation  has  been  made  as  literal  as  the  Eng- 
lish idiom  would  permit,  and  precise  references  to  the  passages  cited  are 

always  given  for  the  benefit  of  the  critical  student. 

E.  A. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  May  21,  188a 


I. 

THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF   THE   FOURTH    GOSPEL: 

EXTERNAL   EVIDENCES. 


The  problem  of  the  Fourth  Gospel — that  is,  the  question  of 
its  authorship  and  historical  value  —  requires  for  its  complete 
solution  a  consideration  of  many  collateral  questions  which 
are  still  in  debate.  Until  these  are  gradually  disposed  of  by 
thorough  investigation  and  discussion,  we  can  hardly  hope 
for  a  general  agreement  on  the  main  question  at  issue. 
Such  an  agreement  among  scholars  certainly  does  not  at 
present  exist.  Since  the  "epoch-making"  essay  (to  borrow 
a  favorite  phrase  of  the  Germans)  of  Ferdinand  Christian 
Baur,  in  the  Theologische  Jahrbilcher  for  1844,  there  has 
indeed  been  much  shifting  of  ground  on  the  part  of  the 
opponents  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospel ;  but  among  schol- 
ars of  equal  learning  and  ability,  as  Hilgenfeld,  Keim,  Schol- 
ten,  Hausrath,  Renan,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Godet,  Beyschlag, 
Luthardt,  Weiss,  Lightfoot,  on  the  other,  opinions  are  yet 
divided,  with  a  tendency,  at  least  in  Germany,  toward  the 
denial  of  its  genuineness.  Still,  some  of  these  collateral 
questions  of  which  I  have  spoken  seem  to  be  approaching  a 
settlement.  I  may  notice  first  one  of  the  most  important, 
the  question  whether  the  relation  of  the  Apostle  John  to 
Jewish  Christianity  was  not  such  that  it  is  impossible  to 
suppose  the  Fourth  Gospel  to  have  proceeded  from  him, 
even  at  a  late  period  of  his  life.  This  is  a  fundamental 
postulate  of  the  theory  of  the  Tiibingen  School,  in  regard  to 


lO  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

the  opposition  of  Paul  to  the  three  great  Apostles,  Peter, 
James,  and  John.  The  Apostle  John,  they  say,  wrote  the 
Apocalypse,  the  most  Jewish  of  all  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament ;  but  he  could  not  have  written  the  anti-Judaic 
Gospel.  Recognizing  most  fully  the  great  service  which 
Baur  and  his  followers  have  rendered  to  the  history  of  primi- 
tive Christianity  by  their  bold  and  searching  investigations, 
I  think  it  may  be  said  that  there  is  a  wide-spread  and  deep- 
ening conviction  among  fair-minded  scholars  that  the  theory 
of  the  Tiibingen  School,  in  the  form  in  which  it  has  been 
presented  by  the  coryphaei  of  the  party,  as  Baur,  Schwegler, 
Zeller,  is  an  extreme  view,  resting  largely  on  a  false  interpre- 
tation of  many  passages  of  the  New  Testament,  and  a  false 
view  of  many  early  Christian  writings.  Matthew  Arnold's 
protest  against  the  excessive  "vigour  and  rigour"  of  the 
Tiibingen  theories  brings  a  good  deal  of  plain  English  com- 
monrsense  to  bear  on  the  subject,  and  exposes  well  some  of 
the  extravagances  of  Baur  and  others.*  Still  more  weight  is 
to  be  attached  to  the  emphatic  dissent  of  such  an  able  and 
thoroughly  independent  scholar  as  Dr.  James  Donaldson,  the 
author  of  the  Critical  History  of  Christian  Literature  and 
Doctrine^  a  work  unhappily  unfinished.  But  very  significant 
is  the  remarkable  article  of  Keim  on  the  Apostolic  Council 
at  Jerusalem,  in  his  latest  work,  Aus  dent  Urchristenthum 
("Studies  in  the  History  of  Early  Christianity"),  published 
in  1878.  a  short  time  before  his  lamented  death.  In  this 
able  essay,  he  demolishes  the  foundation  of  the  Tiibingen 
theory,  vindicating  in  the  main  the  historical  character  of 
the  account  in  the  Acts,  and  exposing  the  misinterpretation 
of  the  passage  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,  on  which  Baur 
and  his  followers  found  their  view  of  the  absolute  contradic- 
tion between  the  Acts  and  the  Epistle.  Holtzmann,  Lipsius, 
Pfleiderer,  and  especially  Weizsacker  had  already  gone  far  in 
modifying  the  extreme  view  of  Baur ;  but  this  essay  of  Keim's 
is  a  re-examination  of  the  whole  question  with  reference  to 
all  the  recent  discussions.     The  still  later  work  of  Schenkel, 

*  See  his  God  and  the  BibUt  Preface,  and  chaps,  v..  vi. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  II 

published  during  the  present  year  (1879),  Das  Christusbild 
der  Apostel  und  der  nachapostolischen  Zeit  ("  The  Picture  of 
Christ  presented  by  the  Apostles  and  by  the  Post-Apostolic 
Time")*  is  another  conspicuous  example  of  the  same  reac- 
tion.    Schenkel  remarks  in  the  Preface  to  this  volume :  — 

Having  never  been  able  to  convince  myself  of  the  sheer  opposition 
between  Petrinism  and  Paulinism,  it  has  also  never  been  possible  for  me 
to  get  a  credible  conception  of  a  reconciliation  effected  by  means  of  a 
literature  sailing  between  the  contending  parties  under  false  colors. 
In  respect  to  the  Acts  of  the  Aposdes,  in  particular,  I  have  been  led  in 
part  to  different  results  from  those  represented  by  the  modem  critical 
school  I  have  been  forced  to  the  conviction  that  it  is  a  far  more  trust- 
worthy source  of  information  than  is  commonly  allowed  on  the  part  of 
the  modem  criticism ;  that  older  documents  worthy  of  credit,  besides 
the  well-known  ^^f-source,  are  contained  in  it ;  and  that  the  Paulinist 
who  composed  it  has  not  intentionally  distorted  (entstellt)  the  facts,  but 
only  placed  them  in  the  light  in  which  they  appeared  to  him  and  mu&t 
have  appeared  to  him  from  the  time  and  circumstances  under  which  he 
wrote.  He  has  not,  in  my  opinion,  artificially  brought  upon  the  stage 
either  a  Paulinized  Peter,  or  a  Petrinized  Paul,  in  order  to  mislead  his 
readers,  but  has  portrayed  the  two  apostles  just  as  he  actually  conceived 
of  them  on  the  basis  of  his  incomplete  information.    (Preface,  pp.  x.,  xi.) 

It  would  be  hard  to  find  two  writers  more  thoroughly  inde- 
pendent, whatever  else  may  be  said  of  them,  than  Keim  and 
Schenkel.  Considering  their  well-known  position,  they  will 
hardly  be  stigmatized  as  "apologists**  in  the  contemptuous 
sense  in  which  that  term  is  used  by  some  recent  writers,  who 
seem  to  imagine  that  they  display  their  freedom  from  par- 
tisan bias  by  giving  their  opponents  bad  names.  On  this 
subject  of  the  one-sidedness  of  the  Tiibingen  School,  I  might 
also  refer  to  the  very  valuable  remarks  of  Professor  Fisher 
in  his  recent  work  on  The  Beginnings  of  Christianity,  and 
in  his  earlier  volume  on  The  Supernatural  Origin  of  Chris- 
tianity. One  of  'the  ablest  discussions  of  the  question  will 
also  be  found  in  the  Essay  on  **  St.  Paul  and  the  Three," 
appended  to  the  commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians, 
by  Professor  Lightfoot,  now  Bishop  of  Durham,  a  scholar  who 
has  no  superior  among  the  Germans  in  breadth  of  learning 
And  thoroughness  of  research.     The  dissertation  of  Professor 


12  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Jowett  on  "St.  Paul  and  the  Twelve,"  though  not  very  defi- 
nite in  its  conclusions,  likewise  deserves  perusal.* 

In  regard  to  this  collateral  question,  then,  I  conceive  that 
decided  progress  has  been  made  in  a  direction  favorable  to 
the  possibility  (to  put  it  mildly)  of  the  Johannean  authorship 
of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  We  do  not  know  anything  concern- 
ing the  theological  position  of  the  Apostle  John,  which  justi- 
fies us  in  assuming  that  twenty  years  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  he  could  not  have  written  such  a  work. 

Another  of  these  collateral  questions,  on  which  a  vast 
amount  has  been  written,  and  on  which  very  confident  and 
very  untenable  assertions  have  been  made,  may  now,  I 
believe,  be  regarded  as  set  at  rest,  so  far  as  concerns  our 
present  subject,  the  authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  I 
refer  to  the  history  of  the  Paschal  controversies  of  the 
second  century.  The  thorough  discussion  of  this  subject  by 
Schiirer,  formerly  Professor  Extraordinarius  at  Leipzig,  and 
now  Professor  at  Giessen,  the  editor  of  the  Theologischc 
Literaturzeitung,  and  author  of  the  excellent  Neutcstament 
liche  Zeitgeschichte^  has  clearly  shown,  I  believe,  that  nci 
argument  against  the  Johannean  authorship  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  can  be  drawn  from  the  entangled  history  of  these 
controversies.  His  essay,  in  which  the  whole  previous  litera- 
ture of  the  subject  is  carefully  reviewed,  and  all  the  original 
sources  critically  examined,  was  published  in  Latin  at 
Leipzig  in  1869  under  the  title  De  Controversiis  Pasctialibus 
secundo  post  Christum  fiatum  Saeculo  exortis,  and  afterwards 
in  a  German  translation  in  Kahnis*s  Zeitschrift  fiir  die 
historische  TJuologie  for  1870,  pp.  182-284.  There  is,  accord- 
ing to  him,  absolutely  no  evidence  that  the  Apostle  John 
celebrated  Easter  with  the  Quartodccimans  on  the  14th  of 
Nisan  in  commemoration,  as  is  so  often  assumed,  of  the  day 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,   The  choice  of  the  day  had  no  reference 


•  In  his  work  on  Tfu  EpixtUs  qfSt.  Paul  to  the  Tktssalonians,  Galatians,  Romans,  2d  cd. 
(London,  1859),  i.  417-477;  reprinted  in  a  less  complete  form  from  the  first  edition  in  Noyes's 
Tkgol.  Essays  (1856),  p.  357  ff.  The  very  judicious  remarks  of  Mr.  Norton  in  the  Christian 
Examiner  for  May,  1829,  vol.  vi.  p.  200 ff., are  still  worth  reading.  See  the  valuable  article  of 
Dr.  Wil.bald  Grimm,  "  Der  Apostelconvent,"  in  the  Stud.  u.  Krit.^  iSSo,  pp.  405-432  ;  also,  Dr. 
H.  H.  Wendt's  Ntuboarbtitung  of  Meyer's  Kommentar  on  the  Aas,  5©  Aufl.,  Giittingcn,  1880. 
See  also  Reuss,  Hist,  apostoliqut  (1876),  and  Lts  Efttrts  pauliniennts  (1878),  in  his  La  BibU^ 
trad,  noMwlUt  etc.     Contra,  Hilgenfeld,  Zeitschr.^  1879,  p.  xooff ;  x88o,  p.  x  ff. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE    FOURTH   GOSPEL  1 3 

to  that  event,  nor  on  the  other  hand,  as  Weitzel  and  Steitz 
maintain,  to  the  supposed  day  of  Christ's  death,  but  was 
determined  by  the  fact  that  the  14th  was  the  day  of  the 
Jewish  Passover,  for  which  the  Christian  festival  was  substi- 
tuted. The  celebration  was  Christian,  but  the  day  adopted 
by  John  and  the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor  generally  was  the 
day  of  the  Jewish  Passover,  the  14th  of  Nisan,  on  whatever 
day  of  the  week  it  might  fall,  while  the  Western  Christians 
generally,  without  regard  to  the  day  of  the  month,  celebrated 
Easter  on  Sunday,  in  commemoration  of  the  day  of  the 
resurrection.  This  is  the  view  essentially  of  Liicke,  Gieseler, 
Bleek,  De  Wette,  Hase,  and  Riggenbach,  with  differences  on 
subordinate  points ;  but  Schiirer  has  made  the  case  clearer 
than  any  other  writer.  Schiirer  is  remarkable  among  Ger- 
man scholars  for  a  calm,  judicial  spirit,  and  for  thoroughness 
of  investigation;  and  his  judgment  in  this  matter  is  the 
more  worthy  of  regard,  as  he  does  not  receive  the  Gospel  of 
John  as  genuine.  A  good  exposition  of  the  subject,  founded 
on  Schiirer*s  discussion,  may  be  found  in  Luthardt's  work  on 
the  Authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  of  which  an  English 
translation  has  been  published,  with  an  Appendix  by  Dr. 
Gregory  of  Leipzig,  giving  the  literature  of  the  whole  con- 
troversy on  the  authorship  of  the  Gospel  far  more  completely 
than  it  has  ever  before  been  presented. 

Another  point  may  be  mentioned,  as  to  which  there  has 
come  to  be  a  general  agreement ;  namely,  that  the  very  late 
date  assigned  to  the  Gospel  by  Baur  and  Schwegler, 
namely,  somewhere  between  the  years  160  and  170  a.d., 
cannot  be  maintained.  Zeller  and  Scholten  retreat  to  150; 
Hilgenfeld,  who  is  at  last  constrained  to  admit  its  use  by 
Justin  Martyr,  goes  back  to  between  130  and  140;  Renan 
now  says  125  or  130;  Keim  in  the  first  volume  of  his  History 
of  yesus  of  Nazara  placed  it  with  great  confidence  between 
the  years  1 10  and  115,  or  more  loosely,  a.d.  ioo-i  17.*  The 
fatal  consequences  of  such  an  admission  as  that  were,  how- 
ever, soon  perceived ;  and  in  the  last  volume  of  his  History 

* Getckickte  Jfsu  von  ^azara^  i.  155,  comp.  14O  (Eng.  trans,  i.  an,  cump.  199). 


14  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

of  yesuSy  and  in  the  last  edition  of  his  abridgment  of  that 
work,  he  goes  back  to  the  year  130.*  Schenkel  assigns  it 
to  A.D.   115-120.1 

This  enforced  shifting  of  the  date  of  the  Gospel  to  the 
earlier  part  of  the  second  century  (which  I  may  remark  inci- 
dentally is  fatal  to  the  theory  that  its  author  borrowed  from 
Justin  Martyr  instead  of  Justin  from  John)  at  once  pre- 
sents very  serious  difficulties  on  the  supposition  of  the 
spuriousness  of  the  Gospel.  It  is  the  uniform  tradition, 
supported  by  great  weight  of  testimony,  that  the  Evangelist 
John  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  spending  the  latter  por- 
tion of  his  life  in  Asia  Minor,  and  dying  there  in  the  reign  of 
Trajan,  not  far  from  a.d.  100.  How  could  a  spurious  Gos- 
pel of  a  character  so  peculiar,  so  different  from  the  earlier 
Synoptic  Gospels,  so  utterly  unhistorical  as  it  is  affirmed  to 
be,  gain  currency  as  the  work  of  the  Apostle  both  among 
Christians  and  the  Gnostic  heretics,  if  it  originated  only 
twenty-five  or  thirty  years  after  his  death,  when  so  many 
who  must  have  known  whether  he  wrote  such  a  work  or  not 
were  still  living  ? 

The  feeling  of  this  difficulty  seems  to  have  revived  the 
theory,  put  forward,  to  be  sure,  as  long  ago  as  1840  by  a 
very  wild  German  writer,  Liitzelberger,  but  which  Baur  and 
Strauss  deemed  unworthy  of  notice,  that  the  Apostle  John 
was  never  in  Asia  Minor  at  all.  This  view  has  recently 
found  strenuous  advocates  in  Keim,  Scholten,  and  others, 
though  it  is  rejected  and,  I  believe,  fully  refuted  by  critics 
of  the  same  school,  as  Hilgenfeld.  The  historical  evidence 
against  it  seems  to  me  decisive ;  and  to  attempt  to  support 
it,  as  Scholten  does,  by  purely  arbitrary  conjectures,  such  as 
the  denial  of  the  genuineness  of  the  letter  of  Irenxus  to 
Florinus,  can  only  give  one  the  impression  that  the  writer 
has  a  desperate  cause.J 

*Gesckichte  Jesu  .  ,  ./Ur  nueitere  Kreise^  3«  Bearbeitung,  2*  Aufl.  (1875),  p.  40. 

\Das  Charakierbild  Jesu^  4«  Aufl.  (1873),  p.  370. 

tSee  HUgenfeld,  Hist.  Krit.  Eifeeitung  in  d.  N,  T.  (1875),  p.  394  ff. ;  Bleck,  Einl.  ind. 
N.  T.f  3»  Aufl.  (1875),  P'  ^67  £E.,  with  Mangold's  note;  Fisher,  The  Beginnings  of  CkrisiianHpf 
(1877),  p.  327  ff.     Compare  Renan,  V Anieckristt  p.  557  ff. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  15 

Thus  far  we  have  noticed  a  few  points  connected  with  the 
controversy  about  the  authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  in 
respect  to  which  some  progress  may  seem  to  have  been  made 
since  the  time  of  Baur.  Others  will  be  remarked  upon  inci- 
dentally, as  we  proceed.  But  to  survey  the  whole  field  of 
discussion  in  an  hour's  discourse  is  impossible.  To  treat  the 
question  of  the  historical  evidence  with  any  thoroughness 
would  require  a  volume ;  to  discuss  the  internal  character  of 
the  Gospel  in  its  bearings  on  the  question  of  its  genuineness 
and  historical  value  would  require  a  much  larger  one.  All 
therefore  which  I  shall  now  attempt  will  be  to  consider  some 
points  of  the  historical  evidence  for  the  genuineness  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel,  as  follows: — 

1.  The  general  reception  of  the  Four  Gospels  as  genuine 
among  Christians  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century. 

2.  The  inclusion  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  the  Apostolical 
Memoirs  of  Christ  appealed  to  by  Justin  Martyr. 

3.  Its  use  by  the  various  Gnostic  sects. 

4.  The  attestation  appended  to  the  book  itself. 

I.  I  BEGIN  with  the  statement,  which  cannot  be  questioned, 
that  our  present  four  Gospels,  and  no  others,  were  received 
by  the  great  body  of  Christians  as  genuine  and  sacred  books 
during  the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century.  This  appears 
most  clearly  from  the  writings  of  Irenaeus,  born  not  far  from 
A.D.  125-130,*  whose  youth  was  spent  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
who  became  Bishop  of  Lyons  in  Gaul,  a.d.  178  ;  of  Clement, 
the  head  of  the  Catechetical  School  at  Alexandria  about  the 
year  190,  who  had  travelled  in  Greece,  Italy,  Syria,  and  Pal- 
estine, seeking  religious  instruction.;  and  of  TertuUian,  in 
North  Africa,  who  flourished  toward  the  close  of  the  century. 
The  four  Gospels  are  found  in  the  ancient  Syriac  version  of 
the  New  Testament,  the  Peshito,  made  in  the  second  century, 
the  authority  of  which  has  the  more  weight  as  it  omits  the 
Second  and  Third  Epistles  of  John,  Second  Peter,  Jude,  and 
the  Apocalypse,  books  whose  authorship  was  disputed  in  the 
early  Church.     Their  existence  in  the  Old  Latin  version  also 

*  About  A  D.  115,  according  to  Zahn  in  Herzog,  ad  ed.,  vii.  135  sq. ;  see  Smith  and  Wace'a 
Dict»  if  Christ.  Biogr.  iii.  253. 


1 6  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

attests  their  currency  in  North  Africa,  where  that  version 
originated  some  time  in  the  second  century.  They  appear, 
moreover,  in  the  Muratorian  Canon,  written  probably  about 
A.D.  170,  the  oldest  list  of  canonical  books  which  has  come 
down  to  us. 

Mr.  Norton  in  his  work  on  the  Genuineness  of  the  Gospels 
argues  with  great  force  that,  when  we  take  into  considera- 
tion the  peculiar  character  of  the  Gospels,  and  the  character 
and  circumstances  of  the  community  by  which  they  were 
received,  the  fact  of  their  universal  reception  at  this  period 
admits  of  no  reasonable  explanation  except  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  they  are  genuine.  I  do  not  here  contend  for  so 
broad  an  inference  :  I  only  maintain  that  this  fact  proves 
that  our  four  Gospels  could  not  have  originated  at  this 
period,  but  must  have  been  in  existence  long  before;  and 
that  some  very  powerful  influence  must  have  been  at  work  to 
effect  their  universal  reception.  I  shall  not  recapitulate 
Mr.  Norton's  arguments ;  but  I  would  call  attention  to  one 
point  on  which  he  justly  lays  great  stress,  though  it  is  often 
overlooked  ;  namely,  that  the  main  evidence  for  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  Gospels  is  of  an  altogether  different  kind  from 
that  which  can  be  adduced  for  the  genuineness  of  any  classi- 
cal work.  It  is  not  the  testimony  of  a  few  eminent  Christian 
writers  to  their  private  opinion,  but  it  is  the  evidence  which 
they  afford  of  the  belief  of  the  whole  body  of  Christians;  and 
this,  not  in  respect  to  ordinary  books,  whose  titles  they 
might  easily  take  on  trust,  but  respecting  books  in  which 
they  were  most  deeply  interested ;  books  which  were  the 
very  foundation  of  that  faith  which  separated  them  from  the 
world  around  them,  exposed  them  to  hatred,  scorn,  and  per- 
secution, and  often  demanded  the  sacrifice  of  life  itself. 

I  would  add  that  the  greater  the  differences  between  the 
Gospels,  real  or  apparent,  the  more  difficult  it  must  have 
been  for  them  to  gain  this  universal  reception,  except  on  the 
supposition  that  they  had  been  handed  down  from  the  begin- 
ning as  genuine.  This  remark  applies  particularly  to  the 
Fourth  Gospel  when  compared  with  the  first  three. 

The  remains  of  Christian  literature  in  the  first  three  quar- 


AUTHORSHIP  OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  1 7 

ters  of  the  second  century  are  scanty,  and  are  of  such  a  char- 
acter that,  assuming  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospels,  we  have 
really  no  reason  to  expect  more  definite  references  to  their 
writers,  and  more  numerous  quotations  from  or  allusions  to 
them  than  we  actually  do  find  or  seem  to  find.  A  few  letters, 
as  the  Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthians,  now 
made  complete  by  the  discovery  of  a  new  MS.  and  of  a  Syriac 
version  of  it ;  the  Epistle  ascribed  to  Barnabas,  now  complete 
in  the  original ;  the  short  Epistle  of  Polycarp  to  the  Philip- 
pians,  and  the  Epistles  (of  very  doubtful  genuineness)  attrib- 
uted to  Ignatius;  an  allegorical  work,  the  Shepherd ol  Her- 
mas,  which  nowhere  quotes  either  the  Old  Testament  or  the 
New ;  a  curious  romance,  the  Clementine  Homilies ;  and  the 
writings  of  the  Christian  Apologists,  Justin  Martyr,  Tatian, 
Theophilus,  Athenagoras,  Hermias,  who,  in  addressing 
heathens,  could  not  be  expected  to  talk  about  Matthew, 
Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  which  would  be  to  them  names 
without  significance, —  these  few  documents  constitute 
nearly  all  the  literature  of  the  period.  As  we  should  not 
expect  the  Gospels  to  be  quoted  by  name  in  the  writings  of 
the  Apologists,  though  we  do  find  John  expressly  mentioned 
by  Theophilus,  so  in  such  a  discussion  as  that  of  Justin 
Martyr  with  Trypho  the  Jew,  Justin  could  not  cite  in  direct 
proof  of  his  doctrines  works  the  authority  of  which  the  Jew 
would  not  recognize,  though  he  might  use  them,  as  he  does, 
in  attestation  of  historic  facts  which  he  regarded  as  fulfilling 
prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament. 

The  author  of  Supernatural  Religion^  in  discussing  the 
evidence  of  the  use  of  our  present  Gospels  in  the  first  three 
quarters  of  the  second  century,  proceeds  on  two  assumptions : 
one,  that  in  the  first  half  of  this  century  vast  numbers  of 
spurious  Gospels  and  other  writings  bearing  the  names  of 
Apostles  and  their  followers  were  in  circulation  in  the  early 
Church ;  and  the  other,  that  we  have  a  right  to  expect 
great  accuracy  of  quotation  from  the  Christian  Fathers, 
especially  when  they  introduce  the  words  of  Christ  with 
such  a  formula  as  "he  said'*  or  "he  taught."  Now  this 
last  assumption  admits  of   being  thoroughly  tested,  and  it 


1 8  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

contradicts  the  most  unquestionable  facts.  Instead  of  such 
accuracy  of  quotation  as  is  assumed  as  the  basis  of  his 
argument,  it  is  beyond  all  dispute  that  the  Fathers  often 
quote  very  loosely,  from  memory,  abridging,  transposing, 
paraphrasing,  amplifying,  substituting  synonymous  words  or 
equivalent  expressions,  combining  different  passages  together, 
and  occasionally  mingling  their  own  inferences  with  their 
citations.  In  regard  to  the  first  assumption,  a  careful  sifting 
of  the  evidence  will  show,  I  believe,  that  there  is  really  no 
/n?^that  in  the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  (with  the  possible 
exception  of  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  which  in 
its  primitive  form  may  have  been  the  Hebrew  original  from 
which  our  present  Greek  Gospel  ascribed  to  Matthew  was 
mainly  derived)  there  was  a  single  work,  bearing  the  title  of 
a  Gospel,  which  as  a  history  of  Chrisfs  ministry  came  into 
competition  with  our  present  four  Gospels,  or  which  took 
the  place  among  Christians  which  our  Gospels  certainly  held 
in  the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century.  Much  confusion 
has  arisen  from  the  fact  that  the  term  **  Gospel "  was  in 
ancient  times  applied  to  speculative  works  which  gave  the 
writer's  view  of  the  Gospel,  i.e.^  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  or 
among  the  Gnostics,  which  set  forth  their  ^^j^;  e.g.^  among 
the  followers  of  Basilides,  Hippolytus  tells  us,  "  the  Gospel " 
is  V  Tdv  vTrepKoofiiuv  ^-vtMji^,  "  the  knowledge  of  supermundane 
things*'  {Ref.  Hcer.  vii.  27).  Again,  the  apocryphal  Gos- 
pels of  the  Nativity  and  the  Infancy,  or  such  works  as  the 
so-called  Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  describing  the  descent  of 
Christ  into  Hades,  have  given  popular  currency  to  the  idea 
that  there  were  floating  about  in  the  middle  of  the  second 
century  a  great  number  of  Gospels,  rival  histories  of  Christ's 
ministry;  which  these  apocryphal  Gospels,  however,  are  not 
and  do  not  pretend  to  be.  Other  sources  of  confusion,  as 
the  blunders  of  writers  like  Epiphanius,  I  pass  over.  To 
enter  into  a  discussion  and  elucidation  of  this  subject  here 
is  of  course  impossible :  I  will  only  recommend  the  read- 
ing of  Mr.  Norton's  full  examination  of  it  in  the  third  vol- 
ume of  his  Genuineness  of  the  Gospels,  which  needs,  to  be 
sure,  a  little  supplementing,  but  the  main  positions  of 
which  I  believe  to  be  impregnable. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  19 

Resting  on  these  untenable  assumptions,  the  author  of 
Supernatural  Religion  subjects  this  early  fragmentary  litera- 
ture to  a  minute  examination,  and  explains  away  what  seem 
to  be  quotations  from  or  references  to  our  present  Gospels 
in  these  different  works  as  borrowed  from  some  of  the  multi- 
tudinous Gospels  which  he  assumes  to  have  been  current 
among  the  early  Christians,  especially  if  these  quotations 
and  references  do  not  present  a  perfect  verbal  correspond- 
ence with  our  present  Gospels,  as  is  the  case  with  the  great 
majority  of  them.  Even  if  the  correspondence  is  verbally 
exact,  this  proves  nothing,  in  his  view ;  for  the  quotations  of 
the  words  of  Jesus  might  be  borrowed  from  other  current 
Gospels  which  resembled  ours  as  much  as  Matthew,  Mark, 
and  Luke  resemble  each  other.  But,  if  the  verbal  agreement 
is  not  exact,  we  have  in  his  judgment  a  strong  proof  that  the 
quotations  are  derived  from  some  apocryphal  book.  So  he 
comes  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  no  certain  trace  of  the 
existence  of  our  present  Gospels  for  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Christ ;  />.,  we  will  say,  till  about 
A.D.  180. 

But  here  a  question  naturally  arises :  How  is  it,  if  no  trace 
of  their  existence  is  previously  discoverable,  that  our  four 
Gospels  are  suddenly  found  toward  the  end  of  the  second 
century  to  be  received  as  sacred  books  throughout  the  whole 
Christian  world }  His  reply  is,  "  It  is  totally  unnecessary  for 
me  to  account  for  this/'*  He  stops  his  investigation  of  the 
subject  just  at  the  point  where  we  have  solid  facts,  not  con- 
jectures, to  build  upon.  When  he  comes  out  of  the  twilight 
into  the  full  blaze  of  day,  he  shuts  his  eyes,  and  refuses  to 
see  anything.  Such  a  procedure  cannot  be  satisfactory  to  a 
sincere  inquirer  after  the  truth.  The  fallacy  of  this  mode  of 
reasoning  is  so  well  illustrated  by  Mr.  Norton,  that  I  must 
quote  a  few  sentences.     He  says :  — 

About  the  end  of  the  second  century  the  Gospels  were  reverenced  as 
sacred  books  by  a  community  dispersed  over  the  world,  composed  of 
men  of  different  nations  and  languages.  There  were,  to  say  the  least, 
sixty  thousand  copies  of  them  in  existence ;  f  they  were  read  in  the 

^Sm^rnrntwrtd  Rtligwn,  6th  edition  (1875),  and  7th  edition  (1879X  vol.  i.  p.  ix.   (Preface.) 
tS«e  Norton's  Ggmtm4ntt$  ^tht  Gos^ls,  ad  ed.,  i.  45-54* 


20  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

churches  of  Christians ;  they  were  continually  quoted,  and  appealed  to, 
as  of  the  highest  authority ;  their  reputation  was  as  well  established 
among  believers  from  one  end  of  the  Christian  community  to  the  other, 
as  it  is  at  the  present  day  among  Christians  in  any  country.  But  it  is 
asserted  that  before  that  period  we  find  no  trace  of  their  existence ;  and 
it  is,  therefore,  inferred  that  they  were  not  in  common  use,  and  but  little 
known,  even  if  extant  in  their  present  form.  This  reasoning  is  of  the 
same  kind  as  if  one  were  to  say  that  the  first  mention  of  £g3rptian 
Thebes  is  in  the  time  of  Homer.  He,  indeed,  describes  it  as  a  city 
which  poured  a  hundred  armies  from  its  hundred  gates ;  but  his  is  the 
first  mention  of  it,  and  therefore  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that, 
before  his  time,  it  was  a  place  of  any  considerable  note.* 

As  regards  the  general  reception  of  the  four  Gospels  in 
the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century,  however,  a  slight 
qualification  is  to  be  made.  Some  time  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  second  century,  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospel  of  John 
was  denied  by  a  few  eccentric  individuals  (we  have  no 
ground  for  supposing  that  they  formed  a  sect),  whom  Epiph- 
anius  {Hmr,  li.,  comp.  liv.)  calls  Alogi  ('AP^yo/),  a  nickname 
which  has  the  double  meaning  of  "  deniers  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  Logos,"  and  "men  without  reason.'*  They  are  probably 
the  same  persons  as  those  of  whom  Irenaeus  speaks  in  one 
passage  {Hcer,  iii.  ii.  §  9),  but  to  whom  he  gives  no  name. 
But  the  fact  that  their  difficulty  with  the  Gospel  was  a 
doctrinal  one,  and  that  they  appealed  to  no  tradition  in  favor 
of  their  view ;  that  they  denied  the  Johannean  authorship  of 
the  Apocalypse  likewise,  and  absurdly  ascribed  both  books 
to  Cerinthus,  who,  unless  all  our  information  about  him  is 
false,  could  not  possibly  have  written  the  Fourth  Gospel, 
shows  that  they  were  persons  of  no  critical  judgment.  Zeller 
admits  {Theol.  yahrb,  1845,  P-  645)  that  their  opposition  does 
not  prove  that  the  Gospel  was  not  generally  regarded  in 
their  time  as  of  Apostolic  origin.  The  fact  that  they 
ascribed  the  Fourth  Gospel  to  Cerinthus,  a  heretic  of  the 
first  century,  contemporary  with  the  Apostle  John,  shows 
that  they  could  not  pretend  that  this  Gospel  was  a  recent 
work. 

Further,  while  the   Gnostics   generally  agreed  with   the 

*  EvitUneti  c/tht  Gtnninenets  iiftht  Gos/elst  uscond  edition,  vol.  i.  pp.  195,  1961 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  21 

Catholic  Christians  in  receiving  the  four  Gospels,  and  espe- 
cially the  Gospel  of  John,  which  the  Valentinians,  as  Irenaeus 
tells  us,  used  plenissinte  {Hcer,  iii.  ii.  §  7),  the  Marcionites 
are  an  exception.  They  did  not,  however,  question  the 
genuineness  of  the  Gospels,  but  regarded  their  authors  as 
under  the  influence  of  Jewish  prejudices.  Marcion  therefore 
rejected  all  but  Luke,  the  Pauline  Gospel,  and  cut  out  from 
this  whatever  he  deemed  objectionable.  We  may  note  here, 
incidentally,  that  the  author  of  Supernatural  Religion^  in  the 
first  six  editions  of  his  work,  contended,  in  opposition  to  the 
strongest  evidence,  that  Marcion's  Gospel,  instead  of  being, 
as  all  ancient  testimony  represents  it,  a  mutilated  Luke,  was 
the  earlier,  original  Gospel,  of  which  Luke's  was  a  later 
amplification.  This  theory  was  started  by  Semler,  that 
varium,  mutabile  et  mirabile  capitulum,  as  he  is  called  by  a 
German  writer  (Matthaei,  N.  T,  Gr,,  i.  687) ;  and  after  having 
been  adopted  by  Eichhom  and  many  German  critics  was  so 
thoroughly  refuted  by  Hilgenfeld  in  1850,  and  especially  by 
Volkmar  in  1852,  that  it  was  abandoned  by  the  most  eminent 
of  its  former  supporters,  as  Ritschl,  Zeller,  and  partially  by 
Baur.  But  individuals  differ  widely  in  their  power  of  resist- 
ing evidence  opposed  to  their  prejudices,  and  the  author  of 
Supernatural  Religion  has  few  equals  in  this  capacity.  We 
may  therefore  feel  that  something  in  these  interminable 
discussions  is  settled,  when  we  note  the  fact  that  he  has  at 
last  surrendered.  His  conversion  is  due  to  Dr.  Sanday,  who 
in  an  article  in  the  Fortnightly  Review  (June,  1875,  P-  SSS»  ff-)> 
reproduced  in  substance  in  his  work  on  The  Gospels  in  the 
Second  Century ^  introduced  the  linguistic  argument,  showing 
that  the  very  numerous  and  remarkable  peculiarities  of  lan- 
guage and  style  which  characterize  the  parts  of  Luke  which 
Marcion  retained  are  found  so  fully  and  completely  in  those 
which  he  rejected  as  to  render  diversity  of  authorship  utterly 
incredible. 

But  to  return  to  our  first  point, —  the  unquestioned  recep- 
tion of  our  present  Gospels  throughout  the  Christian  world 
in  the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century,  and  that,  I  add, 
without  the  least  trace  of  any  previous  controversy  on  the 


22  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

subject,  with  the  insignificant  exception  of  the  Alogi  whom  I 
have  mentioned.  This  fact  has  a  most  important  bearing  on 
the  next  question  in  order ;  namely,  whether  the  Apostolical 
Memoirs  to  which  Justin  Martyr  appeals  about  the  middle  of 
the  second  century  were  or  were  not  our  four  Gospels.  To 
discuss  this  question  fully  would  require  a  volume.  All  that 
I  propose  now  is  to  place  the  subject  in  the  light  of  acknowl- 
edged facts,  and  to  illustrate  the  falsity  of  the  premises  from 
which  the  author  of  Supernatural  Religion  reasons. 

II.  The  writings  of  Justin  consist  of  two  Apologies  or 
Defences  of  Christians  and  Christianity  addressed  to  the 
Roman  Emperor  and  Senate,  the  first  written  most  probably 
about  the  year  146  or  147  (though  many  place  it  in  the 
year  138),*  and  a  Dialogue  in  defence  of  Christianity  with 
Trypho  the  Jew,  written  somewhat  later  {Dial,  c.  120,  comp. 
ApoL  i.  c.  26).t 

In  these  writings,  addressed,  it  is  to  be  observed,  to  unbe- 
lievers, he  quotes,  not  in  proof  of  doctrines,  but  as  authority 
for  his  account  of  the  teaching  of  Christ  and  the  facts  in  his 
life,  certain  works  of  which  he  commonly  speaks  as  the 
"Memoirs*'  or  "Memorabilia"  of  Christ,  using  the  Greek 
word,  *A7rofjLVTffwv£VfiaTa,  with  which  we  are  familiar  as  the  desig- 
nation of  the  Memorabilia  of  Socrates  by  Xenophon.  Of 
these  books  he  commonly  speaks  as  the  "  Memoirs  \>y  the 
Apostles,"  using  this  expression  eight  times  ;  J  four  times  he 
calls  them  "  the  Memoirs  '*  simply ;  ||  once,  "  Memoirs  made  by 
the  Apostles  which  are  called  Gospels  '*  (Apol  i.  66) ;  once, 
when  he  cites  a  passage  apparently  from  the  Gospel  of  Luke, 
"  Memoirs  composed  by  the  Apostles  of  Christ  and  their 
companions,"  —  literally,  "those  who  followed  with  them" 
(Dial  c.  103) ;  once  again  {Dial  c.  106),  when  he  speaks  of  our 
Saviour  as  changing  the  name  of  Peter,  and  of  his  giving  to 
James  and  John  the  name  Boanerges,  a  fact  only  mentioned 

•So  Waddington,  Affm.  dt  PAcad.  da  inscr.  tt  beUet-Uttrts,  t.  xxvi.,pt.  i.,  p.  264(7.; 
Hamack  in  Th^ol.  Literatu^zeitMng^  1876,  col.  14,  andCaspari,  as  there  referred  lu;  [Light- 
foot,  Apottolic  Father  St  pt.  ii.,  vol.  i.  p.  46a]. 

tSce  Engelhardt,  Das  Christenthum  yustim  des  Afdrtyrers  (1878),  p.  71  ff. ;  Renan, 
L'Eglise  ckritunnt  (1879),  p.  367,  n.  4. 

XApol.  i.  67;  Died.  cc.  103,  loi,  102,  103,  104,  106  bis:  ra  anofivi^iJxyvevfAaTa  tChv  ano' 
aT6hjv  (rcjy  arrtHjr.  a vrov ,  «c.  Xjjiorov,  5  times). 

H  DiaL  cc.  los  ieTf  Z07. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  2$ 

SO  far  as  we  know  in  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  he  designates  as 
his  authority  "  Peter's  Memoirs,"  which,  supposing  him  to 
have  used  our  Gospels,  is  readily  explained  by  the  fact  that 
Peter  was  regarded  by  the  ancients  as  furnishing  the  mate- 
rials for  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  his  travelling  companion  and 
interpreter.*  Once  more,  Justin  speaks  in  the  plural  of 
"those  who  have  written  Memoirs  {ol  airofivTffioveijaavTeg)  of  all 
things  concerning  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  whom  (ok)  we 
believe  "  {Apol,  i.  33) ;  and,  again,  "  the  Apostles  wrote  " 
so  and  so,  referring  to  an  incident  mentioned  in  all  four  of 
the  Gospels  {Dial,  c.  ^^), 

But  the  most  important  fact  mentioned  in  Justin's  writings 
respecting  these  Memoirs,  which  he  describes  as  "  composed 
by  Apostles  of  Christ  and  their  companions,"  appears  in  his 
account  of  Christian  worship,  in  the  sixty-seventh  chapter  of 
his  First  Apology.  "  On  the  day  called  Sunday,"  he  says, 
"  all  who  live  in  cities  or  in  the  country  gather  together  to 
one  place,  and  the  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  or  the  writings 
of  the  Prophets  are  read,  as  long  as  time  permits.  When  the 
reader  has  finished,  the  president  admonishes  and  exhorts  to 
the  imitation  of  these  good  things."  It  appears,  then,  that, 
at  the  time  when  he  wrote,  these  books,  whatever  they  were, 
on  which  he  relied  for  his  knowledge  of  Christ's  teaching 
and  life,  were  held  in  at  least  as  high  reverence  as  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Prophets,  were  read  in  the  churches  just  as  our 
Gospels  were  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  second  century,  and 
formed  the  basis  of  the  hortatory  discourse  that  followed. 
The  writings  of  the  Prophets  might  alternate  with  them  in 
this  use ;  but  Justin  mentions  the  Memoirs  first. 

These  "Memoirs,"  then,  were  well-known   books,  distin- 

*  I  adopt  with  most  scholars  {versus  Semisch  and  Grimm)  the  construction  which  refers  the 
avTov  in  this  passage  not  to  Christ,  but  to  Peter,  in  accordance  with  the  use  of  the  genitive  after 
aTOfiv/fUOvevfiara  everywhere  else  in  Justin.  (See  a  note  on  the  question  in  the  ChrisiiaH 
Exasmsner  lor  July,  1854,  Ivi.  laS  f.)  For  the  statement  in  the  text,  see  Tertullian,  Adv.  Marc. 
IT.  5. :  Licet  et  Marcus  quod  edidit[evangelium]  Petri  affirmetur,cujusinterpres  Marcus.  Jerome, 
De  Vir.  ill.  c.  i. :  Sed  et  Evangelium  juxta  Marcum,  qui  auditor  ejus  [sc.  Petri]  et  interpres  fuit, 
hQJus  didtur.  Comp.  ibid,  c.  8,  and  Ep.  120  (al.  150)  ad  Hedib.  c  11.  See  also  Papias,  ap. 
Euaeb.  Hist.  EccL  ilL  39;  Ireueus,  Hatr.  iii.  i,  §  z  (ap.  Euseb.  v.  8);  10,  $6;  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria ap.  Euaeb.  iL  15 ;  vL  14;  Origen  ap.  Euseb.  vi.  25;  and  the  striking  passage  of  Eusebiua^ 
JDlMS.  Ev€tmg.  iiL  3,  pp.  laod-iaa*,  quoted  by  Lardner,  IV^rks  iv.  91  ff.  (Lood.  1809). 


24  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

guished  from  others  as  the  authoritative  source  of  instruc- 
tion concerning  the  doctrine  and  life  of  Christ. 

There  is  one  other  coincidence  between  the  language 
which  Justin  uses  in  describing  these  books  and  that  which 
we  find  in  the  generation  following.  The  four  Gospels  as  a 
collection  might  indifferently  be  called,  and  were  indifferently 
cited  as,  "  the  Gospels  "  or  **  the  Gospel."  We  find  this  use  of 
the  expression  "  the  Gospel "  in  Theophilus  of  Antioch, 
Irenaeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Hippolytus,  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions,  Tertullian,  and  later  writers  gen- 
erally.* Now  Justin  represents  Trypho  as  saying,  "I  know 
that  your  precepts  in  what  is  called  the  Gospel  {h  r^  Xeyofihifi 
eifayyeXiif))  are  SO  wonderful  and  great  as  to  cause  a  suspicion 
that  no  one  may  be  able  to  observe  them."  {Dial  c.  lo.)  In 
another  place,  he  quotes,  apparently.  Matt.  xi.  27  (comp. 
Luke  X.  22)  as  being  "written  in  the  Gospel."t  No  plausi- 
ble explanation  can  be  given  of  this  language  except  that 
which  recognizes  in  it  the  same  usage  that  we  constantly 
find  in  later  Christian  writers.  The  books  which  in  one 
place  Justin  calls  "Gospels,"  books  composed  by  Apostles 
and  their  companions,  were  in  reference  to  what  gave  them 
their  distinctive  value  one.  They  were  the  record  of  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  in  different  forms.  No  one  of  our  present 
Gospels,  if  these  were  in  circulation  in  the  time  of  Justin^ 
and  certainly  no  one  of  that  great  number  of  Gospels  which 

*Sec  Justin  or  Pseudo- Justin,  De  Res.c  lo. —  Ignat.  or  Pseudo-Ignat.  Ad  PhUad.  cc  5» 
8;  Smyrn.  cc.  5(?),  7. —  Pscudo-CIem.  2  E^.  ad  Cor.  c.  8. —  Theophil.  iii.  14. —  Iren.  Hitr. 
i.  7.  §4;  8.  §4;  20.  §2;  27.  %%.  ii.  22.  §5;  26.  §2.  iii.  5.  §1;  9.  §2;  10.  §§2,  6;  11.  §§8 
{TeTf}dfiop(l>ov  ru  £vayyi?uov),9 »  »6.  §  5.  iv. 20.  $§6,  9 ;  3a.  §  » ;  34-  §  i.— Clem.  Al.  Pad.  i.  c. 
5,  pp.  104,  105,  ^ii  ed.  Potter;  c.  9,  pp.  i43i  US  ^u,  148.  ii.  i,  p.  169;  c.  10,  p.  235;  c.  12,  p. 
246.  Strom,  ii.  16,  p.  467.  iii.  6,  p.  537;  c.  11,  p.  544.  iv.  i,  p.  564;  c.  4,  p.  5^0.  v.  5,  p.  664. 
▼L  6,  p.  764;  c.  II,  p.  7S4  6is;  c.  14,  p.  797.  vii.3,p.836.  Eel.  proph.  cc.  50,  57. —  Origen,  Cont. 
CoU.  i.  51.  ii.  13.  a4,  27.  34,  36,  37»  61,  63  (Opp.  I.  367,  398,  409,  411,  415,  416  bis,  433,  434  ed. 
Delarue).  In  Joan.  torn.  i.  §§4,  $.  v.  §4.  (Opp.  IV.  4,  98.)  Pseudo-Orig.  Dial,  de  recta 
in  Deum,  ^de,  sect,  i  (Opp.  I.  807). —  Hippol.  No'it.  c.  6.— Const.  Ap.  i.  1,  2  bis,  5,  6.  ii.  1  bis^ 
5  bis,t  bist  8,  13,  16,  17,  35,39.  iii.  7.  v.  14.  vi.  23  bis,  28.  vii.  24.  — Tertull.  Cast.  c.  4.  Pudie.  c. 
2.  Adv.  Marc.  iv.  7.  Hermog.c.  20.  Resurr.  c  27.  Projc.  cc.  20,21. —  Plural.,  Muratorian 
Canon(alsothe8ing.).— Theophilus,  ..4 </.«4 «/<?/.  iii.  12,  ra  rfov  TrfX)0ijT(Jv  Kai  ruv  eva}ye?uuv. 
—  Qem.  Al.  Strom,  iv.  6.  p.  582.  HippoL  Re/i  Har.  vii.  38,  p.  259,  ra»v  6k  evayy€?Jcjv  y  rait 
aTToardTiOV,  and  later  writers  everywhere. —  Piurai  used  where  the  passage  quoted  is  found  in  only 
Ofu  ol  the  Gospels,  Basilides  ap.  Hippol.  Re/.  Har.  vii.  22,  27. —  Const.  Ap.  ii.  53. —  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  Procat.  c.  3;  Cat.  ii.  4;  x.  i;  xvi.  16. —  Theodoret,  Qtuest.  in  Nuvt.  c.  xix.  q.  35^ 
Migne  Ixxx.  385;    In  Ps.  xlv.  16,  M.  Ixxx.  1197;    In  i  Thess.  v.  15,  M.  Ixxxii.  649,  and  so  often. 

t  On  this  important  passage  see  Note  A  at  the  end  of  this  es.viy. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH  GOSPEL  25 

the  writer  of  Supernatural  Religion  imagines  to  have  been 
current  at  that  period,  could  have  been  so  distinguished  from 
the  rest  as  to  be  called  "  the  Gospel" 

It  has  been  maintained  by  the  author  of  Supernatural  Re- 
ligion and  others  that  Justin's  description  of  the  Gospels  as 
"  Memoirs  composed  by  the  Apostles  and  those  who  followed 
with  them  "  (to  render  the  Greek  verbally)  cannot  apply  to 
works  composed  by  two  Apostles  and  two  companions  of 
Apostles  :  "  the  Apostles  "  must  mean  all  the  Apostles,  "  the 
collective  body  of  the  Apostles."  (5.  R,  i.  291.)  Well,  if  it 
must,  then  the  connected  expression,  "those  that  followed 
with  them"  (rov  kiuivoiq  napaKo?jovdTf<jdvTuv),  whcrc  the  definite 
article  is  used  in  just  the  same  way  in  Greek,  must  mean  "all 
those  that  followed  with  them."  We  have,  then,  a  truly  mar- 
vellous book,  if  we  take  the  view  of  Supernatural  Religion 
that  the  *'  Memoirs  "  of  Justin  was  a  single  work  ;  a  Gospel, 
namely,  composed  by  "  the  collective  body  of  the  Apostles  " 
and  the  collective  body  of  those  who  accompanied  them.  If 
the  "  Memoirs  "  consist  of  several  different  books  thus  com- 
posed, the  marvel  is  not  lessened.  Now  Justin  is  not  respon- 
sible for  this  absurdity.  The  simple  fact  is  that  the  definite 
article  in  Greek  in  this  case  distinguishes  the  two  classes  to 
which  the  writers  of  the  Gospels  belonged.* 

To  state  in  full  detail  and  with  precision  all  the  features  of 
the  problem  presented  by  Justin's  quotations,  and  his  refer- 
ences to  facts  in  the  life  of  Christ,  is  here,  of  course,  impos- 
sible.    But  what  is  the  obvious  aspect  of  the  case  ? 

It  will  not  be  disputed  that  there  is  a  very  close  cor- 
respondence between  the  history  of  Christ  sketched  by 
Justin,  embracing  numerous  details,  and  that  found  in  our 
Gospels :  the  few  statements  not  authorized  by  them,  such 
as  that  Christ  was  born  in  a  cave,  that  the  Magi  came  from 
Arabia,  that  Christ  as  a  carpenter  made  ploughs  and  yokes, 

*For  iUastntions  of  this  nte  of  the  article,  see  Norton's  EvuUnces  of  ih*  Gtnmtumuof 
tkg  G^^tbt  ist  ed.  (1837),  vol.  i.  p.  190,  note.  Comp.  z  Thess.  ii.  14  and  Jude  17,  where  it  woald 
be  idl«  to  RqipoM  that  the  writer  means  that  eUl  the  Apostles  had  given  the  particular  warning 
referred  ta  See  also  Origen,  C^mt.  CtU,  i.  51,  p.  367,  fiera  rrjv  avayeypafifiivrfv  kv  Toic 
evayyeXiotf  vtrb  r « v  'Irjavif  fjuiBr^Cnf  iaropiav ;   and  ii  ij,  irapan}.i^ta  Toi^  imb  top 

fia&^uv  Tov  *lffaov  ypa^lmv.  Add  CotU.  Cels.  ii.  16  init.  See,  furthei  Note  B  at  the  end 
ot  tme  eseajr. 


26  .  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

present  little  or  no  objection  to  the  supposition  that  they 
were  his  main  authority.  These  details  may  be  easily  ex- 
plained as  founded  on  oral  tradition,  or  as  examples  of  that 
substitution  of  inferences  from  facts  for  the  facts  themselves, 
which  we  find  in  so  many  ancient  and  modern  writers,  and 
observe  in  every-day  life.*  Again,  there  is  a  substantial  cor- 
respondence between  the  teaching  of  Christ  as  reported  by 
Justin  and  that  found  in  the  Gospels.  Only  one  or  two 
sayings  are  ascribed  to  Christ  by  Justin  which  are  not  con- 
tained in  the  Gospels,  and  these  may  naturally  be  referred, 
like  others  which  we  find  in  writers  who  received  our  four 
Gospels  as  alone  authoritative,  to  oral  tradition,  or  may  have 
been  taken  from  some  writing  or  writings  now  lost  which 
contained  such  traditions.!  That  Justin  actually  used  all 
our  present  Gospels  is  admitted  by  Hilgenfeld  and  Keim. 
But  that  they  were  not  his  main  authority  is  argued  chiefly 
from  the  want  of  exact  verbal  correspondence  between  his 
citations  of  the  words  of  Christ  and  the  language  of  our 
Gospels,  where  the  meaning  is  essentially  the  same.  The 
untenableness  of  this  argument  has  been  demonstrated,  I 
conceive,  by  Norton,  Semisch,  Westcott,  and  Sanday,  versus 
Hilgenfeld  and  Supeniatural  Religion,  Its  weakness  is  illus- 
trated in  a  Note  at  the  end  of  this  essay,  and  will  be  further 
illustrated  presently  by  the  full  discussion  of  a  passage  of 
special  interest  and  importance.     Justin  nowhere  expressly 

*  Several  of  Justin's  additions  in  the  way  of  detail  seem  to  have  proceeded  from  his  assum^ 
tioH  of  the  fulfilment  of  Old  Testament  prophecies,  or  what  he  regarded  as  such.  See  Semisch, 
DU  apost.  Denk^vxirdigkeiteH  des  MUrtyrers  Justinu$  (1S48),  p.  377  ff. ;  Volkmar,  Der 
Ursprung  ututrer  Evangelien  (1866),  p.  124  f . ;  Westcott,  Canon  0/  tJie  N.  7".,  p.  16a,  4th  ed. 
(187s),  and  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott,  art.  Go$peU  in  the  ninth  ed.  of  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  (p.  817), 
who  remarks:  "  Justin  never  quotes  any  rival  Gospel,  nor  alleges  any  words  or  facts  which  make 
It  probable  he  used  a  rival  Gospel ;  such  non-canonical  sayings  and  facts  as  he  mentions  are 
readily  explicable  as  the  results  of  lapse  of  memory,  general  looseness  and  inaccuracy,  extending 
to  the  use  of  the  Old  as  well  as  the  New  Testament,  and  the  desire  to  adapt  the  facts  of  the  New 
Scriptures  to  the  prophecies  of  the  Old."    (p.  818). 

t  See  Westcott,  "On  the  Apocryphal  Traditions  of  the  Lord's  Words  and  Works,"  appended 
to  his  Inirod.  to  tJit  Study  of  tke  Gospth^  5th  ed.  (1875),  pp.  453-461,  and  the  little  volume  of 
J.  T.  Dodd,  Sayin^x  ascribed  to  our  Lord  by  tfu  Father s^^xc^  Oxford,  1874.  Compare  Norton, 
Genuineness  o/ihe  Gospels^  2d  ed. ,  i.  2  ao  ff.  The  stress  which  the  author  of  Supernatural Religian 
lays  on  the  word  iravra  in  the  passage  {Apol.  i  33)  where  Justin  speaks  of  "those  who  have 
written  memoirs  of  all  things  concerning  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ "  shows  an  extraordinary 
<iisregard  of  the  common  use  of  such  expressions.  It  is  enough  to  compare,  as  Westcott  does, 
Acts  i.  I.  For  illustrations  from  Justin  {Apol.  ii.  6;  i.  45 ;  Dial.  cc.  44,  lai)  see  Semisch,  Di§ 
e^it.  DenkwikrdigkeiUn  u.  s.  w.,  p.  404  f. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  2J 

quotes  the  "Memoirs"  for  anything  which  is  not  substan- 
tially found  in  our  Gospels;  and  there  is  nothing  in  his 
deviations  from  exact  correspondence  with  them,  as  regards 
matters  of  fact,  or  the  report  of  the  words  of  Christ,  which 
may  not  be  abundantly  paralleled  in  the  writings  of  the 
Christian  Fathers  who  used  our  four  Gospels  as  alone 
authoritative. 

With  this  view  of  the  state  of  the  case,  and  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  books  used  and  described  by  Justin  though 
without  naming  their  authors,  let  us  now  consider  the 
bearing  of  the  indisputable  fact  (with  which  the  author  of 
Supernatural  Religion  thinks  he  has  no  concern)  of  the  gen- 
eral reception  of  our  four  Gospels  as  genuine  in  the  last 
quarter  of  the  second  century.  As  I  cannot  state  the  argu- 
ment more  clearly  or  more  forcibly  than  it  has  been  done  by 
Mr.  Norton,  I  borrow  his  language.     Mr.  Norton  says  :  — 

The  manner  in  which  Justin  speaks  of  the  character  and  authority 
of  the  books  to  which  he  appeals,  of  their  reception  among  Christians, 
and  of  the  use  which  was  made  of  them,  proves  these  books  to  have 
been  the  Gospels.  They  carried  with  them  the  authority  of  the  Apostles. 
They  were  those  writings  from  which  he  and  other  Christians  derived 
their  knowledge  of  the  history  and  doctrines  of  Christ  They  were  relied 
upon  by  him  as  primary  and  decisive  evidence  in  his  explanations  of  the 
character  of  Christianity.  They  were  regarded  as  sacred  books.  They 
were  read  in  the  assemblies  of  Christians  on  the  Lord's  day,  in  connection 
with  the  Prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  Let  us  now  consider  the 
manner  in  which  the  Gospels  were  regarded  by  the  contemporaries  of 
Justin.  Irenaeus  was  in  the  vigor  of  life  before  Justin's  death ;  and  the 
same  was  true  of  very  many  thousands  of  Christians  living  when  Irenaeus 
wrote.  But  he  tells  us  that  the  four  Gospels  are  the  four  p  liars  of  the 
Church,  the  foundation  of  Christian  faith,  written  by  those  who  had  first 
orally  preached  the  Gospel,  by  two  Apostles  and  two  companions  of 
Apostles.  It  is  incredible  that  Irenxus  and  Justin  should  have  spoken 
of  difEerent  books.  We  cannot  suppose  that  writings,  such  as  the 
Memoirs  of  which  Justin  speaks,  believed  to  be  the  works  of  Apostles 
and  companions  of  Apostles,  read  in  Christian  Churches,  and  received 
a<  sacred  books,  of  the  highest  authority,  should,  immediately  after  he 
wrote,  have  fallen  into  neglect  and  oblivion,  and  been  superseded  by 
another  set  of  books.  The  strong  sentiment  of  their  value  could  not  so 
silently,  and  so  unaccountably,  have  changed  into  entire  disregard,  and 
have  been  transferred  to  other  writings.  The  copies  of  them  spread 
over  the  world  could  not  so  suddenly  and  mysteriously  have  disappeared. 


28  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

that  no  subsequent  trace  of  their  existence  should  be  clearly  discoverable. 
When,  there- fore,  we  find  Irenaeus,  the  contemporary  of  Justin,  ascribing 
to  the  four  Gospels  the  same  character,  the  same  authority,  and  the  same 
authors,  as  are  ascribed  by  Justin  to  the  Memoirs  quoted  by  him,  which 
were  called  Gospels,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Memoirs 
of  Justin  were  the  Gospels  of  Irenxus.* 

It  may  be  objected  to  Mr.  Norton's  argument,  that  **many 
writings  which  have  been  excluded  from  the  canon  were 
publicly  read  in  the  churches,  until  very  long  after  Justin's 
day."  {S,R,  i.  294.)  The  author  of  Supernatural  Religion 
mentions  particularly  the  Epistle  of  the  Roman  Clement  to 
the  Corinthians,  the  Epistle  of  Soter,  the  Bishop  of  Rome, 
to  the  Corinthians,  the  "  Pastor  "  or  "  Shepherd  "  of  Hermas, 
and  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter.  To  these  may  be  added  the 
Epistle  ascribed  to  Barnabas. 

To  give  the  objection  any  force,  the  argument  must  run 
thus:  The  writings  above  named  were  at  one  time  gener- 
ally regarded  by  Christians  as  sacred  books,  of  the  highest 
authority  and  importance,  and  placed  at  least  on  a  level  with 
the  writings  of  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament.  They 
were  afterwards  excluded  from  the  canon:  therefore  a  similar 
change  might  take  place  among  Christians  in  their  estimate 
of  the  writings  which  Justin  has  described  under  the  name 
of  "Memoirs  by  the  Apostles."  In  the  course  of  thirty 
years,  a  different  set  of  books  might  silently  supersede  them 
in  the  whole  Christian  world. 

The  premises  are  false.  There  is  no  proof  that  any  one 
of  these  writings  was  ever  regarded  as  possessing  the  same 
authority  and  value  as  Justin's  "  Memoirs,"  or  anything  like 
it.  From  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  books  received  as  au- 
thentic records  of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ  must  have 
had  an  importance  which  could  belong  to  no  others.  On 
the  character  of  the  teaching  and  the  facts  of  the  life  of 
Christ  as  recorded  in  the  **  Memoirs,"  Justin's  whole  argu- 
ment rests.  Whether  he  regarded  the  Apostolic  writings 
as  "  inspired  "  or  not,  he  unquestionably  regarded  Christ  as 
inspired,  or  rather  as  the  divine,  inspiring  Logos  {Apol,  i. 

*  Evideneet  of  th4  Gtmmmtntts  of  tht  Got^h^  ad  ed. ,  vol.  i.  pp.  237-239. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  29 

33»  36;  ii.  10) ;  and  his  teaching  as  "the  new  law/'  universal, 
everlasting,  which  superseded  "the  old  covenant."  (See 
DiaL  cc.  II,  12,  etc.)  The  books  that  contained  this  were  to 
the  Christians  of  Justin's  time  the  very  foundation  of  their 
faith. 

As  to  the  works  mentioned  by  Supernatural  Religion,  not 
only  is  there  no  evidence  that  any  one  of  them  ever  held  a 
place  in  the  Christian  Church  to  be  compared  for  a  moment 
with  that  of  the  Gospels,  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  to 
the  contrary.  They  were  read  in  some  churches  for  a  time 
as  edifying  books, —  the  Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  "in 
very  many  churches  '*  according  to  Eusebius  (Hist,  Eccl,  iii. 
16),* — and  a  part  of  them  were  regarded  by  a  few  Chris- 
tian  writers  as  having  apostolic  or  semi-apostolic  authority, 
or  as  divinely  inspired.  One  of  the  most  definite  statements 
about  them  is  that  of  Dionysius  of  Corinth  (fir,  a.d.  175-180), 
who,  in  a  letter  to  the  church  at  Rome  (Euseb.  Hist,  Eccl, 
iv.  23),  tells  us  that  the  Epistle  of  Soter  (d.  176?)  to  the 
Christians  at  Corinth  was  read  in  their  church  for  edification 
or  "admonition"  (yox/dtrtioBai  is  the  word  used)  on  a  certain 
Sunday,  and  would  continue  to  be  so  read  from  time  to  time, 
as  the  Epistle  of  Clement  had  been.  This  shows  how  far  the 
occasional  public  reading  of  such  a  writing  in  the  church 
was  from  implying  its  canonical  authority.  —  Clement  of 
Alexandria  repeatedly  quotes  the  Epistle  ascribed  to  Barna- 
bas as  the  work  of  "  Barnabas  the  Apostle,"  but  criticises 
and  condemns  one  of  his  interpretations  {Strom,  ii.  15, 
p.  464),  and  in  another  place,  as  Mr.  Norton  remarks,  rejects 
a  fiction  found  in  the  work  {Peed,  ii.  10,  p.  220,  £f.). —  "The 
Shepherd"  of  Hermas  in  lis  form  claims  to  be  a  divine 
vision;  its  allegorical  character  suited  the  taste  of  many; 
and  the  Muratorian  Canon  {cir,  a.d.  170)  says  that  it  ought 
to  be  read  in  the  churches,  but  not  as  belonging  to  the  writ- 
ings of  the  prophets  or  apostles.  (See  Credncr,  Gcsch,  d. 
neutest,  Kanon^  p.  165.)  This  was  the  general  view  of  those 
who  did  not  reject  it  as  altogether  apocryphal.  It  appears  in 
the  Sinaitic  MS.  as  an  appendix  to  the  New  Testament. — The 
Apocalypse   of   Peter  appears  to   have  imposed  upon  some 

*Comp.  esp.  Lightfoot,  CUmeut  of  Romt^  p.  a  73  ff. 


30  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

as  the  work  of  the  Apostle.  The  Muratorian  Canon  says, 
"  Some  among  us  are  unwilling  that  it  should  be  read  in  the 
church."  It  seems  to  have  been  received  as  genuine  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  {Ed,  proph,  cc.  41,  48,  49)  and  Meth- 
odius {Conv.  ii.  6).  Besides  these,  the  principal  writers  who 
speak  of  it  are  Eusebius  {Hist.  EccL  iii.  3.  §2;  25.  §4;  vi. 
14.  §  i),  who  rejects  it  as  uncanonical  or  spurious,  Jerome 
{De  Vir.  ill,  c.  i),  who  puts  it  among  apocryphal  writings, 
and  Sozomen  {Hist.  Reel,  vii.  19),  who  mentions  that,  though 
rejected  by  the  ancients  as  spurious,  it  was  read  once  a  year 
in  some  churches  of  Palestine.* 

It  appears  sufficiently  from  what  has  been  said  that  there 
is  nothing  in  the  limited  ecclesiastical  use  of  these  books,  or 
in  the  over-estimate  of  their  authority  and  value  by  some 
individuals,  to  detract  from  the  force  of  Mr.  Norton's  argu- 
ment. Supernatural  Religion  here  confounds  things  that 
differ  very  widely.f 

At  this  stage  of  the  argument,  we  are  entitled,  I  think,  to 
come  to  the  examination  of  the  apparent  use  of  the  Gospel 
of  John  by  Justin  Martyr  with  a  strong  presumption  in  favor 
of  the  view  that  this  apparent  use  is  real.  In  other  words, 
there  is  a  very  strong  presumption  that  the  **  Memoirs"  used 
by  Justin  and  called  by  him  "  Gospels  *'  and  collectively  "  the 
Gospel,'*  and  described  as  "  composed  by  Apostles  of  Christ 
and  their  companions,"  were  actually  our  present  Gospels, 
composed  by  two  Apostles  and  two  conjpanions  of  Apostles. 
This  presumption  is,  I  believe,  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
evidence  of  the  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  by  writers  between 
the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  and  Irenaeus,  and  also  by  the 
evidences  of  its  use  before  the  time  of  Justin  by  the  Gnostic 
sects.  But,  leaving  those  topics  for  the  present,  we  will  con- 
sider the  direct  evidence  of  its  use  by  Justin. 

The  first  passage  noticed  will  be  examined  pretty  thor- 
oughly :  both  because  the  discussion  of  it  will  serve  to  illus- 
trate the  false  reasoning  of  the  author  of  Supernatural  Relig- 

*  See,  on  this  book,  Hilgenfeld,  Nov.  Test,  txtra  canonem  reee^um  (1866),  iv.  74,  if. 

t  On  this  whole  subject,  see  Semisch,  Dit  apettoU  DenkwVkrdigktittn  eUs  Jidrt.  yustimu, 
p.  61,  ff. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  3 1 

ion  and  other  writers  respecting  the  quotations  of  Justin 
Martyr  which  agree  in  substance  with  passages  in  our 
Gospels  while  differing  in  the  form  of  expression ;  and 
because  it  is  of  special  importance  in  its  bearing  on  the 
question  whether  Justin  made  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and 
seems  to  me,  when  carefully  examined,  to  be  in  itself  almost 
decisive. 

The  passage  is  that  in  which  Justin  gives  an  account  of 
Christian  baptism,  in  the  sixty-first  chapter  of  his  First 
Apology.  Those  who  are  ready  to  make  a  Christian  pro- 
fession, he  says,  "are  brought  by  us  to  a  place  where  there 
is  water,  and  in  the  manner  of  being  born  again  [or  regen- 
erated] in  which  we  ourselves  also  were  born  again,  they  are 
born  again ;  for  in  the  name  of  the  Father  of  the  universe 
and  sovereign  God,  and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  and 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  they  then  receive  the  bath  in  the  water. 
For  Christ  also  said,  Except  ye  be  born  again,  ye  shall  in 
no  wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven  (  Av  //jy  avaytwrfifjTe, 

ov  iiri  ciaiWrrrt  eif  rfp^  PaaiXeiav  rijif  ovfmvdv).       But   that   it  is  impossible 

for  those  who  have  once  been  born  to  enter  into  the  wombs 
of  those  who  brought  them  forth  is  manifest  to  all." 

The  passage  in  the  Gospel  of  John  of  which  this  reminds 
us  is  found  in  chap.  iii.  3-5  :  "Jesus  answered  and  said  to  him 
[Nicodemus],  Verily,  verily  I  say  unto  thee.  Except  a  man 
be  born  anew,  he  cannot  see  the  kingdom  of  God  (Eav fiy  n^ 

ytwrfiff  ivudev^  ov  dhvarcu  ideiv  t^  PaaiXetav  tov  Beov).       NicodcmUS     Saith 

to  him.  How  can  a  man  be  born  when  he  is  old  ?  Can  he 
enter  a  second  time  into  his  mother's  womb  and  be  born.^ 
Jesus  answered,  Verily,  verily  I  say  unto  thee.  Except  a  man 
be  bom  of  water  and  the  Spirit,  he  cannot  enter  into  the 

kingdom   of    God        ('Edv  fi^  ng  yewj^ij  e^  vdarog  Kal  nvevfioTog,  ov  (]vvarai 

eiffeMiv tie T^ I3aat?^iav TOV Oeov),  Compare  verse  7,  "Marvel  not 
that  I  said  unto  thee,  Ye  must  be  born  anew  "  (^a  vfiac  yewriOyvai 
avufftv);  and  Matt,  xviii.  3,  "Verily  I  say  unto  you.  Except  ye 
be  changed,  and  become  as  little  children,  ye  shall  in  no  wise 

enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven"  (ov  fii^  elai^Brrre  elg  ryv  paat?Mav 
r6»  oifpavuv). 

I  have  rendered  the  Greek  as  literally  as  possible ;  but  it 


32  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

should  be  observed  that  the  word  translated  "  anew,"  ivudev^ 
might  also  be  rendered  "from  above.*'  This  point  will  be 
considered  hereafter.  . 

Notwithstanding  the  want  of  verbal  correspondence,  I 
believe  that  we  have  here  in  Justin  a  free  quotation  from 
the  Gospel  of  John,  modified  a  little  by  a  reminiscence  of 
Matt,  xviii.  3. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  us  in  Justin's  quotation  is  the 
fact  that  the  remark  with  which  it  concludes,  introduced  by 
Justin  as  if  it  were  a  grave  observation  of  his  own,  is  simply 
silly  in  the  connection  in  which  it  stands.  In  John,  on  the 
other  hand,  where  it  is  not  to  be  understood  as  a  serious 
question,  it  admits,  as  we  shall  see,  of  a  natural  explanation 
as  the  language  of  Nicodemus.  This  shows,  as  everything 
else  shows,  the  weakness  (to  use  no  stronger  term)  of  Volk- 
mar's  hypothesis,  that  John  has  here  borrowed  from  Justin, 
not  Justin  from  John.  The  observation  affords  also,  by  its 
very  remarkable  peculiarity,  strong  evidence  that  Justin 
derived  it,  together  with  the  declaration  which  accompanies 
it,  from  the  Fourth  Gospel. 

It  will  be  well,  before  proceeding  to  our  immediate  task, 
to  consider  the  meaning  of  the  passage  in  John,  and  what 
the  real  difficulty  of  Nicodemus  was.  He  could  not  have 
been  perplexed  by  the  figurative  use  of  the  expression  "  to 
be  born  anew " :  that  phraseology  was  familiar  to  the  Jews 
to  denote  the  change  which  took  place  in  a  Gentile  when  he 
became  a  proselyte  to  Judaism.*  But  the  unqualified  lan- 
guage of  our  Saviour,  expressing  a  universal  necessity, 
implied  that  even  the  Jewish  Pharisee,  with  all  his  pride  of 
sanctity  and  superior  knowledge,  must  experience  a  radical 
change,  like  that  which  a  Gentile  proselyte  to  Judaism  under- 
went, before  he  could  enjoy  the  blessings  of  the  Messiah's 
kingdom.  This  was  what  amazed  Nicodemus.  Pretending 
therefore  to  take  the  words  in  their  literal  meaning,  he  asks, 
"  How  can  a  man  be  born  when  he  is  old  ?  Can  he  enter," 
etc.     He  imposes  an  absurd  and   ridiculous  sense   on   the 

*See  Lightfoot  and  Wetstein,  or  T.  Robinson  or  WUnsche,  on  John  uL  3  or  5. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  33 

words,  to  lead  Jesus  to  explain  himself  further.*  Thus 
viewed,  the  question  is  to  some  purpose  in  John;  while 
the  language  in  Justin,  as  a  serious  proposition,  is  idle,  and 
betrays  its  non-originality. 

The  great  difference  in  the  form  of  expression  between 
Justin's  citation  and  the  Gospel  of  John  is  urged  as  decisive 
against  the  supposition  that  he  has  here  used  this  Gospel. 
It  is  observed  further  that  all  the  deviations  of  Justin  from 
the  language  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  are  also  found  in  a 
quotation  of  the  words  of  Christ  in  the  Clementine  Homilies ; 
and  hence  it  has  been  argued  that  Justin  and  the  writer  of 
the  Clementines  quoted  from  the  same  apocryphal  Gospel, 
perhaps  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  or  the  Gospel 
according  to  Peter.  In  the  Clementine  Homilies  (xi.  26), 
the  quotation  runs  as  follows :  "  For  thus  the  prophet 
swore  unto  us,  saying.  Verily  I  say  unto  you,  except  ye  be 
born  again  by  living  water  into  the  name  of  Father,  Son, 
Holy  Spirit,  ye  shall  in  no  wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  But  it  will  be  seen  at  once  that  the  author  of  the 
Clementines  differs  as  widely  from  Justin  as  Justin  from  the 
Fourth  Gospel,  and  that  there  is  no  plausibility  in  the  suppo- 
sition that  he  and  Justin  quoted  from  the  same  apocryphal 
book.  The  quotation  in  the  Clementines  is  probably  only 
a  free  combination  of  the  language  in  John  iii.  3-5  with 
Matt  xxviii.  19,  modified  somewhat  in  form  by  the  influence 
of  Matt,  xviii.  3.!  Such  combinations  of  different  passages, 
and  such  quotations  of  the  words  of  Christ  according  to  the 
sense  rather  than  the  letter,  are  not  uncommon  in  the 
Fathers.     Or,  the  Clementines  may  have  used  Justin,  t 

I  now  propose  to  show  in  detail  that  the  differences  in  form 
between  Justin's  quotation  and  the  phraseology  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  marked  as  they  are,  all  admit  of  an  easy  and  natural 
explanation  on  the  supposition  that  he  really  borrowed  from 
it,  and  that  they  are  paralleled  by  similar  variations  in  the 

•See  Norton,  A  Nexit  Trans,  of  the  GosptU^  tvith  Notes,  vol.  ii.  p.  507. 

tOn  the  qootationt  from  the  Gospel  of  John  as  well  as  from  the  other  Gospels  in  the 
Qemewtine  Homilies,  see  Sanday,  The  Gospels  in  the  Second  Century,  pp.  388-295  \  comp.  pp. 
i6s'iS7.    See  also  Westoott,  Canon  of  the  //.  T.,  pp.  382-288 ;  and  oomp.  pp.  i  $9-156. 

tSo  Bleek,  Be&rS£e,p,  asi;  Anger,  Synopsis,  p.  373;  De  Wette,  End,  §  b^«,  note  g. 
Comp.  Kdm,  UrchriU.t  p.  225,  note,  who  asserts,  in  general,  that  Justin  Martyr  is  "  besonders 
bcnotzt "  by  the  aathor  of  the  Clementine  Homilies. 


34  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

quotations  of  the  same  passage  by  Christian  writers  who 
used  our  four  Gospels  as  their  exclusive  authority.  If  this 
is  made  clear,  the  fallacy  of  the  assumption  on  which  the 
author  of  Supernatural  Religion  reasons  in  his  remarks  on 
this  passage,  and  throughout  his  discussion  of  Justin's  quota- 
tions, will  be  apparent.  He  has  argued  on  an  assumption  of 
verbal  accuracy  in  the  quotations  of  the  Christian  Fathers 
which  is  baseless,  and  which  there  were  peculiar  reasons  for 
not  expecting  from  Justin  in  such  works  as  his  Apologies.* 
Let  us  take  up  the  differences  point  by  point :  — 
I.  The  solemn  introduction,  "Verily,  verily  I  say  unto 
thee,"  is  omitted.  But  this  would  be  very  naturally  omitted : 
(i)  because  it  is  of  no  importance  for  the  sense;  and  (2) 
because  the  Hebrew  words  used,  'Ap/v  d^vv,  would  be  unintel- 
ligible to  the  Roman  Emperor,  without  a  particular  explana- 
tion (compare  Apol.  i.  65).  (3)  It  is  usually  omitted  by 
Christian  writers  in  quoting  the  passage :  so,  for  example,  by 
the  DocETiST  in  Hippolytus  {Ref.  Har,  viii.  10,  p.  267),  Ire- 
NiEUS  (Frag.  35,  ed.  Stieren,  33  Harvey),  Origen,  in  a  Latin 
version  {In  Ex.  Horn.  v.  i,  Opp.  ii.  144,  ed.  Delarue ;  In  Ep,  ad 
Rom,  lib.  V.  c.  8,  Opp.  iv.  560),  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions (vi.  15),  EusEBius  twice  (In  Isa,  i.  16,  17,  and  iii.  i,  2 ; 
Migne  xxiv.  96,  109),  Athanasjus  {De  Incam.  c.  14,  Opp. 
'.  S9f  ed.  Montf.),  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  twice  (Cat.  iii.  4; 
jcvii.  1 1),  Basil  the  Great  (Adv,  Eunotn,  lib.  v.  Opp.  i.  308 
(437),  ed.  Benedict.),  Pseudo-Basil  three  times  (De  Bapt, 
i.  2.  §§  2,  6;  ii.  i.  §  i  ;  Opp.  ii.  630  (896),  633  (899),  653 
(925)  ),  Gregory  Nysscn  (De  Christi  Bapt.  Opp.  iii.  369), 
Ephraem  Syrus  (De  Pomit.  Opp.  iii.  183),  Macarius  ^Egyp- 

*On  the  whole  subject  of  Justin  Martyr's  quotations,  I  would  refer  to  the  admirably  clear, 
forcible,  and  accurate  statement  of  the  case  in  Norton's  Evidences  of  the  Genuipteness  of  the 
Gospels^  ad  ed.,  vol.  i.  pp.  200-239,  and  Addit.  Note  E,  pp.  ccxiv.-ccxxxviii.  His  account  is 
less  detailed  than  that  of  Semisch,  Hilgenfeld,  and  Super natureU  Religion^  but  is  thoroughly 
trustworthy.  On  one  point  there  may  be  a  doubt :  Mr.  Norton  says  that  "  Justin  twice  gives  the 
words,  Thou  art  my  ton ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee^  as  those  uttered  at  otir  Saviour's 
baptism;  and  in  one  place  says  expressly  that  the  wortls  were  found  in  the  Memoirs  by  the 
Apostles."  This  last  statement  seems  to  me  incorrea.  The  quotations  referred  to  will  be  found 
in  Dial.  c.  Try  ph.  cc.  88,  103 ;  but  in  neither  case  does  Justin  say^  according  to  the  grammatical 
construction  of  his  language,  that  the  words  in  question  were  found  in  the  Memoirs,  though  it  is 
probable  that  they  were.  (See  below,  p.  loi  f.)  The  discui^sion  of  Justin's  quotations  by 
Prof,  Westcott  and  Dr.  Sanday  in  the  works  referred  to  in  note  t  on  the  preceding  page  is  also 
Valuable,  espedally  in  reference  to  the  early  variations  in  the  text  of  the  Gospels. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  35 

Tius  (Horn.  XXX.  3),  Chrysostom  {De  consubst.  vii.  3,  Opp. 
i.  505  (618),  ed.  Montf. ;  In  Gen,  Serm.  vii.  5,  Opp.  iv.  681 
(789),  and  elsewhere  repeatedly),  Theodoret  {QucbsL  in 
Num.  35,  Migne  Ixxx.  385),  Basil  of  Seleucia  {Orat, 
xxviii.  3,  Migne  Ixxxv.  321),  and  a  host  of  other  writers,  both 
Greek  and  Latin, —  I  could  name  forty,  if  necessary. 

2.  The  change  of  the  indefinite  r/f,  in  the  singular,  to  the 
second  person  plural:  "Except  a  man  be  born  anew"  to 
"Except  ye  be  bom  anew."  This  also  is  unimportant. 
This  is  shown,  and  the  origin  of  the  change  is  partially 
explained  (i)  by  the  fact,  not  usually  noticed,  that  it  is  made 
by  the  speaker  himself  in  the  Gospel,  in  professedly  repeating 
in  the  seventh  verse  the  words  used  in  the  third;  the  indefi- 
nite sing^ar  involving,  and  being  equivalent  to,  the  plural. 
Verse  7  reads :  "  Marvel  not  that  I  said  unto  thee.  Ye  must 
be  bom  anew."  (2)  The  second  person  plural  would  also 
be  suggested  by  the  similar  passage  in  Matt,  xviii.  3,  "  Except 
ye  be  changed  and  become  as  little  children,  ye  shall  in  no 
wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven."  Nothing  was  more 
natural  than  that  in  a  quotation  from  memory  the  language 
of  these  two  kindred  passages  should  be  somewhat  mixed; 
and  such  a  confusion  of  similar  passages  is  frequent  in  the 
writings  of  the  Fathers.  This  affords  an  easy  explanation 
also  of  Justin's  substituting,  in  agreement  with  Matthew, 
"shall  in  no  wise  enter"  for  "cannot  enter,"  and  "kingdom 
of  heaven"  for  "kingdom  of  God."  The  two  passages  of 
John  and  Matthew  are  actually  mixed  together  in  a  some- 
what similar  way  in  a  free  quotation  by  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, a  writer  who  unquestionably  used  our  Gospels  alone 
as  authoritative, — "the  four  Gospels,  which,"  as  he  says, 
*'have  been  handed  down  to  us"  {Strom,  iii.  13,  p.  553).* 
(3)  This  declaration  of  Christ  would  often  be  quoted  in  the 
early  Christian  preaching,  in  reference  to  the  importance  of 
baptism ;  and  the  second  person  plural  would  thus  be  natu- 


•  Cement  {Cohort,  ad  Gentes,  c.  9,  p.  69)  blends  Matt,  xviii.  3  and  John  iii.  3  as  follows: 
'*  Except  ye  again  become  as  little  children,  and  h«  horn  again  {avayEwridfjr€)^  as  the  Scripture 
oidk,  jre  will  in  no  wise  receive  him  who  is  truly  your  Father,  and  will  in  no  wise  ever  enter  into 
At  kingdom  ol  heaven.*' 


36  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

rally  substituted  for  the  indefinite  singular,  to  give  greater 
directness  to  the  exhortation.  So  in  the  Clementine  Homi- 
lies (xi.  26),  and  in  both  forms  of  the  Clementine  Epitome 
(c.  18,  pp.  16,  134,  ed.  Dressel,  Lips.  1859).  (4)  That  this 
change  of  number  and  person  does  not  imply  the  use  of  an 
apocryphal  Gospel  is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  is 
made  twice  in  quoting  the  passage  by  Jeremy  Taylor,  who 
in  a  third  quotation  also  substitutes  the  plural  for  the  singu- 
lar in  a  somewhat  different  way.*     (See  below,  p.  42.) 

3.    The   change   of  eav  fiy   ug   yewTjdij   aiHjdev,  verSC    3    (or  yewj^ 

merely,  verse  5),  "  Except  a  man  be  born  anew,"  or  "  over 
again,"  into  av  ^;)  dvayewrr^f/re,  "  Except  yc  be  born  again,"  or 
"  regenerated  " ;  in  other  words,  the  substitution  of  avayewdtrdat 
for  yewda^ai  avu^ev,  or  for  the  simple  verb  in  verse  5,  presents 
no  real  difficulty,  though  much  has  been  made  of  it.  (i)  It 
is  said  that  ycwacr&at  &v<ji»ev  caunot  mean  "to  be  bom  anew/' 
but  must  mean  "  to  be  born  /fvm  above^  But  we  have  the 
clearest  philological  evidence  that  avi^?v  has  the  meaning  of 
"anew,"  "over  again,"  as  well  as  "from  above."  In  the 
only  passage  in  a  classical  author  where  the  precise  phrase, 
yz\^a(ydai,  hvu^tv,  has  been  pointed  out,  namely,  Artemidorus  on 
Dreams,  i.  13,  ed.  ReifiE  (al.  14),  it  cannot  possibly  have  any 
other  meaning.  Meyer,  who  rejects  this  sense,  has  fallen 
into  a  strange  mistake  about  the  passage  in  Artemidorus, 
showing  that  he  cannot  have  looked  at  it.  Meaning  "from 
above"  or  "from  the  top'*  (Matt,  xxvii.  51),  then  "from  the 
beginning"  (Luke  i.  3),  hvu^tv  is  used,  with  7ra;uv  to  strengthen 

*  Professor  James  Dnimmond  well  remarks :  "  How  easily  such  a  change  might  be  made,  when 
verbal  accuracy  was  not  studied*  is  instructively  shewn  in  Theophylact's  p>araphrase  [I  translate 
the  Greek  ] :  '  But  I  say  unto  thee,  that  both  thou  and  every  other  man  whatsoever,  unless  having 
been  bom  from  above  \or  anew]  and  of  God,  ye  receive  the  true  faith  [//'/.  the  worthy  opinion] 
concerning  me,  are  outside  of  the  kingdom."*  Chrysostom  (also  cited  by  Prof.  Drummond) 
observes  that  Christ's  words  are  equivalent  to  Mv  01'  /^v  yewjp^y  k.t,?,.^  "  Except  M*«  be 
bom,"  etc.,  but  are  put  in  the  indefinite  form  in  order  to  make  the  discourse  less  offensive. 
Photius,  in  quoting  John  iiL  5,  substitutes  lyi/p  for  aoi.  (See  below,  p.  36.)  I  gladly  take  this 
opportunity  to  call  attention  to  the  valuable  article  by  Prof.  Dmmmond  in  the  TAsolofica/ 
RevUw  for  October,  1875,  vol.  vii.  pp.  471-488,  "On  the  adleged  Quotation  from  the  Fourth 
Gospel  relating  to  the  New  Birth,  in  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  i.  c  61.'*  He  has  treated  the  ques- 
tion with  the  ability,  candor,  and  cautious  accuracy  of  statement  which  distingtiish  his  writings 
generally.  For  the  quotation  given  above,  see  p.  476  of  the  Review.  I  am  indebted  to  him  for 
several  valuable  suggestions ;  but,  to  prevent  misapprehension  as  to  the  extent  of  this  indebt* 
edness,  I  may  be  permitted  to  refer  to  my  note  on  the  subject  in  the  American  edition  of  Smith's 
Dictionary  0/ th€  Bible,  vol.  ii.  p.  1433,  published  in  1869,  six  years  before  the  appearance  of 
Prof.  Drummond's  article. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  37 

it,  to  signify  "again  from  the  beginning,"  "all  over  again" 
(Gal.  iv.  9,  where  see  the  passages  from  Galen  and  Hippo- 
crates cited  by  Wetstein,  and  Wisd.  of  Sol.  xix.  6,  where  see 
Grimm's  note),  like  ^rdP^v  kK  devripov  or  Mrepw  (Matt.  xxvi.  42, 

John  Xxi.    16),  and  in    the  classics  tt&Tjv  av^Trakiv  av'dLq,7:a>jve^apx^.':. 

Thus  it  gets  the  meaning  "anew,"  "over  again";  see  the 
passages  cited  by  McClellan  in  his  note  on  John  iii.  3.* 
(2)  'Avwi^rv  was  here  understood  as  meaning  "again"  by  the 
translators  of  many  of  the  ancient  versions ;  namely,  the  Old 
Latin,  "denuo,"  the  Vulgate,  Coptic,  Peshito  Syriac  {Sup. 
ReLy  6th  edit,  is  mistaken  about  this),  iEthiopic,  Georgian 
(see  Malan's  The  Gospel  according  to  St,  Johriy  etc.).  (3)  The 
Christian  Fathers  who  prefer  the  other  interpretation,  as 
Origen,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  Theophylact,  recognize  the^ 
fact  that  the  word  may  have  either  meaning.  The  ambi- 
guity is  also  noticed  by  Chrysostom.  (4)  'Kvaytwaa^ai  was  the 
common  word  in  Christian  literature  to  describe  the  change 
referred  to.  So  already  in  i  Pet.  i.  3,  23 ;  comp.  i  Pet.  ii. 
2;  and  see  the  context  in  Justin.  (5)  This  meaning  best 
suits  the  connection.  Verse  4  represents  it  as  so  understood 
by  Nicodemus :  "  Can  he  enter  a  second  timel^  etc.  The  fact 
that  John  has  used  the  word  av(j^Ev  in  two  other  passages  in 
a  totally  different  connection  (viz.  iii.  31,  xix.  11)  in  the 
sense  of  "  from  above  "  is  of  little  weight.  He  has  nowhere 
else  used  it  in  reference  to  the  new  birth  to  denote  that  it  is 
a  birth  from  above :  to  express  that  idea,  he  has  used  a  differ- 

*The  passages  are:  Joseph. /(»/.  L  i8,  §3;  Socrates  in  Stobxus,  Flor.  cxxiv.  41,  iv.  135 
Meaneke;  Harpocration,  Lex.  9,  y,  ava6iKdoa(r3^at  ]  Pseudo-Basil,  Dt  Bapt.  i.  a.  $7;  Can. 
i^KMt.  46,  aL  47,  al.  39;  to  which  add  Origen,  In  Joan.  torn.  xx.  c.  11,  Opp.  iv.  322,  who  gives 
the  words  of  Christ  to  Peter  in  the  legend  found  in  the  Acts  of  Paul :  av<^ev  ///AA6) 
trravpcrf^^vai  =s** ii^^ftft  crudfigi."  I  have  verified  McClellan 's  references  ( T'^  N.T.  etc 
voL  I.  p.  aS4,  Lond.  1875),  and  given  them  in  a  form  in  which  they  may  be  more  easily  foimd. 

Though  many  of  the  best  commentators  take  avw&evhere  in  the  sense  of  "from  above,*' 
as  Boigel,  LCIcke,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Clausen,  and  so  the  lexicographers  Wahl,  Bretschneider, 
Robinson,  the  rendering  "  anew  **  is  supported  by  Chrysostom,  Nonnus,  Euthymius,  Budxus, 
Haory  Stephen  (Tk^s,  s.  v.),  Lnther,  Calvin,  Beza,  Grotius,  Wetstein,  Kypke,  Krebs,  Knapp 
{Seri/ia  vmr.  Arg.  \.  z88,  ed.  ada),  Kuinoel,  Credner  {BeUrdget  i*  353)>  Olshausen,  Tholuck, 
Neander,  Norton,  Noyes,  Alford,  Ewald,  Hofmann,  Hengstenberg,  Luthardt,  Weiss,  Godet, 
Farrar,  Watkins,  Westoott,  and  the  recent  lexicographers,  Grimm  and  Cremer.  The  word  is  not 
to  be  nndentood  as  merely  equivalent  to  "again,"  *'a  second  time,"  but  implies  an  entire 
change.  Cooipare  the  use  of  ei^  tIXo^  in  the  sense  of  "  completely,"  and  the  Ep.  of  Barnabas, 
C  i6»  §  8  (dted  by  Bretschneider) :  "  Having  received  the  forgiveness  of  our  sins,  and  having 
phoed  oar  hope  in  the  Name,  we  became  new  men,  created  again  from  the  beginning" 
{w6Xn>  k^  apx^). 


38  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ent  expression,  yewrr&vv<u u ^ew or U rotn^ew,  "to  be  bom  [or 
begotten]  of  God,"  which  occurs  once  in  the  Gospel  (i.  13) 
and  nine  times  in  the  First  Epistle,  so  that  the  presumption 
is  that,  if  he  had  wished  to  convey  that  meaning  here,  he 
would  have  used  here  also  that  unambiguous  expression. 
But  what  is  decisive  as  to  the  main  point  is  the  fact  that 

Justin's  word   avayEwrr^y  is  actually  substituted  for  yewrn^Tjui'or&ev 

in  verse  3,  or  for  the  simple  jnioTi^y  in  verse  5,  by  a  large 
number  of  Christian  writers  who  unquestionably  quote  from 
John ;  so,  besides  the  Clementine  Homilies  (xi.  26)  and  the 
Clementine  Epitome  in  both  forms  (c.  18),  to  which  excep- 
tion has  been  taken  with  no  sufficient  reason,  Iren^eus  (Frag. 
35,  ed.  Stieren,  i.  846),  Eusebius  {/n  Isa.  i.  16,  17;  Migne 
xxiv.  96),  Athanasius  ij)e  Incani.  c.  14),  Basil  (Adv,  Eunom, 
lib.  v.  Opp.  i.  308  (437)),  Ephraem  Syrus  {De  Pcmit,  Opp. 

iii.  183  {avaytwrrdl)   avwt^ev)),  ChRYSOSTOM  (/«  1  Ep,  od  Cov.  XV.  2g, 

Opp.  X.  378  (440)),*  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (In  Joan,  iii.  5,, 

cfavoyrwTi^y  J/' i}Jarof /c.r.X.,  SO    PuSCy's    Critical   cd.,    Vol.  i.    p.  2I9; 

Aubert  has  ycw^i^yf^vcJ.) ;  Procopius  GAZiEUS,  Cotnm,  in  Is,  i. 

20  (Migne  IxXXvii.  1849'*')  :  kav  fiij  nq  avayewrfdy  k^  vdaro^  Ka\ 
rrveifxart)^  ov  fi^  e'ttrrXdif  e'tg  Ttjv  ^fwi?Mav  t<jv  ovpavuv;    PHOTIUS,  Ad 

Amphiloch,  Q.  49  (al.  48)  (Migne  ci.  369*") :  oauniip  .  .  .  iXeyev 

'A/i3^,  afiijv  ?Jy(j  vfiiv  '  iav  y.rj  rig  avayevvrfOij  6C  vdarog  koI  irveifiarogj  oifK 
e  I  (TeTiel  a  era  I    elg    ri/v    paaiXeiav    rijv    ovpavuv^    and     SO,     probably, 

Anastasius  Sinaita  preserved  in  a  Latin  version  {Anagog\ 
Contcmp,  in  Hcxa'em,  lib.  iv.,  Migne  Ixxxix.  906,  regeneratns ; 
contra,  col.  ^yo^  gcnitusy  916,  gencratus)^  and  Hesychius  of 
Jerusalem  in  a  Latin  version  (/;/  LeviL  xx.  9,  Migne  xciii. 
1044,  regeneratns  ;  but  col.  974,  renaiiis).  In  the  Old  Latin 
version  or  versions  and  the  Vulgate,  the  MSS.  are  divided 
in  John  iii.  3  between  natus  and  renains,  and  so  in  verse  4, 
2d  clause,  between  ftasei  and  renasci;  but  in  verse  5  renatus 
f tier  it  is  the  unquestionable  reading  of  the  Latin  versions, 
presupposing,  apparently,  avayewrr^y  in  the  Greek.  (See 
Tischendorfs  8th  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Test.  ///  /oc.) 
The  Latin  Fathers,  with  the  exception  of  Tertullian  and 
Cyprian,  who  have  both  readings,  and  of  the  author  Dc- 
Rebaptismate  (c.  3),  in  quoting  the  passage,  almost  invariably 
have  renatus, 

•Comp.  Chrysostom,  De  Sacerdot.  iii.  5,  Opp.  i.  3*^;/'  Ci'j),  ci'.rd  by  Westcotl,  Canon  cj 
the  N.  T.,  sth  ed.,  1881,  p.  xxx.,  note  i,  §  3. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEI  39 

We  occasionally  find  avayewTjdffvai,  "to  be  bom  again,"  for 
ftwn&mxu^  "  to  be  born,"  in  the  first  clause  of  verse  4 ;  so 
Ephraem  Syrus  {De  Pcenit.  Opp.  iii.  183),  and  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  {Glaph,  in  Exod.  lib.  iii.,  Opp.  i.  a.  341). 

From  all  that  has  been  said,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  use  of 
avayewrjd^t  here  by  Justin  is  easily  explained.  Whether  avudev 
in  John  really  means  '*  from  above  *'  or  "  anew  "  is  of  little 
importance. in  its  bearing  on  our  question  :  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Justin  may  have  understood  it  in  the  latter  sense; 
•  and,  even  if  he  did  not,  the  use  of  the  term  avayewaaSai  here 
was  very  natural,  as  is  shown  by  the  way  in  which  the  pas- 
sage is  quoted  by  Irenaeus,  Eusebius,  and  many  other  writers. 

4.  The  next  variation,  the  change  of  " cannot  see  "  or  "enter 
into  "  {ov  dhvarat  \6eiv  or  eloe7Mv  eif,  Lat,  non  potcst  vidcre,  or 
intrare  or  introire  in)  into  **  shall  not''  or  ^^  sliall  in  no  wise 
see  "  or  "  enter  into  *'  (o\>  /^^  M?/,  once  Wo«,  or  ov  11^  £iai?MTf  or  elaiWjire 
"f,  twice  ovK  elaeXtvaerai  fif,  Lat,  non  vidcbit,  or  intrabit  or  intro- 
ibit  in),  is  both  so  natural  (comp.  Matt,  xviii.  3)  and  so  trivial 
as  hardly  to  deserve  mention.  It  is  perhaps  enough  to  say 
that  I  have  noted  seventy-one  examples  of  it  in  the  quotations 
of  this  passage  by  forty-foitr  different  writers  among  the 
Greek  and  Latin  Fathers.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  in  most 
of  the  quotations  of  the  passage  by  th^  Fathers,  verses  3  and 
5  are  mixed  in  different  ways,  as  might  be  expected. 

5.  The  change  of  "kingdom  of  God''  into  "kingdom  of 
heaven  "  is  perfectly  natural,  as  they  are  synonymous  expres- 
sions, and  as  the  phrase  "  kingdom  of  heaven  *'  is  used  in 
the  passage  of  Matthew  already  referred  to,  the  language  of 
which  was  likely  to  be  more  or  less  confounded  in  recollec- 
tion with  that  of  this  passage  in  John.  The  change  is 
actually  made  in  several  Greek  MSS.  in  the  5th  verse  of 
John,  including  the  Sinaitic,  and  is  even  received  by  Tisch- 
endorf  into  the  text,  though,  I  believe,  on  insufficient  grounds. 
But  a  great  number  of  Christian  writers  in  quoting  from  John 
make  just  the  same  change;  so  the  Docetist  in  Hippoly- 
Tus  {Ref,  Har,  viii.  10,  p.  267),  the  Clementine  Homilies 
(xi.  26),  the  Recognitions  (i.  69;  vi.  9),  the  Clementine 
Epitome  (c.  18)  in  both  forms,  iRENiEUS  (Frag.  35,  ed. 
Stieren),  Origen  in  a  Latin  version  twice  {Opp,  iii.  948 ;  iv. 
483),  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vi.   15).   Eusebius 


40  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

twice  (In  Isa,  i.  i6,  17;  iii.  i,  2;  Migne  xxiv.  96,  109), 
Pseud-Athanasius  {Quccst.  ad  Antioch,  loi,  Opp.  ii.  291), 
Ephraem  Syrus  {Dc  Pccnit,  Opp.  iii.  183),  Chrysostom  five 
or  six  times  {Opp.  iv.  681  (789) ;  viii.  143'*''  (165),  144^  (165). 
144'*  (166)  ),  Theodoret  {QucBSt,  in  Num,  35,  Migne  Ixxx. 
385),  Basil  of  Seleucia  {Orat.  xxviii.  3),  Procopius,  Pho- 
Tius,  Anastasius  Sixaita  in  a  Latin  version  three  times 
(Migne  Ixxxix.  870,  906,  916),  Hesychius  of  Jerusalem  in 
a  Latin  version  twice  (Migne  xciii.  974,  1044),  Theodorus 
Abucara  (Opuscc,  c.  17,  Migne  xcvii.  1541),  Terxullian 
(Dc  BapU  c.  13),  Anon.  De  Rcbaptismate  (c.  3),  Philastrius 
{Hcer,  120  and  148,  ed.  Oehler),  Chromatius  (/;/  Matt.  iii.  14, 
Migne  xx.  329),  Jerome  twice  {Ep.  69,  al.  83,  and  In  Isa.  i.  16 ; 
Migne  xxii.  660,  xxv.  35),  Augustine  seven  times  (Opp.  ii. 
1360,  1361  ;  V.  1745  ;  vi.  327;  vii.  52S;  ix.  630;  x.  207,  ed. 
Bened.  2da),  and  a  host  of  other  Latin  Fathers. 

It  should  be  observed  that  many  of  the  writers  whom  I 
have  cited  combine  three  or  four  of  these  variations  from 
John.  It  may  be  well  to  give,  further,  some  additional  illus- 
trations of  the  freedom  with  which  this  passage  is  sometimes 
quoted  and  combined  with  others.  One  example  has  already 
been  given  from  Clement  of  Alexandria.  (See  No.  2.)  Ter- 
TULLiAN  (De  Bapt.  12)  quotes  it  thus:  "The  Lord  says, 
Except  a  man  shall  be  born  of  water,  he  hath  not  life,'' —  Nisi 
natus  ex  aqua  quis  erit,  non  habet  vitam.  Similarly  Odo 
Cluniacensis  (Mar.  in  yob.  iii.  4,  Migne  cxxxiii.  135):  "Ve- 
ritas autem  dicit.  Nisi  quis  renatus  fuerit  ex  aqua  et  Spiritu 
sanctOy  non  habet  vitam  cetemamJ*  Anastasius  Sinai ta,  as 
preserved  in  a  Latin  version  (Anagog.  Contempt,  in  Hexaem. 
lib.  v.,  Migne  Ixxxix.  916),  quotes  the  passage  as  follows: 
"dicens.  Nisi  quis  fuerit  generatus  ex  aqua  et  Spiritu  qui 
fertur  super  aquam,  non  intrabit  in  regnum  ccelorum''  The 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (vi.  15)  as  edited  by  Cotelier 
and  Ueltzen  read :  "  For  the  Lord  saith.  Except  a  man  be 
baptized  with  ((SanTia^  k^)  water  and  the  Spirit,  he  sha/l  in 
no  wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven!*  Here,  indeed, 
Lagarde,  with  two  MSS.,  edits  yewrr^rj  for  fSaTTTur^y,  but  the 
more  difficult  reading  may  well  be  genuine.  Compare 
Euthymius  Zigabenus  (Panopl,  pars  ii.  tit.  23,  Adv.  Bogo- 
milos,  c    16,  in  the  Latin  version  in  Max.  Bibl.  Patrum,  xix. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  41 

224),  **  Nisi  quis  baptisatus  fuerit  ex  aqua  et  Spiritu  sancto, 
non  intrabit  in  regnum  Dei,"  and  see  Jeremy  Taylor,  as 
quoted  below.  Didymus  of  Alexandria  gives  as  the  words 
of  Christ  (tlictv  6i),  "Ye  must  be  born  of  water''  {De  Trin,  ii. 
12,  p.  250,  Migne  xxxix.  672).  It  will  be  seen  that  all  these 
examples  purport  to  be  express  quotations. 

My  principal  object  in  this  long  discussion  has  been  to 
show  how  false  is  the  assumption  on  which  the  author  of 
Supernatural  Religion  proceeds  in  his  treatment  of  Justin's 
quotations,  and  those  of  other  early  Christian  writers.  But 
the  fallacy  of  his  procedure  may,  perhaps,  be  made  more 
striking  by  some  illustrations  of  the  way  in  which  the  very 
passage  of  John  which  we  have  been  considering  is  quoted 
by  a  modem  English  writer.  I  have  noted  nine  quotations 
of  the  passage  by  Jeremy  Taylor,  who  is  not  generally  sup- 
posed to  have  used  many  apocryphal  Gospels.  All  of  these 
differ  from  the  common  English  version,  and  only  two  of 
them  are  alike.  They  exemplify  all  the  peculiarities  of  vari- 
ation from  the  common  text  upon  which  the  writers  of  the 
Tiibingen  school  and  others  have  laid  such  stress  as  proving 
that  Justin  cannot  have  here  quoted  John.  I  will  number 
these  quotations,  with  a  reference  to  the  volume  and  page 
in  which  they  occur  in  Heber's  edition  of  Jeremy  Taylor's 
Works,  London,  1828,  15  vols.  8vo,  giving  also  such  specifi- 
cations as  may  enable  one  to  find  the  passages  in  any  other 
edition  of  his  complete  Works ;  and,  without  copying  them 
all  in  full,  will  state  their  peculiarities.  No.  i.  Life  of  Christ, 
Part  L  Sect.  IX.  Disc.  VI.  Of  Baptism,  part  i.  §  12.  Heber, 
vol.  ii.  p.  240. —  No.  2.  Ibid,  Disc.  VI.  Of  baptizing  Infants, 
part  ii.  §  26.  Heber,  ii.  288. —  No.  3.  Ibid,  §  32.  Heber,  ii. 
292. —  No.  4.  Liberty  of  Prophesying,  Sect.  XVIII.  §  7. 
Heber,  viii.  153. —  No.  5.  Ibid.  Ad  7.  Heber,  viii.  190. —  No. 
6.  Ibid,  Ad  18.  Heber,  viii.  191. —  No.  7.  Ibid,  Ad  18. 
Heber,  viii.  193. —  No.  8.  Disc,  of  Confirm.  Sect.  I.  Heber, 
3d.  238. —  No.  9.  Ibid,     Heber,  xi.  244. 

We  may  notice  the  following  points  :  — 

I.  He  has  "unless"  for  "except,"  uniformly.  This  is  a 
trifling  variation ;  but,  reasoning  after  the  fashion  of  Super- 


42  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

natural  Religion,  we  should  say  that  this  uniformity  of  vari- 
ation could  not  be  referred  to  accident,  but  proved  that  he 
quoted  from  a  different  text  from  that  of  the  authorized 
version. 

2.  He  has  "kingdom  of  heaven**  for  "kingdom  of  God^* 
six  times  ;  viz.,  Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  7. 

3.  *^ Heaven'*  simply  for  "kingdom  of  God"  once;  No.  6. 

4.  "  Shall  not  enter  "  for  "  cannot  enter  "  four  times ;  Nos. 
4»  S>  7»  8;  comp.  also  No.  6. 

5.  The  second  person  plural,  ^^,  for  the  third  person  sin- 
gular, twice  ;  Nos.  3,  7. 

6.  ''Baptized  with  water'*  for  **  bom  of  water"  once; 
No.  7. 

7.  "Born  again  by  water"  for  "born  of  water"  once; 
No.  6. 

8.  ''Both  ^  water  and  the  Spirit "  for  "  ^  water  and  ofth^ 
Spirit"  once;  No.  9. 

9.  "Of"  is  omitted  before  "the  Spirit"  six  times;  Nos. 
I,  2,  3,  6,  7,  8. 

10.  "Holy"  is  inserted  before  "Spirit"  twice  ;  Nos.  i,  8. 
No.  I  reads,  for  example,  "  Unless  a  man  be  born  of  water 

and  the  Holy  Spirit,  he  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven!* 

Stipematural  Religion  insists  that,  when  Justin  uses  such 
an  expression  as  "  Christ  said,"  we  may  expect  a  verbally 
accurate  quotation.*  Now  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that 
the  Christian  Fathers  frequently  use  such  a  formula  when 
they  mean  to  give  merely  the  substance  of  what  Christ  said, 
and  not  the  exact  words  ;  but  let  us  apply  our  author's  prin- 
ciple to  Jeremy  Taylor.     No.  3  of  his  quotations  reads  thus: 

"Therefore  our  Lord  hath  defined  it,  Unless  ye  be  born  of 
water  and  the  Spirit,  ye  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven!* 

No.  6  reads,  "  Though  Christ  said,  None  but  those  that  are 
bom  again  by  water  and  the  Spirit  shall  enter  into  heaven!* 

No.  7  reads,  "  For  Christ  never  said,  Unless  ye  be  baptized 

*  *'  Justin,  in  giving  the  words  of  Jesus,  clearly  professed  to  make  an  exact  quotation." — Sw 
f^rnaiurai  Rtligicn^  ii.  309,  7ih  ed. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  43 

Ttnth  fire  and  the  Spirit,  ye  shall  not,  enter  into  the  kingdom 
of  heaveUy  but  of  water  and  the  Spirit  he  did  say  it!' 

I  will  add  one  quotation  from  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
which  certainly  must  be  quoting  from  another  apocryphal 
Gospel,  different  from  those  used  by  Jeremy  Taylor  (he  evi- 
dently had  several),  inasmuch  as  it  professes  to  give  the  very 
words  of  Christ,  and  gives  them  twice  in  precisely  the  same 
form : — 

"Our  Saviour  Christ  saith,  None  can  enter  into  the 
kingdom  of  God  except  he  be  regenerate  and  born  anew  of 
water  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost^  (Public  Baptism  of  Infants^ 
and  Baptism  of  those  of  Riper  Years!) 

It  has  been  shown,  I  trust,  that  in  this  quotation  of  the 
language  of  Christ  respecting  regeneration  the  verbal  dififer- 
ences  between  Justin  and  John  are  not  such  as  to  render  it 
improbable  that  the  former  borrowed  from  the  latter.  The 
variations  of  phraseology  are  easily  accounted  for,  and  are 
matched  by  similar  variations  in  writers  who  unquestionably 
used  the  Gospel  of  John. 

The  positive  reasons  for  believing  that  Justin  derived  his 
quotation  from  this  source  are,  (i)  the  fact  that  in  no  other 
report  of  the  teaching  of  Christ  except  that  of  John  do  we 
find  this  figure  of  the  new  birth ;  (2)  the  insistence  in  both 
Justin  and  John  on  the  necessity  of  the  new  birth  to  an  en- 
trance into  the  kingdom  of  heaven ;  (3)  its  mention  in  both 
in  connection  with  baptism ;  (4)  and  last  and  most  important 
of  all,  the  fact  that  Justin's  remark  on  the  impossibility  of  a 
second  natural  birth  is  such  a  platitude  in  the  form  in  which 
he  presents  it,  that  we  cannot  regard  it  as  original.  We  can 
only  explain  its  introduction  by  supposing  that  the  language 
of  Christ  which  he  quotes  was  strongly  associated  in  his 
memory  with  the  question  of  Nicodemus  as  recorded  by 
John.*  Other  evidences  of  the  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  by 
Justin  are  the  following :  — 

{a)  While  Justin's  conceptions  in  regard  to  the  Logos  were 
undoubtedly  greatly  affected  by  Philo  and  the  Alexandrian 

*EngeIhardt  in  his  recent  work  on  Justin  observes:  **This  remark  sets  aside  all  doubt  of  the 
to  the  foarth  Gospel." — Das  CkrisUntkum  Jusiins  des  Miirtyrtrsy  Erlangen,  1878. 


44  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

philosophy,  the  doctrine  gi  the  incarnation  of  the  Logos  was 
utterly  foreign  to  that  philosophy,  and  could  only  have  been 
derived,  it  would  seem,  from  the  Gospel  of  John.*  He  ac- 
cordingly speaks  very  often  in  language  similar  to  that  of 
John  (i.  14)  of  the  Logos  as  "made  flesh," f  or  as  "having 
become  man."  J  That  in  the  last  phrase  he  should  prefer 
the  term  "man"  to  the  Hebraistic  "flesh  "can  excite  no 
surprise.  With  reference  to  the  deity  of  the  Logos  and  his 
instrumental  agency  in  creation,  compare  also  especially 
Apol.  ii.  6,  "  through  him  God  created  all  things  "  {dc  avrw  Tzdvra 
iKTiae),  Dial,  c.  56,  and  ApoL  i.  63,  with  John  i.  1-3.  Since 
the  Fathers  who  immediately  followed  Justin,  as  Theophilus, 
Irenaeus,  Clement,  Tertullian,  unquestionably  founded  their 
doctrine  of  the  incarnation  of  the  Logos  on  the  Gospel  of 
John,  the  presumption  is  that  Justin  did  the  same.  He  pro- 
fesses to  hold  his  view,  in  which  he  owns  that  some  Chris- 

p.  350.    Weiis&cker  is  equally  strong. — Unteriuchungtn  ilSer  dU  tvang.  Gtschichte,  Gotha, 
1864,  pp.  228,  229. 

Dr.  Edwin  A.  Abbott,  in  the  very  interesting  article  Gospel*  in  vol.  x.  of  the  ninth  edition  of 
the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  objects  that  Justin  cannot  have  quoted  the  Fourth  Gospel  here, 
because  "he  is  arguing  for  baptism  by  tvo/^r,"  and  "it  is  inconceivable  that .  .  .  he  should  not 
only  quote  inaccurately,  but  omit  the  very  words  [John  iii.  5]  that  were  best  adapted  to  support 
his  argument."  (p.  821.)  But  Justin  is  not  addressing  an  "  argument  *'  to  the  Roman  Emperor 
and  Senate  for  the  necessity  of  baptism  by  water,  but  simply  giving  an  account  of  Christian  rites 
and  Christian  worship.  And  it  is  not  the  mere  rite  of  baptism  by  water  as  such,  but  the  necessity 
of  the  new  birth  through  repentance  and  a  voluntary  change  of  life  on  the  part  of  him  who  dedi- 
cates himself  to  God  by  this  rite,  on  which  Justin  lays  the  main  stress, —  "the  baptism  of  the  soul 
from  wrath  and  covetcrasness,  envy  and  hatred."  (Comp.  Dial,  cc  13,  14,  18.)  Moreover,  the 
nmple  word  avayswijdfjrr ^  as  he  uses  it  in  the  immediate  context,  and  as  it  was  often  nsed, 
includes  the  idea  of  baptism.  This  fact  alone  answers  the  objection.  A  perusal  of  the  chapter  in 
which  Justin  treats  the  subject  {Apol.  i.  61)  will  show  that  it  was  not  at  all  necessary  to  his  pur- 
pose in  quoting  the  words  of  Christ  to  introduce  the  r^  v^aro^.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if 
Dr.  Abbott  must  have  been  thinking  of  the  Clementine  Homilies  (xL  24-37;  xiii.  ai),  where 
excessive  importance  it  attached  to  the  mere  element  of  water. 

•See  Delitzsch,  Mtssianic  Propfuci*$  (Edin.  1880),  p.  115.  See  Philo,  Do  Prof.  c.  19, 
prol.  L  p.  561,  ed.  M. 

\  ac^}K07roi^ei^ ;  e.g^.,  ApoL  c  12^  6  ^yo?,  flf  Tiva  rp&rrov  aapKOTToiffSel^  ivOpuiroc 
^'kyovev.  So  c  66  bit;  Dial.  cc.  45,  84,  87,  100.  Comp.  Dial.  cc.  48 ("was bom  a  man  of  like 
nature  with  us,  having  flesh  "),  70  ("  became  embodied  "). 

XhvQfHjno^  yev6fJLevo^\  Apol.  i.  cc.  5  ("the  Logos  himself  whe  took  form  and  became 
man"),  23  to,  32.  4*.  5°.  53.  H  ^" !  ^M-  "•  c.  13;  Dial.  cc.  48,  57,  64,  67,  6S3«,  76,  8$,  100, 
101,  125  bit.  I  have  availed  myself  in  this  and  the  preceding  note  of  the  references  given  by  Pro- 
fessor Dmnunond  in  his  article  "Justin  Martyr  an^  the  Fourth  Gospel,"  in  the  TAtol.  Revirw  tor 
April  and  July,  1877;  see  vol.  xiv.,  p.  172.  To  tnis  valuable  essay  I  am  much  indebted,  and  shall 
have  occasion  to  refer  to  it  repeatedly.  Professor  Drummond  compares  at  length  Justin's  doctrine 
of  the  Logos  with  that  of  the  proem  to  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and  decides  rightly,  I  think,  that  the 
statement  of  the  former  "  is,  beyond  all  question,  in  a  more  developed  form"  than  that  of  the  latter. 
In  John  it  is  important  to  observe  that  ?.6yo<;  is  used  with  a  meaning  derived  from  the  sense  of 
"word"  rather  than  "reason,"  as  in  Philo  and  Justin.  The  subject  is  too  large  to  be  entered 
upon  here. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  45 

tians  do  not  agree  with  him,  "  because  we  have  been  com- 
manded by  Christ  himself  not  to  follow  the  doctrines  of  men, 
but  those  which  were  proclaimed  by  the  blessed  prophets 
and  taught  by  him."  {Dial,  c.  48.)  Now,  as  Canon  Westcott 
observes,  "  the  Synoptists  do  not  anywhere  declare  Christ's 
pre-exist ence."  *  And  where  could  Justin  suppose  himself 
to  have  found  this  doctrine  taught  by  Christ  except  in  the 
Fourth  Gospel  ?  Compare  Apol.  i.  46  :  "  That  Christ  is  the 
first-bom  of  God,  being  the  Logos  [the  divine  Reason]  of 
which  every  race  of  men  have  been  partakers  [comp.  John  i. 
4»  S»  9]>  we  have  been  taught  and  have  declared  before.  And 
those  who  have  lived  according  to  Reason  are  Christians, 
even  though  they  were  deemed  atheists ;  as,  for  example, 
Socrates  and  Heraclitus  and  those  like  them  among  the 
Greeks." 

ip)  But  more  may  be  said.  In  one  place  (DiaL  c.  105) 
Justin,  according  to  the  natural  construction  of  his  language 
and  the  course  of  his  argument,  appears  to  refer  to  the 
"  Memoirs  '*  as  the  source  from  which  he  and  other  Chris- 
tians had  learnt  that  Christ  as  the  Logos  was  the  "only- 
begotten "  jSon  of  God,  a  title  applied  to  him  by  John  alone 
among  the  New  Testament  writers ;  see  John  i.  14,  18 ;  iii. 
16,  18.  The  passage  reads,  "For  that  he  was  the  only- 
begotten  of  the  Father  of  the  universe,  having  been  begotten 
by  him  in  a  peculiar  manner  as  his  Logos  and  Power,  and 
having  afterwards  become  man  through  the  virgin,  as  we  have 
learned  from  the  Memoirs,  I  showed  before."  It  is  possible 
that  the  clause,  "as  we  have  learned  from  the  Memoirs," 
refers  not  to  the  main  proposition  of  the  sentence,  but  only 
to  the  fact  of  the  birth  from  a  virgin  ;  but  the  context  as 
well  as  the  natural   construction  leads  to  a  different  view, 

• 

as  Professor  Drummond  has  ably  shown  in  the  article  in 
the  Theological  Review  (xiv.  178-182)  already  referred  to  in 
a  note.     He  observes :  — 

"  The  passage  is  part  of  a  very'tong  comparison,  which  Justin  insti- 
tutes between  the   twenty-second    Psalm  and  the  recorded   events  of 

•"  Introd.  to  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,"  in  Tht  Holy  Biblt .  .  .  with  .  .  .  Commtniary,  etc, 
ed.  by  F.  a  Cook,  A^  T.  vol.  ii.  (1880),  p.  Ixxxiv. 


46  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Christ's  life.  For  the  purposes  of  this  comparison  he  refers  to  or 
quotes  "  the  Gospel  "  once,  and  "  the  Memoirs  "  ten  times,  and  further 
refers  to  the  latter  three  times  in  the  observations  which  immediately 
follow.  .  .  .  They  are  appealed  to  here  because  they  furnish  the  succes- 
sive steps  of  the  proof  by  which  the  Psalm  is  shown  to  be  prophetic." 

In  this  case  the  words  in  the  Psalm  (xxii.  20,  21)  which 
have  to  be  illustrated  are,  "  Deliver  my  soul  from  the  sword, 
and  my  only-begotten  [Justin  perhaps  read  '^  thy  only- 
begotten  '*]  from  the  power  of  the  dog.  Save  me  from  the 
mouth  of  the  lion,  and  my  humiliation  from  the  horns  of 
unicorns."  "These  words,*'  Justin  remarks,  "are  again  in  a 
similar  manner  a  teaching  and  prophecy  of  the  things  that 
belonged  to  him  [rwv  hvn^v  avri^  and  that  were  going  to  hap- 
pen. For  that  he  was  the  only-begotten,*'  etc.,  as  quoted 
above.     Professor  Drummond  well  observes  :  — 

"There  is  here  no  ground  of  comparison  whatever  except  in  the  word 
fiovoyevij^  [ "  only-begotten ''].  ...  It  is  evident  that  Justin  understood 
this  as  referring  to  Christ ;  and  accordingly  he  places  the  same  word 
emphatically  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence  in  which  he  proves  the 
reference  of  this  part  of  the  Psalm  to  Jesus.  For  the  same  reason  he 
refers  not  only  to  events,  but  to  ra  bvra  avT<ft  ["  the  things  that  belonged 
to  him  "].  These  are  taken  up  first  in  the  nature  and  title  of  fwvoyevijcj 
which  immediately  suggests  ?.6}'og  and  <Jtmj"/f  [**  Logos "  and  "power"], 
while  the  events  are  introduced  and  discussed  afterwards.  The  allusion 
here  to  the  birth  through  the  virgin  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  quotation 
from  the  Old  Testament,  and  is  probably  introduced  simply  to  show  how 
Christ,  although  the  only-begotten  Logos,  was  nevertheless  a  man.  If 
the  argument  were,  —  These  words  allude  to  Christ,  because  the  Me 
moirs  tell  us  that  he  was  bom  from  a  virgin,  — it  would  be  utterly  inco- 
herent. If  it  were,  —  These  words  allude  to  Christ,  because  the  Me- 
moirs say  that  he  was  the  only-begotten,  —  it  would  be  perfectly  valid 
from  Justin's  point  of  view.  It  would  not,  however,  be  suitable  for  a 
Jew,  for  whom  the  fact  that  Christ  was  ftovnyevr/g,  not  being  an  historical 
event,  had  to  rest  upon  other  authority ;  and  therefore  Justin  changing  his 
usual  form,  says  that  he  had  already  explained  to  him  a  doctrine  which 
the  Christians  learned  from  the  Memoirs.  It  appears  to  me,  then,  most 
probable,  that  the  peculiar  Johannine  title  //ovoyrrvc  existed  in  the  Gos- 
pels used  by  Justin.  * 

In  what  follows,  Prof.   Drummond  answers  Thoma's  ob- 


•  Justin  also  designates  Christ  as  "  the  only-begotten  Son  "  in  a  fragment  of  his  work  again* 
Marcion,  preserved    by  Irenasus,  //or.  iv.   6.  §  2.     Comp.   Justin,   j4/i0/.  i.  c.   23 ;  ii.   c.   6 
Dia/.  c.  48- 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  47 

jections  *  to  this  view  of  the  passage,  correcting  some  mis- 
translations. In  the  expression,  "  as  I  showed  before,**  the 
reference  may  be,  not  to  c.  lOO,  but  to  c.  6i  and  similar  pas- 
sages, where  it  is  argued  that  the  Logos  was  "  begotten  by 
God  before  all  creatures,"  which  implies  a  unique  generation. 

(c)  In  the  Dialogue  with  Trypho  (c.  88),  Justin  cites  as 
the  words  of  John  the  Baptist :  "  I  am  not  the  Christ,  but 
the  voice  of  one  crying  ** ;  ovk  eifii  6  Xpiard^^  aX?M  <}>uv^  potjvTDc- 
This  declaration,  "  I  am  not  the  Christ,"  and  this  application 
to  himself  of  the  language  of  Isaiah,  are  attriouted  to  the 
Baptist  only  in  the  Gospel  of  John  (i.  20,  23 ;  comp.  iii.  28). 
Hilgenfeld  recognizes  here  the  use  of  this  Gospel. 

(if)  Justin  says  of  the  Jews,  **  They  are  justly  upbraided  . . . 
by  Christ  himself  as  knowing  neither  the  Father  nor  the 
Son"  (Apol  i.  63).  Comp.  John  viii.  19,  "Ye  neither  know 
me  nor  my  Father  "  ;  and  xvi.  3,  "  They  have  not  known  the 
Father  nor  me."  It  is  true  that  Justin  quotes  in  this  con- 
nection Matt.  xi.  27 ;  but  his  language  seems  to  be  in- 
fluenced by  the  passages  in  John  above  cited,  in  which  alone 
the  Jews  are  directly  addressed. 

(e)  Justin  says  that  "  Christ  healed  those  who  were  blind 
from  their  birth,"  rwf  U  yever^g  wnpovq  {Dial,  c.  49 ;  comp. 
ApoL  i.  22,  kK  yivtT^q  TTovTipoi)!:,  whcre  several  editors,  though 
not  Otto,  would  substitute  rrnpov^  by  conjecture).  There 
seems  to  be  a  reference  here  to  John  ix.  i,  where  we  have 
Tv^yjbviK  ynferrj^,  the  phrase  f'/c  ynrrr/c,  "from  birth,"  being  pecu- 
liar to  John  among  the  Evangelists,  and  7r;7/w>f  being  a  com- 
mon synonyme  of  tv^p^c  ;  comp.  the  Apostolical  Constitutions 
V.  7.  §  I7>  where  we  have  6  u  yeverTjq  nvp6^  in  a  clear  reference 


•In  Hilgenfeld's  ZeiUchrifl  fXr  wtss.  Theol,  1875,  xviii.  551  ff.  For  other  discussions  of 
tins  passage,  ona  may  see  Semisch,  Dig  apost.  Denha^rdigkeiten  u.s.w.,  p.  188  f. ;  Hilgenfeld, 
Krit.  UniersnckMngen  u.8.w.,  p.  300  f.  {versus  Semisch);  Riggenbach,  DU  Zeugnisief.  d.  Ev. 
j0kanmiay  Basel,  1866,  p.  163  £.;  Tischendorf,  Wann  wureUn  unscre  EvangelUn  ver/asst? 
p.  $3,  4e  Aufl.    But  Professor  Dnimmond's  treatment  of  the  question  is  the  most  thorough. 

Grimm  iTfuol,  Stud.  u.  ICri/.,  1851,  p.  687  ff.)  agrees  with  Semisch  that  it  is  *'  in  the  highest 
degree  aibitrary  "  to  refer  Justin's  expression,  "  as  we  have  learned  from  the  Memoirs,"  merely 
to  the  participial  clause  which  mentions  the  birth  from  a  virgin ;  but  like  Thoma,  who  agrees 
with  him  that  the  reference  is  to  the  designation  "  only-begotten,"  he  thinks  that  Justin  has  in 
mind  merely  the  confession  of  Peter  (Matt.  xvi.  16),  referred  to  in  Dial  c.  100.  This  rests  on  the 
false  assumption  that  Justin  can  only  be  referring  back  to  c.  100,  and  makes  him  argue  that  "the 
Son  "  merely  is  equivalent  to  "the  only-begotten  Son  " 


48  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

to  this  passage  of  John,  and  the  Clementine  Homilies  xix. 
22,  where  irepi  rov  CK  yever^g  Trrjpdv  occurs  also  in  a  similar 
reference.*  John  is  the  only  Evangelist  who  mentions  the 
healing  of  any  congenital  infirmity. 

(/)  The  exact  coincidence  between  Justin  {Apol.  i.  52; 
comp.  Dial,  cc.  14  (quoted  as  from  Hosed) ^  32,  64,  118)  and 
John  (xix.  37)  in  citing  Zechariah  xii.  10  in  a  form  dififercnt 
from  the  Septuagint,  h-^vrai  t\g  w  k^EKhnnaav^  "they  shall 
look  on  him^whom  they  pierced,"  instead  of  empxhinvrat  irpbg  fd 
avd'  Civ  KOTupx^oavTo^  is  remarkable,  and  not  sufficiently  ex- 
plained by  supposing  both  to  have  borrowed  from  Rev.  i.  7, 
"every  eye  shall  see  him,  and  they  who  pierced  him." 
Much  stress  has  been  laid  on  this  coincidence  by  Semisch 
(p.  200  ff.)  and  Tischendorf  (p.  34) ;  but  it  is  possible,  if  not 
rather  probable,  that  Justin  and  John  have  independently 
followed  a  reading  of  the  Septuagint  which  had  alread) 
attained  currency  in  the  first  century  as  a  correction  of  tht; 
text  in  conformity  with  the  Hebrew.f 

(g)  Compare  Apo/.  i.  13  (cited  by  Prof.  Drummond,  p.  323), 
"Jesus  Christ  who  became  our  teacher  of  these  things  and 
was  bom  to  this  end  ("c  rovro  yewr^ivra)^  who  was  crucified 
under  Pontius  Pilate,"  with  Christ's  answer  to  Pilate  (John 
xviii.  37),  "To  this  end  have  I  been  born,  elg  tovto  yeyhnnifjuu^ 
.  .  .  that  I  might  bear  witness  to  the  truth." 

(//)  Justin  says  (Dial.  c.  56,  p.  2;^6  D),  "  I  affirm  that  he 
never  did  or  spake  any  thing  but  what  he  that  made  the 
world,  above  whom  there  is  no  other  God,  willed  that  he 
should  both  do  and  speak  " ;  J  comp.  John  viii.  28,  29 :  "  As 

•The  context  in  Justin,  as  Otto  justly  remarks,  proves  that  TZTfpoitg  must  here  rignify 
*'  blind,"  not  "  maimed  " ;  comp.  the  quotation  from  Isa.  xxxv.  5,  which  precedes,  and  the  "  causing 
this  one  to  see,"  which  follows.  Keim's  exclamation  —  "  not  a  blind  man  at  all  I  *'  — would  have 
been  spared,  if  he  had  attended  to  this.  (See  his  Gtsck.  Jesu  von  NoMora,  i.  139,  note;  i.  189, 
Eng.  trans.) 

t  See  Credncr,  Btitrdge  u.s.w.,  ii.  293  ff.     See  further  on  this  quotation,  p.  66,  infra. 

t  Dr.  Davidson  {Introd.  to  the  Study  0/  the  N.  T.y  London,  1868,  ii.  376)  translates  the  last 
clause, '' intended  that  he  should  do  and  to  aisociato  with^*  (sic).  Though  the  meaning  "to 
converse  with,"  and  then  "to  speak,"  "  to  say,"  is  not  assigned  to  dfti?j:tv  in  Liddell  and  Scott, 
or  Rost  and  Palm's  edition  of  Passow,  Justin  in  the  very  next  sentence  uses  Xa/^lv  as  an  equiva- 
lent substitute,  and  this  meaning  is  common  in  the  later  Greek.  See  Sophocles,  Grtek  Lex.  s.v. 
otu/.ku.  Of  Dr.  Davidson's  translation  1  must  confess  my  inability  to  make  either  grammar  or 
sense. 


AUTHORSHIP    OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  49 

the  Father  taught  me,  I  speak  these  things;  and  ...  I 
always  do  the  things  that  please  him  "  ;  also  John  iv.  34;  v. 
I9»  30;  vii.  16;  xii.  49,  50.  In  the  language  of  Trypho 
which  immediately  follows  (p.  277  A),  "  We  do  not  suppose 
that  you  represent  him  to  have  said  or  done  or  spoken  any- 
thing contrary  to  the  will  of  the  Creator  of  the  universe," 
we  are  particularly  reminded  of  John  xii.  49,  —  *'The  Father 
who  sent  me  hath  himself  given  me  a  commandment,  what  I 
should  say  and  what  I  should  speaks 

(/)  Referring  to  a  passage  of  the  Old  Testament  as  signi- 
fying that  Christ  "  was  to  rise  from  the  dead  on  the  third 
day  after  his  crucifixion,"  Justin  subjoins  (Dial.  c.  icx)), 
which  he  received  from  his  Father,"  or  more  literally, 
which  [thing]  he  has,  having  received  it  from  his  Father," 
GOTO  TW)  Trarpdc  ?Miiuv  ix^^.  A  reference  here  to  John  x.  18 
seems  probable,  where  Jesus  says  respecting  his  life,  "I 
have  authority  (k^ovaiav)  to  lay  it  down,  and  I  have  authority 
to  receive  it  again  {it&>uv  Tia^eiv  avrrrv) ;  this  charge  I  received 

from  my  Father  "  (iXa^  Trapd  rw  irarpSg  //ot'). 

(i)  Justin  says,  "We  were  taught  that  the  bread  and 
wine  were  the  flesh  and  blood  of  that  Jesus  who  was  made 
flesh."  (Apo/,  i.  c.  66.)  This  use  of  the  term  "flesh  "  instead 
of  "body"  in  describing  the  bread  of  the  Eucharist  suggests 
John  vi.  51-56. 

(/)  Professor  Drummond  notes  that  Justin,  like  John  (iii. 
14,  15),  regards  the  elevation  of  the  brazen  serpent  in  the 
wilderness  as  typical  of  the  crucifixion  (Apol,  i.  c.  60 ;  Dial, 
cc.  91,  94,  131),  and  in  speaking  of  it  says  that  it  denoted 
"  salvation  to  those  who  flee  for  refuge  to  him  who  sent  his 
crucified  Son  into  the  world"  (Dial,  c.  91).*  "Now  this 
idea  of  God's  sending  his  Son  into  the  world  occurs  in  the 
same  connection  in  John  iii.  17,  and  strange  as  it  may  ap- 
pear, it  is  an  idea  which  in  the  New  Testament  is  peculiar 
to  John."  Prof.  Drummond  further  observes  that  "in  the 
four  instances  in  which  John  speaks  of  Christ  as  being  sent 
into  the  world,  he  prefers  cTroaraP^,  so  that  Justin's  phrase  is 

*  Or,  as  it  U  expressed  in  Dia/.  c.  94,  "  salvation  to  those  who  believt  in  him  who  was  to  die 
•ffwigh  thb  sign,  the  cross,*'  which  comes  nearer  to  John  iii.  15. 


50  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

not  entirely  coincident  with  the  Johannine.  But  the  use  of 
Tf//T<j  ["to  send"]  itself  is  curious.  Except  by  John,  it  is 
applied  to  Christ  in  the  New  Testament  only  twice,  whereas 
John  uses  it  [thus]  twenty-five  times.  Justin's  language, 
therefore,  in  the  thought  which  it  expresses,  in  the  selec- 
tion of  words,  and  in  its  connection,  is  closely  related  to 
John's,  and  has  no  other  parallel  in  the  New  Testament." 
(TheoL  Rev,  xiv.  324.)  Compare  also  DiaL  c.  140,  "accord- 
ing to  the  will  of  the  Father  who  sent  him,"  etc.,  and  DiaL 
c.  17,  "the  only  blameless  and  righteous  Light  sent  from 
God  to  men."  (Prof.  Drummond  seems  to  have  overlooked 
Gal.  iv.  4.) 

(w)  Liicke,  Otto,  Semisch,  Keim,  Mangold,  and  Drum- 
mond are  disposed  to  find  a  reminiscence  of  John  i.  13  in 
Justin's  language  where,  after  quoting  from  Genesis  xlix.  11, 
he  says,  "  since  his  blood  was  not  begotten  of  human  seed, 
but  by  the  will  of  God"  {DiaL  c.  63;  comp.  the  similar 
language  Apol,  i.  32;  DiaL  cc.  54,  "by  the  power  of  God"; 
j6).  They  suppose  that  Justin  referred  John  i.  13  to  Christ, 
following  an  early  reading  of  the  passage,  namely,  6f . . . 
iytwi]^,  "who  was  bom "  \or  "begotten"]  instead  of  "who 
were  born."  We  find  this  reading  in  Irenaeus  {Hcer.  iii.  16. 
§  2;  19.  §  2),  Tertullian  {De  Came  Christi  cc.  19,  24), 
Ambrose  once,  Augustine  once,  also  in  Codex  Veronensis 
(b)  of  the  Old  Latin,  and  some  other  authorities.  Tertullian 
indeed  boldly  charges  the  Valentinians  with  corrupting  the 
text  by  changing  the  singular  to  the  plural.  Ronsch,  whom 
no  one  will  call  an  "apologist,"  remarks,  "The  citation  of 
these  words  .  .  .  certainly  belongs  to  the  proofs  that  Justin 
Martyr  knew  the  Gospel  of  John."  *  I  have  noticed  this,  in 
deference  to  these  authorities,  but  am  not  confident  that 
there  is  any  reference  in  Justin's  language  to  John  i.  13. 

(«)  Justin  says  (Dial.  c.  %^)^  "  The  Apostles  have  written  " 
that  at  the  baptism  of  Jesus  "  as  he  came  up  from  the  water 
the  Holy  Spirit  as  a  dove  lighted  upon  him."  The  descent 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  as  a  dove  is  mentioned  by  the  Apostles 
Matthew  and  John  (Matt.  iii.   16;  John  i.  32,  33).     This  is 

*D<u  neue  Testament  TertuUians^  Leipz.  iS/z,  p.  654. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  5 1 

the  only  place  in  which  Justin  uses  the  expression  "the 
Apostles  have  written." 

{0)  Justin  says  {Dial,  c.  103)  that  Pilate  sent  Jesus  to 
Herod  bound.  The  binding  is  not  mentioned  by  Luke  ;  but 
if  Justin  used  the  Gospel  of  John,  the  mistake  is  easily 
explained  through  a  confusion  in  memory  of  Luke  xxiii.  7 
with  John  xviii.  24  (comp.  ver.  1 2) ;  and  this  seems  the  most 
natural  explanation  ;  see  however  Matt,  xxvii.  2  ;  Mark  xv.  i. 
Examples  of  such  a  confusion  of  different  passages  repeatedly 
occur  in  Justin's  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  as  also 
of  his  citing  the  Old  Testament  for  facts  which  it  does  not 
contain.* 

{p)  The  remark  of  Justin  that  the  Jews  dared  to  call 
Jesus  a  magician  (comp.  Matt.  ix.  34 ;  xii.  24)  and  a  deceiver 
vf  the  people  (P^orr^vov)  reminds  one  strongly  of  John  vii.  12  ; 
see  however  also  Matt,  xxvii.  63.  —  "Through  his  stripes,*' 
says  Justin  (DiaL  c.  17),  "there  is  healing  to  those  who 
through  him  come  to  the  Father,"  which  suggests  John  xiv. 
6,  "  No  man  cometh  to  the  Father  but  through  me " ;  but 
the  reference  is  uncertain;  comp.  Eph.  ii.  18,  ^nd  Heb.  vii. 
25    with    the   similar   expression   in   DiaL  c.  43.  —  So   also 

it     is    not     clear    that    in   the    TpooKwovfiev,   ?.d}v  kqI   aktjdetg,  nfiovreg 

{Apol.  i.  6)  there  is  any  allusion  to  John  iv.  24.  f  —  I  pass 
over  sundry  passages  where  Bindemann,  Otto,  Semisch, 
Thoma,  Drummond  and  others  have  found  resemblances 
more  or  less  striking  between  the  language  of  Justin  and 

*See,  for  example,  A/ol.  i.  44,  where  the  words  in  Deut.  xxx.  15,  19,  are  represented  as 
addreaaed  to  Adam  (comp.  Gen.  u.  16,  17);  and  A/o!.  i.  60,  where  Justin  refers  to  Num.  xxi. 
8,  9  for  various  particulars  found  only  in  his  own  imagination.  The  extraordinary  looseness  with 
which  he  quotes  Plato  here  (as  elsewhere)  may  also  be  noted  (see  the  Titrueus  c.  12,  p.  36  B,  C). 
On  Justin's  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  which  are  largely  marked  by  the  same  character- 
istics as  his  quotations  from  the  Gospels,  see  Credner,  Beitrlige  u.s.w,,  vol.  ii.  (1838);  Norton, 
Gtnumeneu^\.c.^\.  213  ff.,andAddit.  Notes,  p.ccxviii.  ff.,2ded.,  i846(ist  ed.  1S37);  Semisch,  Z>2^ 
t^ost.  DenknMrdigkeiUn  u.s.w.  (1848),  p.  239  ff. ;  Hilgenfeld, /fr/^.  U titer  sue  hutifren  (1850), 
p.  46£r. ;  Westoott,  CanoHy  p.  121  if.,  172  if.,  4th  ed,  (1875) ;  Sanday,  The  Gospels  in  tht  Second 
Century  (1876),  pp.  40  ff.,  iii  ff. 

t Grimm,  howerer,  finds  here  "an  unmistakable  reminiscence"  of  John  iv.  24.  He  thinks 
Justin  used  A<Jy^  for  Trvei'fiari  and  rifiuvrec  ^o^  TzpoaKwoxrvret^  because  irvrvfia  and 
vpooKWOVfiev  immediately  precede.  {Tktol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.y  1851,  p.  691.)  But  P^yo>  Koi 
a)u^i^  seem  to  mean  simply,  "  in  accordance  with  reason  and  truth  " ;  comp.  Apol.  i.  6i3,  cited 
by  Otto,  also  c  13,  fura  "kdyov  Tifjiofiev. 


52  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

John,  leaving  them  to  the  not  very  tender  mercies  of  Zeller  *' 
and  Hilgenfeld.  f 

(^)  Justin's  vindication  of  Christians  for  not  keeping  the 
Jewish  Sabbath  on  the  ground  that  **  God  has  carried  on  the 
same  administration  of  the  universe  during  that  day  as 
during  all  others  "  (Dial.  c.  29,  comp.  c.  23)  is,  as  Mr.  Norton 
observes,  **a  thought  so  remarkable,  that  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  he  borrowed  it  from  what  was  said  by  our  Saviour 
when  the  Jews  were  enraged  at  his  having  performed  a 
miracle  on  the  Sabbath:  —  *My  Father  has  been  workihg 
hitherto  as  I  am  working.*"  —  His  argument  also  against  the 
observance  of  the  Jewish  Sabbath  from  the  fact  that  circum- 
cision was  permitted  on  that  day  may  (Dial.  c.  27)  have  been 
borrowed  from  John  vii.  22,  23. 

(r)  I  will  notice  particularly  only  one  more  passage,  in 
which  Professor  Drummond  proposes  an  original  and  very 
plausible  explanation  of  a  difficulty.  In  the  larger  Apology 
(c.  35),  as  he  observes,  the  following  words  are  quoted  from 
Isaiah  (Iviii.  2),  aWwai  fie  vvv  Kphiv,  **  they  now  ask  of  me 
judgment  "  ;  and  in  evidence  that  this  prophecy  was  fulfilled 
in  Christ,  Justin  asserts,  "  they  mocked  him,  and  set  him  on 
the  judgment-seat  (jKddianv  t:rt  fi/'/fiarnc)^  and  said.  Judge  for 
us."  This  proceeding  is  nowhere  recorded  in  our  Gospels, 
but  in  John  xix.  13  we  read,  "Pilate  therefore  brought  Jesus 
out,  and  sat  on  the  judgment-seat"  (mi  kKaOtaev  iTri  /if/fiarog). 
But  the  words  just  quoted  in  the  Greek,  the  correspondence 
of  which  with  those  of  Justin  will  be  noticed,  admit  in  them- 
selves the  rendering,  "and  set  hivi  on  the  judgment-seat";  % 
and  what  was  more  natural,  as  Prof.  Drummond  remarks, 
than  that  Justin,  in  his  eagerness  to  find  a  fulfilment  of  the 
prophecy,  should  take  them  in  this  sense }  "  He  might  then 
add  the  statement  that  the  people  said  Kpnw  i)mv  ['judge 
for  us']  as  an  obvious  inference  from  the  fact  of  Christ's 
having  been  placed  on  the  tribunal,  just  as  in  an  earlier 
chapter  (c.  32)  he  appends  to  the  synoptic  account  the  circum- 

*DU  Husseren  Ztugnisse  .  .  .  des  vierten  Evang.^  in  the  Theol.  yahrb\icher  (TUbingen) 
1845,  P*  ^<^  ff* 

t  Kritiukt  UntersuckuHgtn  u.s.w.,  p.  302  f. 

X  Dr.  Hort  has  pointed  out  to  me  that  Justin  uses  the  word  transitively  in  DitU.  33,  Kodl^ovra 
ivritv  }  V  fie^ig  airroi',  comp.  Eph.  i.  20,  though  in  the  New  Testament  it  is  commonly  intran- 
sitive.   S^e  a!so  its  use  with  reference  to  judges,  I.  Cor.  vi.  4. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE    FOURTH   GOSPEL  53 

Stance  that  the  ass  on  which  Christ  rode  into  Jerusalem  was 
bound  to  a  vine,  in  order  to  bring  the  event  into  connection 
with  Genesis  xlix.  ii."     {TheoL  RevieWy  xiv.  328.) 

These  evidences  of  Justin*s  use  of  the  Gospel  of  John  are 
strengthened  somewhat  by  an  indication,  which  has  been 
generally  overlooked,  of  his  use  of  the  First  Epistle  of  John. 
In  I  John  iii.  i  we  read,  according  to  the  text  now  adopted 
by  the  best  critics,  as  Lachmann,  Tischendorf,  Tregelles, 
Alford,  Westcott  and  Hort,  "  Behold  what  love  the  Father 
hath  bestowed  upon  us,  that  we  should  be  called  children 

of     God  ;      and     we     are     so "  ;      Iva   rkKva   dmv   K?jjOu}pev,   koI   la/ih. 

This  addition  to  the  common  text,  Kal  hfiiv,  "and  we  are," 
is  supported  by  a  great  preponderance  of  external  evidence. 
Compare  now  Justin  (Dial.  c.  123) :  "We  are  both  called  true 
children  of  God,  and  we  are  so  "  ;  kqI  Beqv  r(Ki>a  ah^iva  Ka/Mfieea 
ml  hfdv.  The  coincidence  seems  too  remarkable  to  be  acci- 
dental. Hilgenfeld  takes  the  same  view  {Einleit.  in  d.  N.  7"., 
p.  69),  and  so  Ewald  (Die  johan.  Schriften,  ii.  395,  Anm.  4). 

It  also  deserves  to  be  considered  that,  as  Justin  wrote  a 
work  "Against  all  Heresies"  {ApoL  i.  26),  among  which  he 
certainly  included  those  of  Valentinus  and  Basilides  {Dial. 
c.  35 ;  cf.  Tertull.  Adv.  Valentiniafios,  c.  5),  he  could  hardly 
have  been  ignorant  of  a  book  which,  according  to  Irenaeus, 
the  Valentinians  used  plenissime,  and  to  which  the  Basilidians 
and  apparently  Basilides  himself  also  appealed  (Hippol.  Rcf. 
Hcer,  vii.  22,  27).  Credner  recognizes  the  weight  of  this 
argument.*  It  can  only  be  met  by  maintaining  what  is 
altogether  improbable,  that  merely  the  later  Valentinians 
and  Basilidians  made  use  of  the  Gospel, —  a  point  which  we 
shall  examine  hereafter. 

In  judging  of  the  indications  of  Justin's  use  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  the  passages  cited  in  addition  to  those  which  relate 
to  his  Logos  doctrine  will  strike  different  persons  differently. 
There  will  be  few,  however,  I  think,  who  will  not  feel  that 
the  one  first  discussed  (that  relating  to  the  new  birth)  is  in 
itself  almost  a  decisive  proof  of  such  a  use,  and  that  the  one 
relating  to  John  the  Baptist  (c)  is  also  strong.     In  regard  to 

*  Geschichtt  dts  nguiest.  Kanon  (i860),  p.  15  f. ;  comp.  pp.  9,  12. 


54  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

not  a  few  others,  while  the  possibility  of  accidental  agree- 
ment must  be  conceded,  the  probability  is  decidedly  against 
this,  and  the  accumulated  probabilities  form  an  argument  of 
no  little  weight.  It  is  not  then,  I  believe,  too  much  to  say, 
that  the  strong  presumption  from  the  universal  reception  of 
our  four  Gospels  as  sacred  books  in  the  time  of  Irenaeus  that 
Justin's  "  Memoirs  of  Christ  composed  by  Apostles  and  their 
companions  "  were  the  same  books,  is  decidedly  confirmed 
by  these  evidences  of  his  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  We 
will  next  consider  the  further  confirmation  of  this  fact 
afforded  by  writers  who  flourished  between  the  time  of 
Justin  and  Irenaeus,  and  then  notice  some  objections  to  the 
view  which  has  been  presented. 

The  most  weighty  testimony  is  that  of  Tatian,  the  Assyr- 
ian, a  disciple  of  Justin.  His  literary  activity  may  be  placed 
at  about  a.d.  155-170  (Lightfoot).  In  his  **  Address  to  the 
Greeks "  he  repeatedly  quotes  the  Fourth  Gospel,  though 
without  naming  the  author,  in  one  case  using  the  expression 
(rb  elpT/fuvov)  which  is  scvcral  times  employed  in  the  New 
Testament  (e.g-.  Acts  ii.  16;  Rom.  iv.  18)  in  introducing  a 
quotation  from  the  Scriptures ;  see  his  Orat.  ad  Grcec,  c.  13, 
"  And  this  then  is  that  which  hath  been  said.  The  darkness 
comprehendeth  \or  overcometh]  not  the  light "  (John  i.  5) ; 
see  also  c.  19  (John  i.  3) ;  c.  4  (John  iv.  24).*  Still  more 
important  is  the  fact  that  he  composed  a  Harmony  of  our 
Four  Gospels  which  he  called  the  Diatessaron  {i.e.  "the 
Gospel  made  out  of  Four  ").  This  fact  is  attested  by  Euse- 
bius  {Hist.  EccL  iv.  29),!  Epiphanius  {Hcer,  xlvi.  i),  who, 
however,  writes  from  hearsay,  and  Theodoret,  who  in  his 
work  on  Heresies  {Hcer.  Fab.  i.  20)  says  that  he  found  more 
than  two  hundred  copies  of  the  book  held  in  esteem  in  his 
diocese,  and  substituted  for  it  copies  of  our  Four  Gospels. 


•  Even  Zellcr  does  not  dispute  that  Tatian  quotes  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and  ascribed  it  to  the- 
Apostle  John.     {Theol.  Jahrb.  1847,  p.  158.)     Cf.  Volkmar,  Urzprutfg,  u.s.w.,  p.  35. 

t  An  expression  used  by  Euscbius  (oiV  o/M'  oTwf,  literally,  "  I  know  not  how")  has  been 
misunderstood  by  many  as  implying  that  he  had  not  seen  the  work ;  but  Lightfoot  has  shown 
conclusively  that  this  inference  is  wholly  unwarranted.  It  only  implies  that  the  plan  of  the  work 
seemed  strange  to  him.  See  Contemf>orary  Review  for  May,  1877,  p.  1136,  where  Lightfoot 
dtes  26  examples  of  this  use  of  the  phrase  from  the  work  of  Ohgen  against  Celsus. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  55 

He  tells  us  that  Tatian,  who  is  supposed  to  have  prepared 
the  Harmony  after  he  became  %,  Gnostic  Encratite,  had  "  cut 
away  the  genealogies  and  such  other  passages  as  show  the 
Lord  to  have  been  born  of  the  seed  of  David  after  the  flesh/* 
But  notwithstanding  this  mutilation,  the  work  seems  to  have 
been  very  popular  in  the  orthodox  churches  of  Syria  as  a 
convenient  compendium.  The  celebrated  Syrian  Father, 
Ephraem,  the  deacon  of  Edessa,  who  died  a.d.  373,  wrote  a 
commentary  on  it,  according  to  Dionysius  Bar-Salibi,  who 
flourished  in  the  last  part  of  the  twelfth  century.  Bar-Salibi 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  work,  citing  it  in  his  own 
Commentary  on  the  Gospels,  and  distinguishing  it  from  the 
Diatessaron  of  Ammonius,  and  from  a  later  work  by  Elias 
Salamensis,  also  called  Aphthonius.  He  mentions  that  it 
began  with  John  i.  i — "In  the  beginning  was  the  Word." 
(See  Assemani,  Biblioth,  Orient,  ii.  158  ff.)  Besides  Eph- 
raem, Aphraates,  an  earlier  Syrian  Father  (a.d.  337)  appears 
to  have  used  it  {Horn,  i.  p.  13  ed.  Wright) ;  and  in  the  Doc- 
trine of  Addaiy  an  apocryphal  Syriac  work,  written  probably 
not  far  from  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  which  purports 
to  give  an  account  of  the  early  history  of  Christianity  at 
Edessa,  the  people  are  represented  as  coming  together  "  to 
the  prayers  of  the  service,  and  to  [the  reading  of]  the  Old 
Testament  and  the  New  of  the  Diatessaron."  *  The  Doc- 
trine of  Addai  does  not  name  the  author  of  the  Diatessaron 
thus  read ;  but  the  facts  already  mentioned  make  the  pre- 
sumption strong  that  it  was  Tatian's.  A  scholion  on  Cod. 
72  of  the  Gospels  cites  "Tatian's  Gospel"  for  a  remarkable 
reading  of  Matt,  xxvii.  49  found  in  many  ancient  MSS. ;  and 

*In  Cureton's  Ancient  Syriac  Documents  {Lond.  1864)  the  text,  published  from  a  MS.  in 
the  British  Museum,  is  here  corrupt,  reading  Ditonron,  a  word  without  meaning;  comp.  Pratten's 
Sjriac  Documents  {i%ji),  p.  35,  note,  in  the  Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library,  vol.  xx.  Cureton 
coDJectnred  that  the  true  reading  was  Z?/a//jfar^«  (see  his  note,  p.  158),  and  his  conjecture  is 
confirmed  by  the  St.  Petersburg  MS.  published  by  Dr.  George  Phillips,  T/u  Doctrine  0/ Addai, 
London,  1876;  see  his  note,  p.  34  f.  Cureton*s  Syriac  text  (p.  15),  as  well  as  his  translation 
(p.  15),  reads  Ditonron,  not  Ditornon,  as  Lightfoot,  Pratten,  and  Phillips  erroneously  state, 
being  misled  by  a  misprint  in  Cureton*s  note.  Phillips  gives  the  reading  correctly  in  the  note  to 
his  Syriac  text  (p.  36).  Moesinger,  in  the  work  described  below,  is  also  misled,  spelling  the  word 
DiathMmnn  (Praef.  p.  iv).  The  difference  between  Ditonron  and  Diatessaron  in  the  Syriac  is 
very  di^it,  affecting  only  a  single  letter. 


56  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

it  is  also  cited  for  a  peculiar  reading  of  Luke  vii.  42.*  So 
far  the  evidence  is  clear,  consistent,  and  conclusive ;  but  on 
the  ground  of  a  confusion  between  Tatian's  Harmony  and 
that  of  Ammonius  on  the  part  of  a  Syrian  writer  of  the 
thirteenth  century  (Gregorius  Abulpharagius  or  Bar-He- 
braeus),  and  of  the  two  persons  by  a  still  later  writer,  Ebed- 
Jesu,  both  of  which  confusions  can  be  traced  to  a  misunder- 
standing of  the  language  of  Bar-Salibi,  and  for  other  reasons 
equally  weak,  f  the  fact  that  Tatian's  work  was  a  Harmony 
of  our  Four  Gospels  has  been  questioned  by  some  German 
critics,  and  of  course  by  Supernatural  Religion.  But  the 
whole  subject  has  been  so  thoroughly  discussed  and  its  ob- 
scurities so  well  cleared  up  by  Bishop  Lightfoot,  in  an  article 
in  the  Conte^nporary  Review  for  May,  1877,  ^^at  the  question 
may  be  regarded  as  settled.  %  Lightfoot's  view  is  confirmed 
by  the  recent  publication  of  Ephraem's  Commentary  on  the 

•See  Tischendorf,  N.T.  Gr.  ed.  8va,  on  Matt,  xxvii.  49,  and  Scholz,  N.T.  Gr.,  vol.  i, 
p.  cxlix.,  and  p.  343,  note  x. 

t  Such  as  that  Victor  of  Capua  (a.d.  545)  savs  that  it  was  called  Diapenlt  (i.e.,  "  made  out  of 
Ave  ").  But  this  is  clearly  a  slip  of  the  pen  of  Victor  himself,  or  a  mistake  of  some  scribe ;  for,  as 
Hilgenfeld  {^EinUii.  p.  70,  note)  and  Lightfoot  remark,  Victor  is  simply  reporting  Eusebim^s 
account  of  it,  and  not  only  does  Eusebius  say  that  Tatian  called  it  the  DiaUisaron^  but  Victor 
himself  has  just  described  it  as  "  unum  ex  quatuorV  The  strange  mistake,  for  it  can  be  nothing 
else,  may  possibly  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  Diatessaron  and  Diafiente  being  both  musical 
terms  (cf.  Plut.  Quetst.  Conviv.  iii.  9,  §  i ;  De  Mus.  cc.  22,  23;  Macrob.  in  Somn.  Scifi.i.  6, 
§§  43>  44;  ii'  i»  §§  15-35;  Vitruv.  v.  4,  §§  7,  8;  Martian.  Capella,  ix.,  §§  950  ff ;  Censorinus, 
X.  6;  Philo,  De  Opif.  Afundi,  c.  15,  and  Miiller's  note,  p.  214  ff)i  one  might  naturally  recall  the 
other,  and  lead  to  an  unconscious  substitution  on  the  part  of  the  author  or  of  some  absent-minded 
copyist.  Such  slii>s  o(  the  pen,  or  heterographies,  2a^  not  uncommon.  To  take  examples  from 
two  books  Mvhich  I  have  ju!>l  been  using :  ^  Zacagni,  ColUctartea  Mon.  V.et.  p.  ss^i  note  ^,  says 
"Anno  Christi  guin/tentesimo  quinquagesimo  octavo"  when  he  means  **  quaJriM^eMtestmo*^  \ 
Charteris,  CanonicUy  (Edin.  1S80),  p.  xlv.,  note,  no.  4,  says  "  Eusebius"  for  "  Papus,'*  and,  in 
quoting  Lardner  (U>id.  p.  42,  note  1,  end),  substitutes  **  New  Testament  "  loT**Old  Testament ". 
Under  no  circumstances  can  any  inference  about  the  composition  of  the  work  be  drawn  from  this 
Diapente^  for  Victor  derives  his  information  from  Eubehuis,  and  not  only  do  all  the  Greek  MSS. 
in  the  passage  referred  to  read  Diatessaron^  but  this  reading  is  confirmed  by  the  very  ancient, 
probably  contemi>orary,  Syriac  version  of  Eusebiu&,  preserved  in  a  MS.  of  the  sixth  century,  and 
by  the  Latin  version  of  Rufinus,  made  a  century  and  a  half  before  Victor  wrote.  (See  Lightfoot, 
p.  1x43.)  The  mistake  ascribed  to  the  Syriac  lexicographer  Bar-Bahlul  is  proved  to  be  due  to  an 
interpolator.  (Sec  Lightfoot,  p.  1 139,  note.)  The  statement  of  Epiphanius,  the  most  untrustworthy 
and  blundering  of  the  Fathers,  that  "  it  is  called  by  some  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews" 
{Hter.  xlvi.  i),  if  it  had  any  foundation  beyond  a  mere  guess  of  the  writer,  may  have  originated 
from  the  omission  of  the  genealogies,  which  were  omitted  also  in  one  form  of  the  Gospel  accord- 
ing to  the  Hebrews  (Epiph.  Har.  xxx.  13,  14).  The  supposition  that  it  was  that  Gospel  con- 
tradicts all  our  information  about  the  two  works  except  the  circumstance  just  mentioned;  and 
that  it  had  additions  from  that  Gospel  is  a  conjecture  for  ^^hich  we  have  not  a  particle  of  evidence. 
(See  Lightfoot,  p.  1141 ;  Lipsius  in  Smith  and  \V  ace's  Diet,  of  Christian  Biog.  ii.  714.) 

tTo  Lightfoot's  article  I  am  much  indebted.  The  other  writers  who  treat  of  the  subject  most 
fully  are  Credner,  Beitrdge,  u.s.w.,  i.  437-451,  who  has  throv^-n  more  darkness  upon  it  than 
anyoody  else;  Daniel,  Tatianus  der  Apologet  (Halle,  1837),  PP*  87-111,  who  has  refuted 
Credner's  arguments;  Semisch,  Tatiani  Diatessaron^  Vratisl.  1856;  Hilgenfeld,  Einleit.  in  d. 
M.T.  (1875),  pp.  75-79;  SupematMrai  Religion^  vol.  ii.,  pp.  148-150,  7th  ed. ;  and  E.  B. 
Nicholson,  Th*  Gos^l  according  to  tfu  f/ebrews  ihondon^  1879),  p.  16  (.,  and  pp.  126-133,  who 
does  not  appear  to  nave  seen  Lightfoot's  article,  but  exposes  independently  many  of  the  errors 
and  fallacies  of  Supernatural  Religion.    See  also  Norton,  Genuineness  o/t/ie  Gospeis,  iii.  39a  S. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  57 

Diatessaron,  to  which  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  refer.  * 
This  exists  only  in  an  Armenian  version  of  the  Syriac,  made, 
it  is  supposed,  in  the  fifth  century.  The  Armenian  text  was 
published  in  the  second  volume  of  the  collected  Works  of 
St.  Ephraem  in  Armenian,  printed  at  Venice  in  1836  (4  vols. 
8vo) ;  but  Aucher's  Latin  translation  of  the  Commentary, 
revised  and  edited  by  G.  Moesinger,  who  compared  it  with 
another  Armenian  manuscript,  first  appeared  at  Venice  in 
1876,  and  the  work  has  hitherto  been  almost  unnoticed  by 
scholars.!  It  should  be  observed  that  Ephraem's  commen- 
tary is  only  on  select  passages  of  the  Harmony,  unless  the 
work  which  has  come  down  to  us  is  merely  an  abridgment. 
But  there  seems  to  be  no  ground  for  questioning  the  gen- 
uineness of  the  work  ascribed  to  Ephraem ;  and  little  or  no 
ground  for  doubting  that  the  Harmony  on  which  he  is  com- 
menting is  Tatian's,  in  accordance  with  the  account  of 
Dionysius  Bar-Salibi.  %  It  agrees  with  what  we  know  of 
Tatian's  in  omitting  the  genealogies  and  in  beginning  with 
the  first  verse  of  the  Gospel  of  John.  Further,  the  character 
of  the  text,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  of  it  from  a  translation  of 
a  translation,  is  such  as  to  lend  confirmation  to  the  view  that 
it  is  Tatian's.  It  presents  some  very  ancient  various  read- 
ings which  accord  remarkably  with  those  of  Justin  Martyr 
and  other  early  writers,  and  with  the  Curetonian  Syriac 
where  it  differs  from  the  later  Peshito.  || 

*  See  Note  A,  no.  4. 

t  The  yolume  is  entitled :  Evangtlii  coneordantis  Exposiiio  facta  a  Sancto  Ephratm0 
Dpciort  Syro,  In  LatmutH  translata  a  R.  P.  Joannt  Baptista  A  ucker  Mechitarista  cujus 
Vtrtwtumt  emtndavii,  Adttotationibus  Ulustravit  tt  edidU  Dr.  Georgiut  Motsingtr. 
Venetiis,  Libraria  PP.  Mechitaristarum  in  Monasterio  S.  Lazari.  1876.  8vo.  pp.  xii.,  293. 
Lipsins,  art.  Gospels,  Apocryphal^  in  Smith  and  Wace's  Diet.  0/  Christian  Bicg..,  vol.  ii. 
(London,  18S0),  p.  7x3,  is  not  even  aware  that  the  Armenian  translation  has  been  published. 

tSee  Moesinger,  nbisuprat  Praef.  p.  ii.  ff. 

I  We  find,  for  example,  the  very  ancient  punctuation  or  construction  which  ends  the  sentence 
in  John  i.  3  witliot>c5e  h>^  "not  even  one  thing,"  connecting  0  yeyovtv  with  ver.  4.  (See 
Moesinger's  edition,  p.  5.)  This  accords  with  the  citation  of  the  passage  by  Tatian  {Or at.  ad 
Grme.  c  19).  In  Matt.  i.  25,  we  reaid  "  sancte  {or  in  sanctitate)  habitabat  cum  ea"  (Moesinger, 
pp.  as,  25,  a6);  so  the  Curetonian  Sjrriac.  In  Matt.  viii.  xo  (p.  74),  it  reads,  "  Non  in  aliqno  in 
Israffl  tantam  fidem  inveni,**  with  Cod.  Vaticanus  (B),  several  of  the  best  cursives,  the  MSS. 
a  gi.  k  q  of  the  Old  Latin,  the  Curetonian  Syriac,  Sahidic,  Coptic,  and  /Ethiopic  versions,  the 
Hardean  Syriac  in  the  margin,  Augustine  once,  and  ih^  "Opus  I mper/ectum^^  on  Matt.  In 
Matt.  xL  27  (Moesinger,  pp.  xr 7,  216),  it  agrees  with  Justin,  the  Clementine  Homilies,  and  the 
in  Ireiueas,  in  the  transposition. of  the  clauses  relating  to  the  Father  and  the  Son.    (See 


58  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

We  may  regard  it  then,  I  conceive,  as  an  established  fact 
that  Tatian's  Diatessaron  was  a  Harmony  of  our  four  Gospels. 
So  difficult  and  laborious  a  work  would  hardly  have  been  un- 
dertaken, except  to  meet  a  want  which  had  been  widely  felt. 
It  implies  that  the  four  books  used  were  recognized  by  those 
for  whom  it  was  intended  as  authoritative,  and  as  possessing 
equal  authority.  Can  we  then  believe  that  Tatiah's  Harmony 
represented  a  difEerent  set  of  books  from  the  "  Memoirs  called 
Gospels  "  of  his  master  Justin,  which  were  read  at  the  meet- 
ings for  public  worship  in  churches  all  over  the  Christian 
world  as  the  authentic  records  of  the  life  and  teaching  of 
Christ,  the  production  of  Apostles  and  their  companions  } 
Does  not  Tatian*s  unquestionable  use  of  the  Gospel  of  John 
in  particular  confirm  the  strong  presumption  from  other  facts 
that  this  Gospel  was  included  in  the  "  Memoirs  "  used  by  his 
master  and  by  Christians  generally  twenty  years  before  ? 

This  presumption  receives  further  confirmation  from  other 
testimonies  to  the  existence  and  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel 
between  the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  and  Irenaeus. 

The  treatise  or  fragment  On  the  Resurrection^  which  Otto 
with  many  others  ascribes  to  Justin,  if  not  genuine,  probably 
belongs  to  this  period.  In  c.  i  we  read,  "  The  Logos  of  God, 
who  was  \or  became]  his  Son,  came  to  us  clothed  in  flesh, 
revealing  both  himself  and  the  Father,  giving  to  us  in  him- 
self the  resurrection  from  the  dead  and  the  eternal  life  which 
follows."  The  allusions  here  to  John  i.  i,  14;  xiv.  9;  xi.  25, 
26,  seem  unmistakable.  So  in  c.  9,  "  He  permitted  them  to 
handle  him,  and  showed  in  his  hands  the  marks  of  the  nails," 
we  have  a  reference  to  John  xx.  25,  27,  as  well  as  to  Luke 
xxiv.  39. 

Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis  (cir.  a.d.  165),  in  a  fragment  from 


Note  A,  under  no.  4.)  In  Matt.  xix.  17,  the  text  is  given  in  Ephraem's  commentary  in  dififerent 
forms,  but  it  seems  to  be,  substantially,  "  Unus  tantum  est  bonus,  Pater  {or  Deus  Pater)  qui  in 
cac'lis"  (Moesinger,  pp.  169,  170,  173);  similarly,  Justin  Martyr  once  {Dial.  c.  loi),  the  Naassenes 
in  Hippolytus  {Adv.  liter,  v.  7,  p.  103),  the  Marcosians  in  Irenxus  {Jleer.  \.  20.  §a),  and  the 
Clementine  Homilies  (xviii.  1,  3);  sec,  for  the  numerous  variations  of  reading  here,  Tischendorfs 
N.T.  Gr.  ed.  Sva,  in  he.  Notice  also  the  reading  of  John  vii.  8  ("-VV;«  asceudo,"  Moesinger, 
p.  167);  John  iii.  13,  quoted  >\'ithout  the  last  clause  of  text,  reccpt.  (pp.  187,  1S9,  comp.  x68); 
John  X.  8  {ante  tne,  p.  200) ;  Luke  xxii.  44  ("  et  factus  est  sudor  ejus  ut  guttae  sanguinis,''  p.  235; 
comp.  Justin,  Dial.  c.  103). 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  59 

his  work  on  the  Incarnation  preserved  by  Anastasius  Sinaita, 
speaks  of  Christ  as  "  giving  proof  to  us  of  his  deity  by  signs 
[wrought]  in  the  three  years  after  his  baptism,  and  of  his 
humanity  in  the  thirty  years  before  his  baptism."  *  This 
assignment  of  a  duration  of  three  years  to  his  ministry  must 
have  been  founded  on  the  Gospel  of  John,  which  mentions 
three  Passovers  (ii.  13;  vi.  4;  xi.  55)  besides  the  "feast  of 
the  Jews"  referred  to  in  John  v.  i. 

Claudius  ApoUinaris,  bishop  of  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia  {cir. 
A.D.  166),  in  a  treatise  on  the  Paschal  Festival,  refers  to  the 
apparent  difference  between  John  and  the  Synoptic  Gospels 
as  to  the  time  of  the  death  of  Jesus.  ApoUinaris,  relying 
on  the  Gospel  of  John,  held  that  it  was  on  the  day  on  which 
the  paschal  lamb  was  killed,  the  14th  of  Nisan  ;  his  oppo- 
nents, appealing  to  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  maintained  that 
it  was  on  the  day  following.  Both  Gospels  were  evidently 
received  as  authoritative  by  both  parties.f  He  also  refers 
in  the  same  work  to  the  piercing  of  the  side  of  Jesus  and 
the  effusion  of  water  and  blood,  mentioned  only  by  John 
(xix.  34).t 

The  Epistle  of  the  Churches  of  Vienne  and  Lyons  in  Gaul 
to  those  of  Asia  and  Phrygia,  giving  an  account  of  their  per- 
secutions (a.d.  177),  quotes  the  following  as  the  words  of  the 
Lord :  "  There  shall  come  a  time  in  which  whosoever  killeth 
you  shall  think  that  he  is  offering  a  religious  service  to  God," 
Xarpeiav  -rpoat^pttv  rift  Oeu.  The  expression  in  the  last  clause 
is  the  same  which  is  inadequately  rendered  in  the  common 
version  "doeth  God  service"  (John  xvi.  2).||  The  use  of  the 
word  irapdKhrro^  a  little    before   in    the  Epistle,  "having  the 


•See  Anast.  Sinait.  Hodtg.  or  Via  Dux^  c.  13,  in  Migne,  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxxix.  col.  229,  or 
Mefito,  Frag.  vi.  in  Otto,  C»rp.  Apol.  Christy  vol.  ix.  (1872),  p.  416. 

iCAroMicoH  PaseAaief  yo\.  i.,pp.  13,  Mi  ed.  Dindorf;  ApoUinaris  in  Routh's  ^*//.  M<:r<r, 
ed.  alt.  (1846),  i  160;  or  Otto,  Cor/.  Apol.  Christ.,  ix.  486  f. 

Xlbid.  p.  14,  cd.  Dindorf;  Routh,  ibid.  p.  161;  Otto,  ubi  supra.  For  a  full  view  of  the 
evidence  of  Melito  and  ApoUinaris,  and  of  the  considerations  which  give  it  weight,  see  Lightfoot's 
artide,  "The  Later  Sdiool  of  St.  John,"  in  the  Contemporary  Revirw  for  February,  1876, 
zzvii.  471  €f. 

BThe  letter  is  preserved  in  large  part  by  Eusebius,  Hist.  Ecd.  v.  cc.  1-4.  It  may  be  con- 
sulted conveniently  in  Rooth,  Rell.  sacra,  i.  29s  ff-.  cd.  alt.  For  the  quotation,  see  Epist.  c.  4; 
Routh,  p.  300;  Eoseb.  v.  x.  §  15. 


6o  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

Paraclete  within  him/*  also  suggests  the  Gospel  of  John; 
comp.  John  xiv.  i6,  ly* 

Athenagoras  the  Athenian  («>.  a.d.  176),  in  his  Plea  for 
Christians  addressed  to  M.  Aurelius  and  Commodus,  speak- 
ing of  "the  Logos  of  God  the  Father,"  says  that  "through 
him  all  things  were  made "  (pc  airrov  ndvra  eyivrro),  the  Father 
and  the  Son  being  one ;  and  the  Son  being  in  the  Father, 
and  the  Father  in  the  Son  "  ;  language  which  seems  evidently 
founded  on  John  i.  3  ;   x.  30,  38;    xiv.  10,  11  ;   xvii.  21,  22.t 

Theophilus,  bishop  of  Antioch  a.d.  169-181,  in  his  work 
in  defence  of  Christianity  addressed  to  Autolycus  (a.d.  180), 
says,  "The  Holy  Scriptures  teach  us,  and  all  who  were 
moved  by  the  Spirit,  among  whom  John  says,  *  In  the  begin- 
ning was  the  word  [or  Logos],  and  the  Word  was  with  God.' " 
He  proceeds  to  quote  John  i.  3.  J 

The  Muratorian  Canon  (cir.  a.d.  170),  as  has  already«been 
mentioned,  ascribes  the  Gospel  to  the  Apostle  John,  and 
gives  an  account  of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was 
written,  fabulous  doubtless  in  some  of  its  details,  but  having 
probably  a  basis  of  truth.  || 

Celsus,  the  celebrated  heathen  adversary  of  Christianity 
(a.d.  178,  Keim),  professedly  founds  his  statements  concern- 
ing the  history  of  Christ  on  "the  writings  of  his  disciples  ";** 
and  his  accounts  are  manifestly  based  on  our  four  Gospels,tt 

*Episi.  c.  3;  Routh,  p.  29S;  Euseb.  v.  i.  §  10.  In  the  same  section  we  have  other  expres- 
sions apparently  borrowed  from  John  xv.  13  and  i  John  iii.  16.  See,  further,  Lightfoot's  article, 
"The  Churches  of  Gaul,''  in  the  ConUmp.  Review  for  August,  1876,  xxviii.  405  ff.  An  English 
translation  of  the  Fragments  of  Melito  and  Apollinaris,  and  of  the  Epistle  of  the  Churches  ol 
Vienne  and  Lyons,  will  be  found  appended  to  vol.  ii.  of  Lactantius,  in  vol.  xxii.  of  the  Ante- 
Nicene  Christian  Library. 

t  Suppl.  pro  Christ,  c.  10,  p.  46,  ed.  Otto. 

tAdAuioL  ii.  22,  pp.  1 18-120,  ed.  Otto. 

n  See  on  this  subject  Lightfoot  in  the  ConUmp.  Review  for  October,  1S75,  ^^^cvL  835  ff.; 
Matthew  Arnold,  God  and  the  Bible^  p.  248  (Eng.  ed.);  and  Westcott,  **  Introd.  to  the  Gospel  of 
St.  John,"  in  The  Holy  Bible  .  .  .  with  . .  .  Commentary,  etc,  ed.  by  F.  C.  Cook,  N.  T.,  vol  E. 
p.  XXXV. ;  als<i  his  Canon  of  the  N.  T.^  5th  ed.,  p.  214  ff. 

••Origen,  Cels.  ii.  13,  74;  comp.  32,  53.  He  quotes  these  writings  as  possessing  among 
Christians  unquestioned  authority :  "We  need,"  sap  he,  "no  other  witness;  for  you  fetU  upon 
your  own  swords  "  (ii.  74). 

Tt  See  fully  in  Lardner,  Testimonies  0/ Ancient  Heathens y  cY\.  xviii.,  W-w^ty,  vii.  210-278; 
Kirchhofer,  Qnellensammlung-  Mur  Gesch.  des  netUest,  Canons  (1844),  PP-  330-349;  Keim, 
Celstuf  M^ahres  Wort  (1873),  pp.  323-230.  Comp.  Norton,  Genuineness  of  the  Gospdtt  L  14s 
ff. ;  E.  A.  Abbott,  art.  Gospels^  in  the  Encye.  Britannica^  9th  ed.,  x.  818. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  6 1 

though  he  does  not  name  their  authors.  He  refers  to  sev- 
eral circumstances  peculiar  to  the  narrative  of  John,  as  the 
blood  which  flowed  from  the  body  of  Jesus  at  his  crucifixion,* 
and  the  fact  that  Christ  "  after  his  death  arose,  and  showed 
the  marks  of  his  punishment,  and  how  his  hands  had  been 
pierced."  f  He  says  that  "some  relate  that  one,  and  some 
that  two  angels  came  to  the  sepulchre,  to  announce  that 
Jesus  was  risen."  J  Matthew  and  Mark  speak  of  but  one 
angel,  Luke  and  John  mention  two.  He  says  that  the  Jews 
"  challenged  Jesus  in  the  temple  to  produce  some  clear  proof 
that  he  was  the  Son  of  God."  ||  He  appears  also  to  allude  to 
the  cry  of  Jesus,  "  I  thirst,"  recorded  only  by  John.**  Re- 
ferring to  a  declaration  of  Jesus,  he  satirically  exclaims, 
"  O  Light  and  Truth  ! "  designations  of  Christ  characteristic 
of  John's  Gospel. tt  He  says  that  Jesus  "after  rising  from 
the  dead  showed  himself  secretly  .to  one  woman  only,  and 
to  his  boon  companions."JJ  Here  the  first  part  of  the 
statement  seems  to  refer  to  John's  account  of  the  appear- 
ance of  Christ  to  Mary  Magdalene. 

The  heretical  writings  of  this  period  clearly  recognize  the 
Fourth  Gospel.  Notwithstanding  several  apparent  quotations 
or  allusions,  it  was  formerly  maintained  that  the  author  of 
the  Clementine  Homilies  could  not  possibly  have  used  this 
Gospel,  it  being  in  such  opposition  to  his  opinions.  But 
since  the  discovery  of  the  Codex  Ottobonianus,  containing 
the  missing  portion  of  the  book  (first  published  by  Dressel 
in  his  edition  of  the  Homilies  in  1853),  there  has  been  a 
change  of  view.  That  portion  contains  so  clear  a  quotation 
of  John  ix.  1-3  (Horn,  xix.  22)  that  Hilgenfeld  has  handsomely 
retracted  his  denial  ;||||  and,  though  Scholten  and  Supematu- 

*Origen,  CtU.  U.  36,  also  i.  66;  comp.  John  xix.  34. 

tOrigen,  Celt.  ii.  55,  59;  John  xx  35,  27. 

t  Origin,  Celx.  ▼.  52,  56;  John  xx  12;  comp.  Luke  xxiv.  4,  23. 

lOrigen,  Cti$.  i.  67;  John  ii.  18;  comp.  x.  23,  24.    (Matt.  xxi.  23.) 

^'^Origen,  CrZr.  iL  37;  John  xix.  28. 

tt  Origen,  Celt,  iL  49;  John  viii.  12;  ix.  5 ;  xii.  46;  xiv.  6. 

t$Oi%en,  CtU,  ii.70;  John  xx.  14-18.    Compare,  however,  the  Addition  to  Mark,  xri.  9. 

WRimUiL  in  d.  N.T.^  p.  43  {.,  note;  comp.  Matthew  Arnold,  God  and  th*  BibU^  p.  277. 
Volkmtf  alao  recognises  the  use  of  the  Fourth  Goepel  here,  but  only  as  "  an  unapostolic  novum  ^ 


62  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

ral  Religion  still  resist  the  evidence,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
about  the  final  verdict  of  impartial  criticism.  Besides  this 
passage  and  that  about  the  new  birth,*  the  Gospel  of  John 
seems  to  be  used  twice  in  Horn,  iii.  52,  once  in  a  free  quota- 
tion :  "  I  am  the  gate  of  life ;  he  that  entereth  in  through 
me  entereth  into  life,  for  there  is  no  other  teaching  that 
can  save  "  (comp.  John  x.  9,  10)  ;  and  again,  "  My  sheep  hear 
my  voice"  (comp.  John  x.  27). 

More  important,  and  beyond  any  dispute,  is  the  evidence 
of  the  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  as  the  work  of  the  Apostle 
John  by  the  Gnostics  of  this  period.  Ptolemy,  the  disciple 
of  Valentinus,  in  his  Epistle  to  Flora,  preserved  by  Epipha- 
nius  {Hcer,  xxxiii.  3),  quotes  John  i.  3  as  what  "  the  Apostle 
says  "  ;  t  and,  in  the  exposition  of  the  Ptolemaeo-Valentinian 
system  given  by  Irenaeus,  a  long  passage  is  quoted  from 
Ptolemy  or  one  of  his  school  in  which  he  is  represented  as 
saying  that  "John,  the  disciple  of  the  Lord,  supposes  a 
certain  Beginning,"  etc.,  citing  and  commenting  on  John  i. 
1-5,  14,  18,  in  support  of  the  Valentinian  doctrine  of  the 
Ogdoad.  X  The  Valentinians,  indeed,  as  we  are  told  by 
Irenaeus  elsewhere,  used  the  Gospel  of  John  most  abundantly 
{Hcer.  iii.  11.  §  7).  Heracleon,  another  disciple  of  Valen- 
tinus, wrote  a  commentary  on  it,  large  extracts  from  which 
are  preserved  by  Origen.  ||  The  book  commonly  cited  as 
Excerpta  Tluodoti  or  Doctrina  Orientalis,  a  compilation  (with 
criticisms)  from  the  writings  of  Theodotus  and  other  Gnostics 
of  the  second  century,  ascribed  to  Clement  of  Alexandria  and 

{Ursprung  uns.  Ew.,  1866,  p.  62  f.,  134  ^O-  The  question  is  well  treated  by  Sanday,  TJU 
Gcxpeh  in  tJu  Second  Century,  pp.  293  ff.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  incident  of  **  the  man 
blind  from  his  birth  "  is  introduced  in  the  Homilies  (xix.  22)  as  it  is  in  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions (v.  7.  §  17)  with  the  use  of  the  definite  article,  as  something  well-known  to  the  readers  of  the 
book.  How  does  this  happen,  if  the  writer  is  taking  it  from  "an  unapostolic  novum  "  f  Drum- 
mond  and  Sanday  have  properly  called  attention  to  this  use  of  the  article. 

*  Horn.  xi.  a'^i;  see  ab«»ve,  pp.  29,  31. 

1 1  follow  the  text  of  Dindorf  in  his  edition  of  Epiphanius,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  199,  200,  who  read« 
TO,  re  navra  for  an:  Tzavra  and  yf^  nvtrni  wJu'for  ytyovev  ovStv. 

tiren.  //ar.  i.  8.  §5.  The  old  Latin  version  of  Irenaeus,  which  is  often  more  trustworthy 
than  the  Greek  as  preserved  by  Epiphanius,  ends  the  section  referred  to  with  the  words: 
£i  PtolenuBus  quidem  ita.  For  the  Greek,  generally,  see  Epiphanius,  Heer.  xxxi.  a7,  in 
DindorTs  edition,  which  gives  the  best  text. 

B  These  are  collected  in  Grabe's  Spicilegium  SS,  Pairunt,  etc.,  ii.  85-117,237,  ed.  alt. 
(1714),  and  in  Stieren's  Irenaeus,  i.  938-971. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  63 

commonly  printed  with  his  works,  contains  many  extracts 
from  one  or  more  writers  of  the  Valentinian  school,  in  which 
the  Gospel  of  John  is  quoted  and  commented  upon  as  the 
work  of  the  Apostle.  (See  particularly  cc.  6-8,  also  3,  9, 
13,  17-19,  26,  41,  45,  61,  62,  65,  73.) 

The  literature  of  the  third  quarter  of  the  second  century 
is  fragmentary,  but  we  have  seen  that  it  attests  the  use  of 
the  Fourth  Gospel  in  the  most  widely  separated  regions  of 
the  Christian  world,  and  by  parties  diametrically  opposed  in 
sentiment.  The  fact  that  this  Gospel  was  used  by  those  to 
whose  opinions  it  was  or  seemed  to  be  adverse  —  by  the 
author  of  the  Clementine  Homilies,  by  Quartodecimans  and 
their  opponents,  and  especially  by  the  Gnostics,  who  were 
obliged  to  wrest  its  language  so  violently  to  accommodate  it 
to  their  systems — shows  that  to  have  won  such  a  reception  at 
that  time  it  must  have  come  down  from  an  earlier  period 
with  commanding  authority.  Its  use  in  Tatian's  Diatessaron 
also  makes  this  evident.  It  must  have  belonged  to  those 
"  Memoirs  "  to  which  Justin  appealed  fifteen  or  twenty  years 
before,  and  which  were  recognized  by  the  Christians  gen- 
erally of  his  day  as  the  authentic  sources  of  information 
respecting  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ.  The  particular 
evidence  we  have  been  examining,  limited  as  it  is  by  the 
scantiness  of  the  literature,  strengthens  the  general  conclu- 
sion before  drawn  from  the  universal  reception  of  our  four 
Gospels  in  the  time  of  Irenaeus,  and  from  the  direct  indica- 
tions of  the  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  by  Justin.  The  evi- 
dence that  this  Gospel  was  one  of  his  "  Memoirs  "  is  thus 
cumulative,  and,  unless  it  is  countervailed  by  some  very 
strong  objections,  must  be  regarded  as  decisive.  Let  us 
then  consider  the  main  objections  which  have  been  urged 
against  this  conclusion. 

The  first  is  that,  according  to  Supernatural  Religion,  **The 
description  which  Justin  gives  of  the  manner  of  the  teaching 
of  Jesus  excludes  the  idea  that  he  knew  the  Fourth  Gospel. 
'  Brief  and  concise  were  the  sentences  uttered  by  him :  for 
he  was  no  Sophist,  but  his  word  was  the  power  of  God.' 


64  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

No  one  could  for  a  moment  assert  that  this  applies  to  the 
long  and  artificial  discourses  of  the  Fourth  Gospel."  * 

Here  we  may  observe,  in  the  first  place,  that  Justin's  Greek 
is  not  quite  accurately  translated,  f  The  word  rendered 
"  sentences "  is  without  the  article ;  and  Prof.  Drummond 
translates  the  clause  more  correctly,  **  Brief  and  concise  say- 
ings have  proceeded  from  him,"  remarking  that  "Justin  is 
describing  not  the  universal,  but  only  the  prevailing  and 
prominent  character  of  his  teaching."  J  And  it  is  not  a 
description  of  the  teaching  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  particu- 
lar, but  a  general  statement,  not  inconsistent  with  the  fact 
that  the  character  of  the  discourses  in  the  Fourth  Gospel 
is  in  some  respects  peculiar.  But,  as  to  "  brief  and  concise 
sayings"  of  Jesus,  Professor  Drummond,  in  glancing  over 
the  first  thirteen  chapters  of  John,  finds  no  less  than  fifty- 
three  to  which  this  description  would  apply.  He  observes 
that  "the  book  contains  in  reality  very  little  connected 
argumentation ;  and  even  the  longest  discourses  consist 
rather  of  successive  pearls  of  thought  strung  on  a  thread 
of  association  than  of  consecutive  discussion  and  proof."  || 
But  it  may  be  greatly  doubted  whether  Justin  means  here 
by  ppaxeig  Uyoi^  as  Taylcr  supposes,  simply  "  short,  aphoristic 
maxims."  The  reference  to  the  Sophists,  that  is,  rhetori- 
cians, leads  one  rather  to  suppose  that  Justin  is  contrasting 
the  A<5>o/,  "discourses,"  of  Christ  in  general  with  the  long, 
artificial,  argumentative,  and  rhetorical  u^oi  of  the  Sophists 
among  his  earlier  or  later  contemporaries,  such  as  Dion 
Chrysostomus,  Herodes  Atticus,  Polemo  and  Aristides, 
whom  Philostratus  describes  in  his  biographies.  As  for 
brevity,  the  discourses  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  are  generally 
short :    the   longest    continuous   discourse    there    recorded 


•Suf.  Rtl.t  ii.  3x4;  similarly  J.  J.  Tayler,  An  Attempt  to  ascertain  the  Character  0/ the 
Fourth  Gospel  (1867),  p.  64;  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Study  0/  the  .V.T.  (1868),  ii.  386,  and 
many  others. 

^Apol.  i.  14:  Ppax^'ic  S^  Kal  ai'VTOfWL  nap*  aifTOv  Tioyot  yeydvaaiv.  It  may  be 
thought,  perhaps,  that  oi  has  dropped  out  after  avvTOfiot,  which  might  easily  have  happened. 
But,  even  if  the  article  had  been  used,  the  argiunent  would  be  worthless.  Such  general  proposi- 
tions are  seldom  to  be  taxen  without  qualification. 

t  Theol.  Review,  July,  1877,  xiv.  330. 

llbid.  pp.  330,  331. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  65 

would  hardly  occupy  five  minutes  in  the  reading.  The 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  as  given  by  Matthew  is  much  longer 
than  any  unbroken  discourse  in  John.  But  what  charac- 
terizes the  teaching  of  Christ  in  the  Gospels,  as  Justin  inti- 
mates, is  the  divine  authority  and  spiritual  power  with  which 
he  speaks ;  and  this  is  not  less  striking  in  the  Fourth  Gospel 
than  in  the  Synoptists.  (Comp.  Matt.  vii.  29 ;  Luke  iv.  32  ; 
John  vii.  26,  46.) 

A  more  plausible  objection  is  this.  If  Justin  knew  and 
used  the  Fourth  Gospel  at  all,  why  has  he  not  used  it  more } 
Why  has  he  never  appealed  to  it  in  proof  of  his  doctrine  of 
the  Logos  and  of  the  pre-existence  of  Christ  ?  He  has  ex- 
pressly quoted  but  one  saying  of  Christ  recorded  in  it,  and 
one  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  has  referred  to  but  one  incident 
peculiar  to  it,  unless  we  adopt  the  view  of  Professor  Drum- 
mond  respecting  his  reference  to  John  xix.  13.  (See  above, 
p.  52.)  His  account  of  Christ's  life  and  teaching  cor- 
responds substantially  with  that  given  in  the  Synoptic  Gos- 
pels, which  he  follows  (so  it  is  affirmed)  where  they  differ, 
or  seem  to  differ,  from  John.  Albrecht  Thoma,  in  an  article 
in  Hilgenfeld's  Zeitschrift,  comes  to  the  conclusion,  after  a 
minute  examination  of  the  subject,  that  Justin  "knows  and 
uses  almost  every  chapter  of  the  Logos-Gospel,  and  in  part 
very  fully."  But  such  considerations  as  I  have  mentioned 
convince  him,  notwithstanding,  that  he  did  not  regard  it  as 
apostolic,  or  historically  authentic.  He  finds  Justin's  rela- 
tion to  the  Apostle  Paul  very  similar.  Justin  shows  himself 
well  acquainted  with  Paul's  writings,  he  often  follows  him  in 
his  citations  from  the  Old  Testament  where  they  differ  from 
the  Septuagint,  he  borrows  largely  his  thoughts  and  illustra- 
tions and  language,  but  never  quotes  him  expressly  and  by 
name ;  and  so  Mr.  Thoma  thinks  he  cannot  have  regarded 
him  as  an  Apostle.* 

This  argument  forgets  the   nature   of  Justin's  writings. 
Were  he  addressing  a  Christian  community  in  defence  of  his 

*  See  the  article, "  Jusdns  literarisches  Verhftltniss  zu  Paulus  und  zum  Johannes-Evan> 
**  m  HOgenfeld's  Zeiisckri/t  /^  wuunsck,  Tke<flogit^  1875,  xviii.  383  ff.,  490  ff-    The 
IB  Uu  test  is  from  p^  5S3« 


66  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

doctrine  of  the  pre-existence  and  subordinate  deity  of  Christ 
in  opposition  to  the  Ebionites,  these  objections  would  be 
valid.  But  he  was  writing  for  unbelievers.  In  his  Apolo- 
gies addressed  to  the  Emperor  and  Senate  and  people  of 
Rome,  he  cannot  quote  the  Christian  writings  in  direct  proof 
of  the  truth  of  Christian  doctrines,  and  makes  no  attempt  to 
do  so.  In  giving  the  account  which  he  does  of  the  teaching 
of  Christ,  he  draws  mainly  from  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount, 
and  in  his  sketch  of  the  Gospel  history  follows  mainly  the 
guidance  of  Matthew,  though  also  using  Luke,  and  in  two 
or  three  instances  Mark.  That  is  exactly  what  was  to  be 
expected.  Justin's  chief  argument  is  derived  from  the  fulfil- 
ment of  Old  Testament  prophecies,  and  in  this  he  natu- 
rally follows  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  which  is  distinguished 
from  the  others  by  its  reference  to  them.  Where  Matthew's 
citations  differ  from  the  Alexandrine  version  of  the  Old 
Testament,  Justin  often  appears  to  borrow  from  Matthew 
rather  than  from  the  Septuagint.*  The  discourses  of  Christ 
as  they  are  given  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels  were  obviously 
much  better  fitted  for  his  purpose  of  presenting  to  heathens 
a  general  view  of  Christ's  teaching  than  those  in  the  Gospel 
of  John.  Similar  remarks  apply  to  the  Dialogue  with 
Trypho  the  Jew.  Here  Dr.  Davidson  thinks  it  strange  that 
Justin  should  not  have  quoted  the  prologue  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  and  such  a  passage  as  "Before  Abraham  was,  I  am," 
in  proof  of  Christ's  divinity  and  pre-existence. f  But  the 
Jew  with  whom  Justin  was  arguing  would  not  have  accepted 
an  assertion  of  John  or  a  declaration  of  Christ  as  a  proof  of 
its  truth.  So  in  the  case  of  Paul's  writings.  Paul  was  not 
so  popular  among  the  Jews  that  his  name  would  recommend 
the  arguments  or  illustrations  which  Justin  borrows  from 
him  ;  still  less  could  Justin  quote  his  Epistles  in  proof  of 
doctrine  in  a  discussion  with  a  Jew,  or  in  a  defence  of  Chris- 
tianity addressed  to  heathens. 

*See  Semisch,  DU  apost.  DeptktoVkrdigktiUn  u.s.w.,  pp.  x  10-120;  examples  are  also  given 
by  Norton,  Genuitutuxs^  etc.,  vol.  i.  Addit.  Notes,  pp.  ccxx.,  ccxxii.,  cccxxxiL  f. 

t  Davidson's  Intrcd.  to  the  Study  of  the  N.  T.  (1868),  ii.  385.    Compare  Volkmar,  Utber 
Justin  den  M^rtyrtr  u.s.w.  (Zlirich,  1853),  p.  ao  f. ;  Ur$prMng  $uu.  Evang:  (1866),  p.  107  f. 
Thoma,  udint/ra,  p.  556. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  67 

The  correctness  of  this  explanation  is  confirmed  by  an 
indisputable  fact.  Justin  certainly  believed  that  the  Apostle 
John  was  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse ;  Supernatural  Relig- 
ion (i.  295)  thinks  that  this  was  the  only  book  of  the  New 
Testament  which  he  regarded  as  "inspired";  Thoma  (p.  563, 
note  i)  even  supposes  that  it  was  read  in  the  churches  in 
Justin's  time  together  with  the  ** Memoirs"  and  the  Prophets 
of  the  Old  Testament.  How,  then,  does  it  happen  that  he 
has  not  a  single  quotation  from  this  book,  which  calls  Christ 
"the  Word  [Logos]  of  God  "  (Rev.  xix.  13),  "  the  beginning 
of  the  creation  of  God  "  (iii.  14),  "  the  first  and  the  last  and 
the  living  one"  (i.  17,  comp.  ii.  8),  "the  searcher  of  the  reins 
and  hearts  "  (ii.  23),  and,  apparently  (though  according  to 
Alford  and  Westcott  not  really),  "the  Alpha  and  the  Omega, 
the  beginning  and  the  end  "  (xxii.  13).^  In  speaking  of  the 
different  opinions  among  Christians  about  the  resurrection, 
Justin  once  refers  to  the  book  as  agreeing  with  the  prophets 
in  predicting  the  Millennium,  and  mentions  the  name  of  the 
author  {Dial,  c.  81 ;  the  passage  will  be  cited  below) ;  but,  as 
I  have  said,  he  nowhere  quotes  this  work,  which  he  regarded 
as  inspired,  apostolic,  prophetic,  though  it  contains  so  much 
which  might  seem  to  favor  his  view  of  the  person  of  Christ. 
Were  it  not  for  that  almost  accidental  reference  to  it,  it 
might  be  plausibly  argued  that  he  was  ignorant  of  its  exist- 
ence. In  one  place  in  the  Dialogue  with  Trypho  (c.  18), 
Justin  half  apologizes  for  subjoining  "some  brief  sayings" 
of  the  Saviour  to  the  words  of  the  Prophets,  on  the  ground 
that  Trypho  had  acknowledged  that  he  had  read  the  precepts 
of  Christ  "in  the  so-called  Gospel"  {Dial  c.  10).  But  he 
does  not  introduce  them  there  as  arguments. 

It  should  be  observed,  further,  that  the  course  pursued  by 
Justin  in  abstaining  from  quoting  the  Gospels  in  proof  of 
doctrines,  and  in  not  mentioning  the  Evangelists  by  name, 
in  writings  addressed  to  unbelievers,  is  simply  that  which 
was  followed,  with  slight  exceptions,  by  a  long  line  of  Chris- 
tian Apologists  from  his  time  down  to  that  of  Eusebius.* 

•See  Norton,  Gtn,  of  tlu  GospeU,  I  ai8  ff.;  Westcott,  Canon  of  the  N.T.,  p.  ii6  ff . ; 
E.  S.  Ffbolkes,  art.  FaiJurs,  in  Smith  and  Wace*s  Diet,  of  Christian  Biog.,  ii.  45^  ^* 


68  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

It  may  still  be  said  that  this  applies  only  to  quotations 
made  in  proof  of  doctrines.  It  may  be  asked,  and  there  is 
some  force  in  the  question,  Why  has  not  Justin  used  John 
as  he  has  used  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  as  an  authority  for  his- 
torical facts,  for  facts  which  he  supposed  to  be  predicted  in 
the  Old  Testament  ?  To  take  one  example  which  has  been 
urged :  Justin  has  quoted  from  the  Old  Testament,  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  form  as  John  (differing  from  the  established 
text  of  the  Septuagint),  the  words,  **  They  shall  look  on  me 
whom  they  pierced  '* :  *  but  instead  of  referring  to  the  inci- 
dent which  led  John  to  quote  it,  —  the  thrusting  of  a  spear 
into  our  Saviour's  side  by  a  Roman  soldier,  —  he  seems  to 
apply  it  to  the  crucifixion  generally.  How  could  he  do  this, 
if  he  accepted  the  Gospel  of  John  ?  t 

This  case  presents  little  difficulty.  The  verbs  in  the 
quotation,  it  will  be  observed,  are  in  the  plural.  If  Justin 
regarded  the  prophecy  as  including  the  act  of  the  Roman 
soldier,  he  could  not  have  restricted  it  to  that :  he  must 
have  regarded  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament  as  refer- 
ring also  to  the  piercing  of  the  hands  and  the  feet  of  Jesus 
on  the  part  of  the  soldiers  who  nailed  him  to  the  cross.  It 
is  not  strange^  therefore,  that  he  should  quote  the  passage 
without  referring  to  the  particular  act  mentioned  by  John. 
He  applies  the  prophecy,  moreover,  to  the  Jews,  who  caused 
the  death  of  Jesus,  and  not  to  the  Roman  soldiers,  who  were 
the  immediate  agents  in  the  crucifixion.  J 

But  there  is  a  stronger  case  than  this.  Justin,  who  speaks 
of  Christ  as  **the  passover'*  or  paschal  lamb,  symbolizing 
the  deliverance  of  Christian  believers  from  death,  **as  the 
blood  of  the  passover  saved  those  who  were  in  Egypt"  {Dial, 
c.  Ill,  comp.  40),  has  not  noticed  the  fact  recorded  by  John 
alone,  that  the  legs  of  Christ  were  not  broken  by  the  Roman 
soldiers  at  the  crucifixion.  This  the  Evangelist  regards  as 
a  fulfilment  of  the  scripture,  **  A  bone  of  him  shall  not  be 


•Zech.  xii.  xo;  John  xix.  37;  Justin,  Apol.  i.  52.     See  above,  p.  48. 

t  Thoma,  pp.  542  f.,  556;   comp.  Engelhardt,  Das  Christenthum   Justins  des  3IU^fyrers 
(1878),  p.  350- 

X  AfoL  \.  52 ;  Ditil.  cc.  14,  32,  64,  118;  comp.  DUil.  cc.  85,  93,  etc. ;  Acts  ii.  23 ;  x.  39. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  69 

broken  " ;  and  this  quotation  is  commonly  referred  to  the 
direction  respecting  the  paschal  lamb  (Ex.  xii.  46;  Num. 
ix.  12).  How,  it  may  be  asked,  could  Justin,  with  his  fond- 
ness for  types,  have  neglected  such  a  fulfilment  as  this,  when 
the  Evangelist  had  already  pointed  it  out  ?  This  argument 
is  plausible,  and  has  some  weight.     Let  us  consider  it. 

In  the  first  place,  I  must  venture  to  doubt  whether  there 
is  any  reference  to  the  paschal  lamb  in  John  xix.  36.  The 
Evangelist  says  nothing  whatever  to  indicate  such  a  refer- 
ence, though  some  explanation  would  seem  to  be  needed  of 
the  transformation  of  a  precept  into  a  prediction.  The  lan- 
guage of  Ps.  xxxiv.  20  (Sept.  xxxiii.  21)  corresponds  more 
closely  with  the  citation ;  and,  considering  the  free  way  in 
which  passages  of  the  Old  Testament  are  applied  in  the 
New,  the  fact  that  in  the  connection  in  which  the  words 
stand  in  the  Psalm  protection  of  life  is  referred  to  does  not 
seem  a  very  serious  objection  to  the  supposition  that  the 
Evangelist  had  this  passage  in  mind.  He  may  well  have 
regarded  the  part  of  the  Psalm  which  he  quotes  as  fulfilled 
in  the  case  of  "Jesus  Christ  the  righteous  "  in  the  incident 
which  he  records,  and  the  preceding  verse  as  fulfilled  in  the 
resurrection.  And  some  eminent  scholars  take  this  view 
of  his  meaning ;  so,  ^.^.,  Grotius,  Wetstein,  Bishop  Kidder, 
Hammond,  Whitby,  Briickner,  Baumlein,  Weiss  ;  *  others,  as 
Lenfant  and  Le  Clerc,  leave  the  matter  doubtful ;  and  some, 
as  Vitringa  and  Bengel,  suppose  the  Et^angelist  to  have  had 
both  passages  in  mind.  But,  waiving  this  question,  I  would 
say,  once  for  all,  that  very  little  importance  is  to  be  attached 
to  this  sort  of  a  priori  reasoning.  We  may  be  surprised  that 
Justin  should  not  have  been  led  by  the  Fourth  Gospel  to 
find  here  a  fulfilment  of  prophecy  of  some  sort,  and  to  use 
it  in  his  argument ;  but  a  hundred  cases  equally  surprising 
might  be  cited  of  the  neglect  of  a  writer  to  use  an  argument 
or  to  recognize  a  fact  which  we  should  have  confidently  ex- 
pected that  he  would  use  or  recognize.  To  take  the  first 
that  lies  at  hand.     I  have  before  me  the  work  of  Dr.  Sanday, 

*BihL  Tk0«l.  des  N.T.,  je  Aufl.  (1880),  p.  638;  comp.  his  Der  Jokanneische  Lehrbegriff 
(1862),  p.  114,  note.    SoR.  H.  Hutton,  Essays^  Theol.  and  Literary ^  2d  ed.  (1880),  i.  195. 


70  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

The  Gospels  in  the  Second  Century,  a  learned,  elaborate,  and 
valuable  treatise  in  reply  to  Supernatural  Religion.  He  ad- 
duces from  all  sources  the  evidence  of  the  use  of  the  Gospels, 
by  writers  who  flourished  in  the  period  from  Clement  of 
Rome  to  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Tertullian,  including 
those  whose  references  to  the  Gospel  are  very  slight  and 
doubtful,  or  of  whom  mere  fragments  remain.  Appended 
to  the  work  is  a  chronological  and  analytical  table  of  these 
authors.  But,  on  looking  it  over,  we  find  no  mention  of 
Theophilus,  bishop  of  Antioch  a.d.  169-181 ;  and  Dr.  Sanday 
has  nowhere  presented  the  testimony  of  this  writer,  though 
we  have  from  him  an  elaborate  *' Apology"  or  defence  of 
Christianity  in  three  books,  in  which  he  quotes  several  pas- 
sages from  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  with  the  introduction, 
"The  evangelic  voice  teaches"  so  and  so,  or  "the  Gospel 
says,"  *  and  though,  as  we  have  seen,  he  quotes  the  Gospel 
of  John  (ch.  i.  i,  3),  naming  the  Evangelist,  and  describing 
him  as  one  moved  by  the  Spirit  of  God  (see  above,  p.  58). 
He  is  in  fact  the  earliest  writer  who  does  thus  expressly 
quote  the  Fourth  Gospel  as  the  work  of  John.  Now  sup- 
pose Dr.  Sanday  was  a  Father  of  the  third  or  fourth  century 
who  had  composed  a  treatise  with  the  purpose  of  collecting 
the  evidences  of  the  use  of  the  Gospels  by  early  Christian 
writers.  What  would  the  author  of  Supernatural  Religion 
say  to  the  facts  in  this  case }  Would  he  not  argue  that 
Sandaeus  could  not  possibly  have  been  acquainted  with  this 
work  of  Theophilus,  and  that  the  pretended  "Apology  "  was 
probably  spurious  ?  And,  if  he  found  in  Sandceus  (p.  303) 
a  single  apparent  allusion  to  that  writer,  would  he  not  main- 
tain that  this  must  be  an  interpolation  ?  —  Or  to  take  another 
example.  Sanda^us  is  examining  the  question  about  Justin 
Martyr's  use  of  the  Gospels,  and  observes  that  "he  says 
emphatically  that  all  the  children  {-avruq  aT?.wf  roiV  Toi^a^ 
in  Bethlehem  were  slain,  without  mentioning  the  limitation 
of  age  given  in  St.  Matthew"  (p.  106;  comp.  Justin,  Dial. 
c.  ^%).     Now  in  our  present  texts  of  Justin  there  is  another 

*  Ad  Auiol.  lib.  iii.  cc.  13,  14,  ed.  Otto;  comp.  Matt.  v.  28,  44,  46;  vi.  3. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  71 

reference  to  the  slaughter  of  the  innocents,  in  which  Herod 
is  represented  as  "  destroying  all  the  children  born  in  Beth- 
lehem at  that  timer  *  But  here  Supernatural  Religion  might 
argue,  It  is  certain  that  this  qualifying  phrase  could  not  have 
been  in  the  copy  used  by  Sandaeus,  who  takes  no  notice  of 
the  passage,  though  his  aim  is  to  meet  the  objections  to  the 
genuineness  of  our  Gospels.  Is  it  not  clear  that  the  words 
were  interpolated  by  some  one  who  wished  to  bring  Justin 
into  harmony  with  Matthew?  Would  Justin  be  so  incon- 
sistent with  himself  as  that  addition  would  make  him  ? 

A  multitude  of  questions  may  be  asked,  to  which  no  par- 
ticular answer  can  be  given,  in  reference  to  the  use  which 
Justin  and  writers  in  all  ages  have  made  of  our  Gospels. 
We  cannot  say  why  he  has  quoted  this  saying  of  Jesus  and 
not  that,  or  referred  to  this  incident  in  the  history  and  not 
that ;  why,  for  example,  in  his  account  of  Christ's  teaching 
in  his  First  Apology,  he  makes  no  allusion  to  any  of  the 
parables  which  form  so  remarkable  a  feature  of  it,  and  quotes 
from  them  in  but  one  place  in  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho 
(Dial,  c.  125).  We  can  only  say  that  he  had  to  stop  some- 
where;! that  he  has  used  the  Gospels  much  more  freely 
than  any  other  of  the  many  Christian  Apologists  whose 
writings  have  come  down  to  us  from  his  day  to  that  of 
Lactantius  and  Eusebius ;  that  his  selection  of  the  sayings 
of  Christ  seems  on  the  whole  judicious  and  natural,  though 
many  pearls  of  great  price  are  missing ;  that  the  historical 
incidents  by  which  he  supports  his  special  argument  from 
the  fulfilment  of  prophecy  are  for  the  most  part  what  might 
be  expected ;  and  that  it  was  natural  that  in  general  he 
should  follow  the  Synoptic  Gospels  rather  than  that  of 
John.J  But  one  needs  only  to  try  experiments  on  partic- 
ular works  by  almost  any  writer  to  find  that  great  caution 

is  required  in  drawing  inferences  from  what  he  has  not  done. 

* 

*Dial.  c   103 :    avOJnnoq   TrdvraQ   rove   €V    'BrfiT^kfi    e  k£  iv  ov    r  ov   Katpov 

tCotnp.  A^,  i.  SI*  "Here  we  conclude,  though  we  have  many  other  prophecies  to 
pfodoce." 

tSee  on  this  p<Mnt  Meyer,  Komm,  USer  d.  Ev.  Joh.y  5«  Aufl.  (1869),  p.  8  f.,  note  (Eng. 
trans^  p.  8  £.,  note  3);  comp.  Weizsftcker,  Untersuchungen  ii^er  d.  evang.  GtKhiekU^  p.  329. 


72  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

As  to  the  case  before  us,  Justin  may  not  have  thought  of 
the  incident  peculiar  to  the  Fourth  Gospel,  or  he  may  have 
considered,  and  very  reasonably  too,  that  an  argument  for 
the  typical  character  of  the  paschal  lamb  founded  on  the 
direction  given  in  the  Pentateuch  about  the  bones,  or  an 
argument  assuming  the  Messianic  reference  of  the  passage 
in  the  Psalms,  was  not  well  adapted  to  convince  unbelievers. 
Perhaps  he  had  urged  this  argument  in  the  actual  dialogue 
with  Trypho,  and  had  encountered  objections  to  its  validity 
which  he  did  not  find  it  easy  to  answer.  This  may  seem 
more  probable  than  the  supposition  of  forgetfulness.  But 
will  you  say  that  such  a  failure  of  memory  as  has  been  sug- 
gested is  incredible  }  Let  us  compare  a  case.  One  of  the 
most  distinguished  scholars  of  this  country,  in  an  article 
published  in  the  American  Biblical  Repository,  remarks,  in 
the  course  of  an  elaborate  argument :  — 

The  particulars  inserted  or  omitted  by  different  Evangelists  vary  ex- 
ceedingly from  each  other,  some  inserting  what  others  omit,  and  some 
narrating  at  length  what  others  briefly  touch.  E,g,,  compare  the  history 
of  the  temptation  by  Mark,  and  even  by  Matthew  and  Luke ;  and  where 
is  the  history  of  the  transfiguration  to  be  found,  except  in  Matthew?* 

Could  anything  be  a  priori  more  incredible  than  that  an 
eminent  Biblical  scholar,  who  when  this  was  written  had  held 
the  office  oi  Professor  of  Sacred  Literature  in  the  Andover 
Theological  Seminary  for  nearly  thirty  years,  should  have 
forgotten  that  both  Mark  and  Luke  have  given  full  accounts 
of  the  transfiguration,  the  latter  especially  mentioning  a  num- 
ber of  important  particulars  not  found  in  Matthew  .^f  If 
Professor  Stuart  was  occasionally  guilty  of  oversights,  —  as 
who  is  not  ?  —  he  certainly  had  a  clearer  head  and  a  better 
memory  than  Justin  Martyr,  who  in  quoting  and  referring  to 
the  Old  Testament  makes  not  a  few  extraordinary  mistakes. J 

I  admit  that  some  weight  should  'be  allowed  to  the  argu- 

**  American  Biblical  Repository^  October,  183S,  xii.  341. 

t  Compare  Mark  ix.  2-8  and  Luke  ix.  28-36  with  Matt.  xvii.  1-8. 

tSee  the  references  already  given,  p.  49,  note*;  also  Somt  Account  of  the  IVritings 
and  Opinions  0/  Justin  Martyr^  by  John  [Kaye],  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  3d  cd.  (1853),  pp.  139! 
1 48;  comp.  p.  129  f. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  73 

ment  we  have  been  examining,  so  far  as  reference  to  the 
history  in  the  Gospel  of  John  is  concerned  ;  but  it  does  not 
seem  to  me  that  much  importance  should  be  attached  to  it. 
The  tradition  in  the  Synoptic  Gospels  represents  without 
doubt  the  substance  of  the  apostolic  preaching;  it  was 
earlier  committed  to  writing  than  that  contained  in  the 
Fourth  Gospel ;  the  incidents  of  the  threefold  narrative  were 
more  familiar ;  and  the  discourses,  especially,  as  has  already 
been  remarked,  were  far  better  fitted  for  illustrating  the 
general  character  of  Christ's  teaching  than  those  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel.  It  would  have  been  very  strange,  there- 
fore, if  in  such  works  as  those  of  Justin  the  Synoptic  Gos- 
pels had  not  been  mainly  used. 

Engelhardt,  the  most  recent  writer  on  Justin,  is  impressed 
by  the  facts  which  Thoma  presents  respecting  Justin's  rela- 
tion to  John,  but  comes  to  a  different  conclusion.  He  thinks 
Justin  could  never  have  made  the  use  of  John's  Gospel  which 
he  has  done,  if  he  had  not  regarded  it  as  genuine.  It  pur- 
ports to  be  a  work  of  the  beloved  disciple.  The  conjecture 
that  by  "the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved"  Andrew  was  in- 
tended (Liitzelberger),  or  Nathanael  (Spaeth),  or  a  person- 
ified ideal  conception  (Scholten),  was  reserved  for  the 
sagacity  of  critics  of  the  nineteenth  century :  there  is  no 
trace  that  in  Christian  antiquity  this  title  ever  suggested 
any  one  but  John.  The  Gospel  must  have  been  received  as 
his  work,  or  rejected  as  fictitious.  Engelhardt  believes  that 
Justin  received  it,  and  included  it  in  his  **  Memoirs  "  ;  but  he 
conjectures  that  with  it  there  was  commonly  read  in  the 
churches  and  used  by  Justin  a  Harmony  of  the  first  three 
Gospels,  or  at  least  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  while  the  Fourth 
Gospel,  not  yet  incorporated  into  the  Harmony,  stood  in  the 
background.*  I  do  not  feel  the  need  of  this  hypothesis ; 
but  it  may  deserve  consideration. 

It  is  objected  further  that  Justin's  statements  repeatedly 
contradict  the  Fourth  Gospel,  and  that  he  cannot  therefore 
have  regarded  it  as  apostolic  or  authentic.  For  example, 
he  follows  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  so  Hilgenfeld  and  David- 

*Sce  Engdhardt,  Das  ChrUtenthum  Justin*  des  MUrtyrtrs^  pp.  345-352. 


74  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

son  and  Supernatural  Religion  affirm,  in  placing,  in  opposi- 
tion to  John,  the  death  of  Christ  on  the  isth  of  Nisan,  the 
day  after  the  paschal  lamb  was  killed. 

The  argument  that  Justin  cannot  have  accepted  the  Gospel 
of  John  because  he  has  followed  the  Synoptists  in  respect  to 
the  day  of  Christ's  death  hardly  needs  an  answer.  If  the 
discrepancy  referred  to,  whether  real  or  not,  did  not  prevent 
the  whole  Christian  world  from  accepting  John  and  the 
Synoptic  Gospels  alike  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  second 
century,  it  need  not  have  hindered  Justin  from  doing  so  at 
an  earlier  date.  But  it  is  far  from  certain  that  Hilgenfeld 
and  Davidson  have  correctly  interpreted  the  language  of 
Justin  :  "  It  is  written  that  you  seized  him  on  the  day  of  the 
passover,  and  in  like  manner  crucified  him  at  \or  during] 
the  passover  (cv  rq  irdaxa).^^*  Meyer  understands  this  as  plac- 
ing the  death  of  Jesus  on  the  day  of  the  passover ;  f  Otto 
in  an  elaborate  note  on  the  passage  in  his  /Aird  edition  of 
Justin's  Works  maintains  the  same  view ;  J  Thoma  regards 
the  language  as  ambiguous.  ||  I  will  not  undertake  to  pro- 
nounce an  opinion  upon  so  difficult  a  question,  as  the  objec- 
tion is  futile  on  any  supposition. 

Again,  Supernatural  Religion  asserts  that  "  Justin  contra- 
dicts the  Fourth  Gospel,  in  limiting  the  work  of  Jesus  to  one 
year."  (S.  R.  ii.  313.)  Dr.  Davidson  makes  the  same  state- 
ment ;  **  but  neither  he  nor  S.  R.  adduces  any  proof  of  it. 
I  know  of  no  passage  in  Justin  which  affirms  or  implies  this 
limitation.  But,  if  such  a  passage  should  be  found,  the  argu- 
ment against  Justin's  reception  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  would 

*Dial.  cm.  See  Hilgenfeld,  Dfr  Puschastreit  dcr  alten  Kircht  (i860),  pp.  205-209; 
Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  tJtt  N.  T.  (1868),  ii.  384;  Sup.  Rfl.,  ii.  313 ;  comp.  Wieseler, 
Beitrdffe  (1869),  p.  240.  —  Note  here  the  use  of  yiypaTTdi. 

^  /Comf/UHt.  ilb.  d.  Ev.  des  Joh.,  5c  Aufl.  p.  24  f.  (Eng.  trans,  i.  24  f)  Steitz,  who  formerly 
aj^eed  with  Hilgenfeld,  afterwards  adopted  the  view  of  Meyer;  see  the  art.  Pascha  in  Herzog's 
Real-Encyk.  /.  Prot.  u.  Kirche,  xi.  151,  note  *. 

Xlvstini .  .  .  Martyr  is  Opera,  torn.  i.  pars  ii.,  ed.  tert.  (1877),  p.  395  f.  Otto  cites  Z>iVt/. 
c.  99,  where  the  agony  in  Gethsemane  is  referred  to  as  taking  place  **  on  the  day  on  which  Jesus 
was  to  be  crucified,"  as  showing  that  Justin  followed  the  Jewish  reckoning  of  the  day  from 
sunset  to  sunset.  Davidson  takes  no  notice  of  this.  H  Meyer  and  Otto  are  right,  wc  have  here 
a  strong  argument  for  Justin's  use  of  the  Fourth  Gospel. 

II  Ubi  supra,  p    S"??  f. 

—  Ititrod.  to  the  Study  of  the  .V.  T  .  ii.  ^^7. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  75 

be  worthless.  The  opinion  that  Christ's  ministry  lasted  but 
one  year,  or  little  more,  was  held  by  many  in  the  early  Church 
who  received  the  Gospel  of  John  without  question.  It  was 
maintained  by  the  Basilidians,  the  Valentinians,  and  the 
author  of  the  Clementine  Homilies,  by  Clement  of  Alexan- 
dria, Tertullian,  Origen,  Julius  Africanus,  Pseudo-Cyprian, 
Archelaus,  Lactantius,  Ephraem  Syrus  apparently,  Philas- 
trius,  Gaudentius,  Q.  Julius  Hilarianus,  Augustine  apparently, 
Evagrius  the  presbyter,  and  others  among  the  Fathers,  and 
has  been  held  by  modern  scholars,  as  Bentley,  Mann,  Priestley 
(Harmony),  Lant  Carpenter  (Harmony),  and  Henry  Browne 
(Ordo  S(Bclorum)*  The  Fathers  were  much  influenced  by 
their  interpretation  of  Isa.  Ixi.  2,  —  **to  preach  the  acceptable 
year  of  the  Lord,"  —  quoted  in  Luke  iv.  19.  It  is  true  that 
John  vi.  4  is  against  this  view  ;  but  its  defenders  find  means, 
satisfactory  to  themselves,  of  getting  over  the  difficulty. 

Other  objections  urged  by  Dr.  Davidson  and  Supernatural 
Religion  seem  to  me  too  weak  to  need  an  answer.  I  will, 
however,  notice  one  which  is  brought  forward  with  great 
confidence  by  Thoma,  who  says  "Justin  directly  contradicts 
the  Fourth  Gospel"  (p.  556),  and  after  him  by  F.  C.  J.  van 
Goens,  who  introduces  it  with  the  words  enfin  et  surtout.\ 

•The  Basilidians,  see  Qera.  Alex.  Strom,  i.  21,  p.  408. —  Valentinians,  see  Iren.  Har.  i.  3. 
(ad.  5),  §3 ;  ii.  20.  (aL  36),  §  i ;  22.  (al.  38-40),  §§  1-6. — Clem.  Horn.  xvii.  19. —  Clem.  Alex.  Strom. 
L  21,  p.  407;  vi.  II,  p.  783, 1.  40;  comp.  V.  6,  p.  668;  vii.  17,  p.  898. — Tertull.  Adv.  Jud.  c  8; 
Marc.  \.  15  (but  here  are  different  readings). —  Origen,  De  Princip.  iv.  5,  0pp.  i.  160;  In  Levii. 
Hem,  ix.  c  5,  Opp.  ii.  239;  In  Luc.  Horn,  xxxii.,  Opp.  iii.  970;  contra,  In  Matt.  Comm.  Ser., 
c.  40,  Opp.  iii.  859,  "fere  ires  annos*';  comp.  Cels.  ii.  12,  Opp.  i.  397,  ovAe  rpia  Ittj. — Jul. 
Africani  Chron.  frag.  1.  ap.  Routh,  RelL  Sacrie^  ii.  301  f.,  ed.  alt.— Pseudo-Cyprian,  De  PaschdB 
Com/,  {a.d.  243),  c.  22.— Archelai  et  Manetis  Disp.,c.  34. — Lactant.  Inst.  iv.  10.  (De  Morte 
Per  sec.  c  2.) — Ephraem,  Serm.  xiii.  in  Nat.  Dom.^  Opp.  Syr.  ii.  432. —  Philastr.  Hter.  106. — 
Gaodent.  Serm.m.^  Migne,  Patrol,  Lat.  xx,  S6$. —  Hilarianus,  Z>r  Mundi  Dur.  (a.d.  397) 
c.  16;  De  Die  Pascfue^  c.  15;  Mignc,  xiii.  1104,  1114,  or  Gallandi,  Bibl.  Pair.  viii.  23S,  748. — 
Augustine,  De  Civ.  Dei^  xviii.  54,  Opp.  vii.  866;  Ad  Hesych.  Epist.  i«>9  (al.  80),  §20,  Opp. 
il  1122;  contra,  De  Doct.  Christ,  ii.  42  (al.  28),  Opp.  iii.  66. —  Evagrius  presbyter (f/r.  a.d.  423), 
AUerc.  inter  Theoph.  Christ,  et  Sim.  Jud.^  Migne  xx.  1176,  or  Gallandi,  ix.  254.— So  also  the 
author  of  the  treatise  De  Promissis  et  Preedictionibus  Z?// (published  with  the  works  of  Prosper 
Aquitanus),  pan  i.  c.  7 ;  pars  v.  c.  a  ;  Migne,  H.  739  c,  855  b. —  Browne,  Ordo  Seeclorum  (Cor- 
rections and  Additions),  also  cites  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  In  Isa.  xxxii.  10,  Opp.  ii.  44^  d  e,  but 
this  rests  on  a  false  inference;  see,  contra^  Cyril,  In  Isa.  xxix.  i,  Opp.  ii.  408  b.  Besides  the 
works  of  Nicholas  Mann,  De  veris  Annis  Jesu  Christi  natali  et  emortuttli,  Lond.  1752,  p.  158 
ff.,  Greswell,  Dissertations,  etc.,  i.  438  ff.,  2d  ed.  (1837),  and  Henry  Browne,  Ordo  Satclorum, 
Loud.  1844,  p.  80  ff.,one  may  consult  especially  F.  X.  Patritius  (i.e.  V^\Tiz\\  De  Evangeliit 
(Friborg.  Brisgov.  1853),  lib.  iii.,  diss,  xix.,  p.  171  ff. 

\Remt*  de  thiplog^  et  de philosophie,  Lausanne,  1878,  xi.  92  f. 


J  6  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Justin  speaks  of  Christ  as  "keeping  silence  and  refusing 
any  longer  to  make  any  answer  to  any  one  before  Pilate,  as 
has  been  declared  in  the  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  "  (Dial, 
c.  102).  M.  van  Goens  remarks,  "No  one  who  had  ever 
read  the  Fourth  Gospel  could  speak  in  this  way."  What 
does  M.  van  Goens  think  of  Tertullian,  who  says,*  "Velut 
agnus  coram  tondente  se  sine  voce,  sic  non  aperuit  as  suum. 
Hie  enim  Pilato  interrogante  nihil  locutus  est''  f  If  Justin 
had  even  said  that  Christ  made  no  answer  when  Pilate  ques- 
tioned him,  this  would  be  sufficiently  explained  by  John 
xix.  9,  to  which  Tertullian  perhaps  refers.  But  the  expres- 
sions "no  longer**  and  '^before  Pilate"  lead  rather  to  the 
supposition  that  Justin  refers  to  Matt,  xxvii.  11-14  and 
Mark  xv.  2-5  (ovKtri  ov6ev  areKpien,  "  hc  no  longer  made  any 
answer"),  which  certainly  there  is  nothing  in  John  to  con- 
tradict. 

Finally,  the  author  of  Supernatural  Religion  urges,  gener- 
ally, that  in  citing  the  Old  Testament  Justin,  according  to 
Semisch's  count,  refers  to  the  author  by  name  or  by  book 
one  hundred  and  ninety-seven  times,  and  omits  to  do  this 
only  one  hundred  and  seventeen  times.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  referring  to  the  words  of  Christ  or  the  facts  of  Christian 
history  for  which  he  relied  on  the  "  Memoirs,"  he  never  cites 
the  book  (5.  R,  regards  the  "  Memoirs  "  as  one  book)  by  the 
name  of  the  author,  except  in  a  single  instance,  where  he 
refers  to  "Peter's  Memoirs"  {Dial  c.  106). f  "The  infer- 
ence," he  says,  "  must  not  only  be  that  he  attached  small 
importance  to  the  Memoirs,  but  was  actually  ignorant  of  the 
author's  name  "  (5.  R.  i.  297).  That  Justin  attached  small 
importance  to  the  "  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  "  on  which  he 
professedly  relied  for  the  teaching  and  life  of  Christ,  and 
this,  as  S,  R.  contends,  to  the  exclusion  of  oral  tradition 
(S.  R.  i.  298),  is  an  "  inference "  and  a  proposition  which 
would  surprise  us  in  almost  any  other  writer.  The  infer- 
ence, moreover,  that  Justin  "was  actually  ignorant  of  the 
author's  name,"  when  in  one  instance,  according  to  5.  R., 


*Adv.  Jud.  c.  13,  Opp.  ii.  737*  ed.  Oehler. 
tSee  above,  p.  22  L 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  77 

"he  indicates  Peter"  as  the  author  (5.  R.  i.  285),  and  when, 
as  5.  R,  maintains,  "the  Gospel  according  to  Peter,"  or  "the 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  "  (which  he  represents  as 
substantially  the  same  work),  was  in  all  probability  the  source 
from  which  the  numerous  quotations  in  his  works  differing 
from  our  Gospels  are  taken,*  is  another  specimen  of  singular 
logic.  So  much  for  generalities.  But  a  particular  objection 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Gospel  of  John  was  one  of  Justin's 
"Memoirs"  is  founded  on  the  fact  that  he  has  never  quoted 
or  referred  to  it  under  the  name  of  the  author,  though  he  has 
named  the  Apostle  John  as  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse. 
(5.  R.  i.  298.)  Great  stress  is  laid  on  this  contrast  by  many 
writers.  ~ 

Let  us  see  to  what  these  objections  amount.  In  the  first 
place,  the  way  in  which  Justin  has  mentioned  John  as  the 
author  of  the  Apocalypse  is  in  itself  enough  to  explain  why 
he  should  not  have  named  him  in  citing  the  "Memoirs." 
In  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho,  after  having  quoted  prophecies 
of  the  Old  Testament  in  proof  of  his  doctrine  of  the  Millen- 
nium, —  a  doctrine  in  which  he  confesses  some  Christians 
did  not  agree  with  him,  —  he  wishes  to  state  that  his  belief 
is  supported  by  a  Christian  writing  which  he  regards  as  in- 
spired and  prophetic.  He  accordingly  refers  to  the  work 
as  follows  :  "  And  afterwards  also  a  certain  man  among  us, 
whose  name  was  John,  one  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ,  in  a 
revelation  made  by  him  prophesied  that  the  believers  in  our 
Christ  should  spend  a  thousand  years  in  Jerusalem,"  etc. 
{Dial.  c.  81.)  The  Apostle  John  was  certainly  as  well  known 
outside  of  the  Christian  body  as  any  other  of  the  Evangelists ; 
but  we  see  that  he  is  here  introduced  to  Trypho  as  a  stranger. 
Still  more  would  he  and  the  other  Evangelists  be  strangers 
to  the  Roman  Emperor  and  Senate,  to  whom  the  Apologies 
were  addressed.  That  Justin  under  such  circumstances 
should  quote  the  Evangelists  by  name,  assigning  this  saying 
or  incident  to  "  the  Gospel  according  to  Matthew,"  that  to 
"Luke,"  and  the  other  to  "the  Gospel  according  to  John," 


RtUgion^  i.  jai ;  comp.  pp.  313,  333,  332,  398,  416,  418-437;  ii.  311,  7th  ed. 


jS  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

as  if  he  were  addressing  a  Christian  community  familiar  with 
the  books,  would  have  been  preposterous.  Justin  has  de- 
scribed  the  books  in  his  First  Apology  as  Memoirs  of  Christ, 
resting  on  the  authority  of  the  Apostles,  and  received  by 
the  Christians  of  his  time  as  authentic  records.  That  was 
all  that  his  purpose  required :  the  names  of  four  unknown 
persons  would  have  added  no  weight  to  his  citations.  In 
the  Dialogue,  he  is  even  more  specific  in  his  description  of 
the  "Memoirs'*  than  in  the  Apology.  But  to  suppose  that 
he  would  quote  them  as  he  quotes  the  books  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament with  which  Trypho  was  familiar  is  to  ignore  all  the 
proprieties  and  congruities  of  the  case. 

This  view  is  confirmed  and  the  whole  argument  of  Super- 
natural Religion  is  nullified  by  the  fact  that  the  general 
practice  of  Christian  Apologists  down  to  the  time  of  Euse- 
bius  corresponds  with  that  of  Justin,  as  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  remark.  (See  above,  p.  6j.)  It  may  be  added 
that,  while  in  writings  addressed  to  Christian  readers  by  the 
earlier  Fathers  the  Old  Testament  is  often,  or  usually,  cited 
with  reference  to  the  author  or  book,  the  cases  are  com- 
paratively very  rare  in  which  the  Evangelists  are  named. 
For  example,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  according  to  Semisch, 
quotes  the  Old  Testament  writers  or  books  far  oftener  than 
otherwise  by  name,  while  in  his  very  numerous  citations 
from  the  Gospels  he  names  John  but  three  times,  Matthew 
twice,  Luke  twice,  and  Mark  once ;  in  the  countless  cita- 
tions of  the  Gospels  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  the 
Evangelists  are  never  named ;  and  so  in  the  numerous 
quotations  of  the  Gospels  in  Cyprian's  writings,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  treatise  (the  Tcstimonia  or  Ad  Quiri- 
num),  the  names  of  the  Evangelists  are  never  mentioned. 
Hut  it  cannot  be  necessary  to  expose  further  the  utter  futil- 
ity of  this  objection,  which  has  so  often  been  inconsiderately 
urged.* 

In  this  view  of   the  objections   to   the  supposition   that 
Justin   used    the   Gospel   of  John    and   included   it   in   his 

•Sec  Semisch, />/>  apostol.  DenkwMrdigkeiUny  u.  s.  w.,  p.  84  £E. ;    and  compare  Norton, 
Gemtuutuss,  etc,  i.  205  ff.,  2d  ed. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  79 

"Memoirs,"  I  have  either  cited  them  in  the  precise  lan- 
guage of  their  authors,  or  have  endeavored  to  state  them 
in  their  most  plausible  form.  When  fairly  examined,  only 
one  of  them  appears,  to  have  weight,  and  that  not  much.  I 
refer  to  the  objection  that,  if  Justin  used  the  Fourth  Gospel 
at  all,  we  should  expect  him  to  have  used  it  more.  It  seems 
to  me,  therefore,  that  there  is  nothing  of  importance  to 
countervail  the  very  strong  presumption  from  different  lines 
of  evidence  that  the  "Memoirs"  of  Justin  Martyr,  "com- 
posed by  Apostles  and  their  companions,"  were  our  four 
Gospels. 

A  word  should  perhaps  be  added  in  reference  to  the  view 
of  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott,  in  the  valuable  article  Gospels  con- 
tributed to  the  new  edition  of  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 
He  holds  that  Justin's  "  Memoirs  "  included  the  first  three 
Gospels,  and  these  only.  These  alone  were  received  by  the 
Christian  community  of  his  time  as  the  authentic  records  of 
the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ.  If  so,  how  can  we  explain 
the  fact  that  a  pretended  Gospel  so  different  in  character 
from  these,  and  so  inconsistent  with  them  as  it  is  supposed 
to  be,  should  have  found  universal  acceptance  in  the  next 
generation  on  the  part  of  Christians  of  the  most  opposite 
opinions,  without  trace  of  controversy,  with  the  slight  excep- 
tion of  the  Alogi  previously  mentioned  }  * 

I  have  not  attempted  in  the  present  paper  a  thorough  dis- 
cussion of  Justin  Martyr's  quotations,  but  only  to  illustrate 
by  some  decisive  examples  the  false  assumptions  on  which 
the  reasoning  of  Supernatural  Religion  is  founded.  In  a  full 
treatment  of  the  subject,  it  would  be  necessary  to  consider 
the  question  of  Justin's  use  of  apocryphal  Gospels,  and  in 
particular  the  "Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews"  and  the 
"Gospel  according  to  Peter,"  which  figure  so  prominently  in 
what  calls  itself  "criticism"  (die  Kritik)  as  the  pretended 
source  of  Justin's  quotations.     This  subject  has  already  been 

*See  above,  p.  20.  The  work  of  Hippolytus,  of  which  we  know  only  the  title  found  on 
the  cathedra  of  his  statue  at  Rome,  "  On  \or  **  In  defence  of  **  {virkp)  ]  the  Gospel  accorduig 
to  John  and  the  Apocalypse,"  may  have  been  written  in  answer  to  their  objections.  See 
BoBmn*» /fi/^Xius,  ad  ed.  (1854)*  >•  460.  On  the  Alogi  see  also  Weizs&cker,  Uniersuchmgtn 
UifT  d.  ewmmg,  GMckiekUt  p.  »6  i,  note. 


8o  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

referred  to ;  *  but  it  is  impossible  to  treat  it  here  in  detail. 
In  respect  to  "  the  Qpspel  according  to  the  Hebrews  "  I  will 
give  in  a  Note  some  quotations  from  the  article  Gospels^ 
Apocryphaly  by  Professor  R.  A.  Lipsius,  of  Jena,  in  the 
second  volume  of  Smith  and  Wace's  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Biography,  published  in  the  present  year,  with  extracts  from 
other  recent  writers,  which  will  sufficiently  show  how  ground- 
less is  the  supposition  that  Justin's  quotations  were  mainly 
derived  from  this  Gospel,  f  Lipsius  certainly  will  not  be 
suspected  of  any  "  apologetic  **  tendency.  Credner's  hypoth- 
esis that  the  "  Gospel  according  to  Peter,"  which  he  regards 
as  the  Gospel  used  by  the  Jewish  Christians  generally,  and 
strangely  identifies  with  the  Diatessaron  of  Tatian,  was  the 
chief  source  of  Justin's  quotations,  was  thoroughly  refuted 
by  Mr.  Norton  as  long  ago  as  the  year  1834  in  the  Select 
Journal  of  Foreign  Periodical  Literature,  and  afterwards  in 
a  Note  to  the  first  edition  of  his  work  on  the  Genuineness  of 
the  Gospels.  %  It  is  exposed  on  every  side  to  overwhelming 
objections,  and  has  hardly  a  shadow  of  evidence  to  support 
it.  Almost  our  whole  knowledge  of  this  Gospel  is  derived 
from  the  account  of  it  by  Serapion,  bishop  of  Antioch  near 
the  end  of  the  second  century  (a.d.  191-213),  who  is  the  first 
writer  by  whom  it  is  mentioned. ||  He  "found  it  for  the 
most  part  in  accordance  with  the  right  doctrine  of  the 
Saviour,"  but  containing  passages  favoring  the  opinions  of 
the  Docetae,  by  whom  it  was  used.  According  to  Origen,  it 
represented  the  "  brethren  "  of  Jesus  as  sons  of  Joseph  by  a 
former  wife.**  It  was  evidently  a  book  of  very  little  note. 
Though  it  plays  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  speculations  of 
modern  German  scholars  and  of  Supernatural  Religion  about 

•  Sec  above,  p.  1 7  f . 

t  See  Note  C,  at  the  end  of  this  essay. 

X  Select  Journal^  etc.  (Boston),  April,  1834,  vol  iii.,  part  ii.,  pp.  234-242;  Evidences  0/  the 
Gennineness  0/  the  GospeU^  vol.  1.  (1837),  Addit.  Notes,  pp.  ccxxxii.-cclv.  Sec  also  Bindemann, 
who  disctisses  ably  the  whole  question  about  Justin  Martyr's  Gospels,  in  the  Theoi.  Sttidien  «. 
Kritiken^  1842,  pp.  355-483  ;  Semisch,  Die  apostoh  DenkvAirdigkeiten  u.  s.  w.,  pp.  43-59;  on  the 
other  side,  Credner,  Beitrdge  u.  s.  w.,  vol.  i.  (1832);  Mayerhoff,  Hist.-crit.  EinUit-ung  in  di§ 
PttrinUchen  Sckriften  (1835),  p.  234  flf. ;  Hilgenfeld,  Krit.  Untersuchungen  u.  s.  w.,  p.  259  £E. 

D  Serapion's  account  of  it  is  preserved  by  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  vi.  12. 

••Origen,  Comm.  in  Matt.  t.  x.  §  17,  Opp.  iii.  462  L 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL  8 1 

the  origin  of  the  Gospels  and  the  quotations  of  Justin 
Martyr,  not  a  single  fragment  of  it  has  come  down  to  us. 
This  nominis  umbra  has  therefore  proved  wonderfully  con- 
venient for  those  who  have  had  occasion,  in  support  of  their 
hypotheses,  "to  draw  unlimited  cheques,"  as  Lightfoot 
somewhere  expresses  it,  "on  the  bank  of  the  unknown." 
Mr.  Norton  has  shown,  by  an  acute  analysis  of  Serapion's 
account  of  it,  that  in  all  probability  it  was  not  an  historical, 
but  a  doctrinal  work.*  Lipsius  remarks:  "The  statement 
of  Theodoret  (Hcer.  Fab,  ii.  2)  that  the  Nazarenes  had  made 
use  of  this  Gospel  rested  probably  on  a  misunderstanding. 
The  passage  moreover  in  Justin  Martyr  (DiaL  c,  Tryph,  106) 
in  which  some  have  thought  to  find  mention  of  the  Memorials 
of  Peter  is  very  doubtful.  .  .  .  Herewith  fall  to  the  ground 
all  those  hypotheses  which  make  the  Gospel  of  Peter  into  an 
original  work  made  use  of  by  Justin  Martyr,  nigh  related  to 
the  Gospel  of  the  Hebrews^  and  either  the  Jewish  Christian 
basis  of  our  canonical  St.  Mark  [so  Hilgenfeld],  or,  at  any 
rate,  the  Gospel  of  the  Gnosticizing  Ebionites  "  [Volkmar].  f 
To  this  I  would  only  add  that  almost  the  only  fact  of  which 
we  are  directly  informed  respecting  the  contents  of  the 
so-called  "  Gospel  of  Peter "  is  that  it  favored  the  opinions 
of  the  Docetae,  to  which  Justin  Martyr,  who  wrote  a  book 
against  the  Marcionites  (Euseb.  Hist,  EccL  iv.  11.  §  8),  was 
diametrically  opposed. 

Glancing  back  now  over  the  ground  we  have  traversed, 
we  find  (i)  that  the  general  reception  of  our  four  Gospels  as 
sacred  books  throughout  the  Christian  world  in  the  time  of 
Irenaeus  makes  it  almost  certain  that  the  "  Memoirs  called 
Gospels,"  "composed  by  Apostles  and  their  companions," 
which  were  used  by  his  early  contemporary  Justin  Martyr, 
and  were  read  in  the  Christian  churches  of  his  day  as  the 
authoritative  records  of  Christ's  life  and  teaching,  were  the 
same  books ;  (2)  that  this  presumption  is  confirmed  by  the 
actual  use  which  Justin  has  made  of  all  our  Gospels,  though 

*GemtiM4mtst  of  ikt  Gospth^  ad  ed.,  voL  iii.  (1848),  pp.  255-360;  abridged  edition  (1867), 
pp.  361-366. 

t  Smith  and  Wace^s  Diet,  0/ Christian  Biog.^  ii.  712. 


82  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

he  has  mainly  followed,  as  was  natural,  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew,  and  his  direct  citations  from  the  Gospel  of  John, 
and  references  to  it,  are  few ;  (3)  that  it  is  still  further 
strengthened,  in  respect  to  the  Gospel  of  John,  by  the 
evidences  of  its  use  between  the  time  of  Justin  and  that  of 
Irenaeus,  both  by  the  Catholic  Christians  and  the  Gnostics, 
and  especially  by  its  inclusion  in  Tatian's  Diatessaron ;  (4) 
that,  of  the  two  principal  assumptions  on  which  the  counter- 
argument is  founded,  one  is  demonstrably  false  and  the 
other  baseless  ;  and  (5)  that  the  particular  objections  to  the 
view  that  Justin  included  the  Gospel  of  John  in  his  "  Me- 
moirs "  are  of  very  little  weight.  We  are  authorized  then,  I 
believe,  to  regard  it  as  in  the  highest  degree  probable,  if  not 
morally  certain,  that  in  the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  the  Fourth 
Gospel  was  generally  received  as  the  work  of  the  Apostle 
John. 

III.  We  pass  now  to  our  third  point,  the  use  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  by  the  various  Gnostic  sects.  The  length  to  which 
the  preceding  discussion  has  extended  makes  it  necessary  to 
treat  this  part  of  the  subject  in  a  very  summary  manner. 

The  Gnostic  sects  with  which  we  are  concerned  became 
conspicuous  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  second  century, 
under  the  reigns  of  Hadrian  (a.d.  117-138)  and  Antoninus 
Pius  (a.d.  1 38-161).  The  most  prominent  among  them 
were  those  founded  by  Marcion,  Valentinus,  and  Basilides. 
To  these  may  be  added  the  Ophites  or  Naassenes. 

Marcion  has  already  been  referred  to.*  He  prepared  a 
Gospel  for  his  followers  by  striking  from  the  Gospel  of  Luke 
what  was  inconsistent  with  his  system,  and  treated  in  a  sim- 
ilar manner  ten  of  the  Epistles  of  Paul.  He  rejected  the 
other  Gospels,  not  on  the  ground  that  they  were  spurious, 
but  because  he  believed  their  authors  were  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Jewish  prejudices.!  In  proof  pf  this,  he  appealed 
to  the  passage  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  on  which  Baur 

•See  above,  p.  ai. 

t  See  Irenaeus,  Har.  iii.  12.  §  12. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  83 

and  his  school  lay  so  much  stress.  "Marcion,"  says  Ter- 
tullian,  "having  got  the  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Galatians, 
who  reproves  even  the  Apostles  themselves  for  not  walking 
straight,  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Gospel,  .  .  .  endeavors 
to  destroy  the  reputation  of  those  Gospels  which  are  truly 
such,  and  are  published  under  the  name  of  Apostles,  or  also 
of  apostolic  men,  in  order  that  he  may  give  to  his  own  the 
credit  which  he  takes  away  from  them."  *  In  another  place, 
Tertullian  says,  addressing  Marcion:  "If  you  had  not  re- 
jected some  and  corrupted  others  of  the  Scriptures  which 
contradict  your  opinion,  the  Gospel  of  John  would  have  con- 
futed you."f  Again:  "Of  those  historians  whom  we  pos- 
sess, it  appears  that  Marcion  selected  Luke  for  his  mutila- 
tions." X  The  fact  that  Marcion  placed  his  rejection  of  the 
Gospels  on  this  ground,  that  the  Apostles  were  but  imper- 
fectly enlightened,  shows  that  he  could  not  question  their 
apostolic  authorship.jl  His  reference  to  the  Epistle  to  the 
Galatians  indicates  also  that  the  "pillar-apostles"  (Gal.  ii. 
9),  Peter  and  John,  were  particularly  in  his  mind.  Peter,  it 
will  be  remembered,  was  regarded  as  having  sanctioned  the 
Gospel  of  Mark.     (See  above,  p.  23.) 

It  has  been  asserted  by  many  modern  critics,  as  Hilgen- 
feld,  Volkmar,  Scholten,  Davidson,  and  others,  that,  if  Mar- 
cion had  been  acquainted  with  the  Gospel  of  John,  he  would 
have  chosen  that,  rather  than  Luke,  for  expurgation,  on 
account  of  its  marked  anti-Judaic  character.  But  a  careful 
comparison  of  John's  Gospel  with  Marcion's  doctrines  will 
show  that   it  contradicts   them  in  so   many  places  and  so 

*Ado.  Marc.  iv.  3.  Comp.  Prater,  cc.  22-24.  See  also  Norton,  Genuifuruss  of  the 
G^sf^,  ad  ed.,  in. '306  ff.,  303  fif. ;   or  abridged  edition,  pp.  332  fif.,  392  ff. 

^Dg  Carn4  Christ i^  c.  3. 

XAdv.  Mdrc.  iv.  3.  '*Lucam  videtur  Marcion  elegisse  quern  caederet."  On  account  of  the 
ase  of  videtttr  here,  Dr.  Davidson,  following  some  German  critics,  says,  "  Even  in  speaking 
abont  Mardo«i*s  treatment  of  Luke,  Tertullian  puts  it  forth  as  a  conjecture."  {Jntrod.  to  the 
Study  t/  Uu  AT.  7*.,  ii  305.)  A  canjtctnre^  when  Tertullian  has  devoted  a  whole  book  to  the 
refutation  of  Marcion  from  those  passages  of  Luke  which  he  retained!  The  context  and  all 
the  facts  of  the  case  show  that  no  doubt  can  possibly  have  been  intended ;  and  Tertullian  often 
uses  videri^  not  in  the  sense  of  "to  seem,'*  but  of  "  to  be  seen,"  "to  be  apparent."  See  Apol. 
c  tqi  De  Orat.  c.  21 ;  Adv.  Prax.  cc.  26,  29;  Adv.  Jud.  c.  5,  from  Isa.  i.  12  ;  and  De  Pretscr, 
c  38,  which  has  Ukewiae  been  misinterpreted. 

I  Apdles,  the  disciple  of  Marcion,  appears  to  have  used  the  Fourth  Compel  as  an  authoi  ity 
for  facts;  lee  HippoL  Ref.  Nttr.  vii.  38,  p  a6o,  1.  20;  comp.  John  xx.  25,  27.  Hippol)-tus  say  : 
r«v  Se  evaryyeXujv  ij  rov  aTCoord'kov  ra  aptOKovra  avT<^  aipEtrm.  Comp.  Origcn,  £"/. 
md  ckarM  *m0S  in  Rufina%  Lider  de  adtditratione  Ubromm  Origenis,  appende-:'  u*  Origen, 
Opp.  IV.  cad,  ed  DeUme. 


84  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

absolutely  that  it  would  have  been  utterly  unsuitable  for  his 
purpose.  * 

The  theosophic  or  speculative  Gnostics,  as  the  Ophites, 
Valentinians,  and  Basilidians,  found  more  in  John  which,  by 
ingenious  interpretation,  they  could  use  in  support  of  their 

systems.! 

It  is  moreover  to  be  observed,  in  regard  to  the  Marcionites, 
as  Mr.  Norton  remarks,  '*  that  their  having  recourse  to  the 
mutilation  of  Luke's  Gospel  shows  that  no  other  history  of 
Christ's  ministry  existed  more  favorable  to  their  doctrines ; 
that,  in  the  first  half  of  the  second  century,  when  Marcion 
lived,  there  was  no  Gnostic  Gospel  in  being  to  which  he 
could  appeal."  J 

We  come  now  to  Valentinus.  It  has  already  appeared  that 
the  later  Valentinians,  represented  by  Ptolemy,  Heracleon, 
and  the  Excerpta  Theodotiy  received  the  Gospel  of  John 
without  question.  ||  The  presumption  is  therefore  obviously 
very  strong  that  it  was  so  received  by  the  founder  of  the 
sect.  **  That  this  was  so  is  the  representation  of  Tertullian. 
He  contrasts  the  course  pursued  by  Marcion  and  Valentinus. 
**One  man,'*  he  says,  "perverts  the  Scriptures  with  his 
hand,  another  by  his  exposition  of  their  meaning.  For, 
if  it  appears  that  Valentinus  uses  the  entire  document, — 
si  Valentinus  integro  instrumcnto  uti  videtur,  —  he  has  yet 
done  violence  to  the  truth  more  artfully  than  Marcion." 
For  Marcion,  he  goes  on  to  say,  openly  used  the  knife, 
not  the  pen ;  Valentinus  has  spared  the  Scriptures,  but 
explains  them  away,  or  thrusts  false  meanings  into  them.ft 


•  See  on  this  point  Bleek,  Eml.  in  d.  N.  y.,  3d  ed.  (1875),  p.  158,  flf.,  with  Mangold's  note, 
who  remarks  that  **  it  was  simply  impoi«ible  for  Marcion  to  choose  the  fourth  Gospel"  for  this  pur- 
pose ;  also  WeizsUcker,  Untersuchungen  ^Xber  d.  evang.  Gtschickte  (1864),  p.  230,  ff. ;  Luthardt, 
Diejohan.  Ursprung  dts  vierten  Ev.  (1874),  p.  92,  or  Eng.  trans.,  p.  108  f. ;  Godet,  Comm,  sur 
Vivangile  de  Si.  Jean,  2d  ed.,  tom.  1.  (1876),  p.  270  f.,or  Eng.  trans.,  i.  222  f. 

t  On  the  use  of  the  N.T.  by  the  Valentinians,  see  particularly  G.  Heinrici,  Die  valentinians 
ische  Gnosis  und  die  Heilige  Schrifty  Berlin,  1871. 

X  Genuineness  0/  the  Gospels^  2d  ed.,  iii.  304 ;  abridged  ed.,  p.  39a  £. 

II  Sec  above,  p.  62  f. 

••On  this  point,  see  Norton,  Genuineness^  etc.,  2d  ed.,  iii.  321  f. ;  abridged  ed.,  p.  403  £. 

ft  Tertullian,  Prtescr.  c.  38.  On  the  use  of  the  word  videiur^  sec  above,  p.  83,  notet* 
The  context  shows  that  no  doubt  is  intended.    If,  however,  the  word  should  be  taken  in  the  sense 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  85 

The  testimony  of  Tertullian  is  apparently  confirmed  by 
Hippolytus,  who,  in  a  professed  account  of  the  doctrines  of 
Valentinus  (Ref.  HcBr,  vi.  21-37,  or  16-32,  Eng.  trans.; 
comp.  the  introduction,  §3),  says:  "All  the  prophets,  there- 
fore, and  the  Law  spoke  from  the  Demiurgus,  a  foolish  God, 
he  says,  [and  spoke]  as  fools,  knowing  nothing.  Therefore, 
says  he,  the  Saviour  says,  '  All  who  have  come  before  me 
are  thieves  and  robbers '  (John  x.  8) ;  and  the  Apostle,  *  The 
mystery  which  was  not  made  known  to  former  generations' " 
(Eph.  iii.  4,  5).  Here,  however,  it  is  urged  that  Hippolytus, 
in  his  account  of  Valentinus,  mixes  up  references  to  Valen- 
tinus and  his  followers  in  such  a  manner  that  we  cannot  be 
sure  that,  in  the  use  of  the  ^z,  "he  says,"  he  is  not  quoting 
from  some  one  of  his  school,  and  not  the  master.  A  full  ex- 
hibition of  the  facts  and  discussion  of  the  question  cannot 
be  given  here.  I  believe  there  is  a  strong  presumption  that 
Hippolytus  is  quoting  from  a  work  of  Valentinus  :*  the  reg- 
ular exposition  of  the  opinions  of  his  disciples,  Secundus, 
Ptolemy,  and  Heracleon,  does  not  begin  till  afterwards,  in 
c.  38,  or  c.  33  of  the  English  translation ;  but  it  is  true  that, 
in  the  present  text,  i^rjai  is  used  vaguely  toward  the  end  of 
c.  35,  where  the  opinions  of  the  Italian  and  Oriental  schools 
are  distinguished  in  reference  to  a  certain  point.  I  there- 
fore do  not  press  this  quotation  as  direct  proof  of  the  use  of 
the  Fourth  Gospel  by  Valentinus  himself. 

Next  to  Marcion  and  Valentinus,  the  most  eminent 
among  the  founders  of  early  Gnostic  sects  was  Basilides,  of 
Alexandria.  He  flourished  about  a.d.  125.  In  the  Homi- 
lies on  Luke  generally  ascribed  to  Origen,  though  some 
have  questioned  their  genuineness,  we  are  told,  in  an  ac- 
count of  apocryphal  Gospels,  that  "Basilides  had  the  au- 
dacity to  write  a  Gospel  according  to  Basilides.''  f  Ambrose 
and  Jerome  copy  this  account  in  the  prefaces  to  their  re- 

of  "seems,"  the  contrast  must  be  betveeen  the  ostensible  use  of  the  Scriptures  by  Valentinus  and 
his  virtual  rejection  of  them  by  imposing  upon  thera  a  sense  contrary  to  their  teaching.  Comp. 
Iraueus,  Nttr.  Ui.  la.  %  12  :  "acriptanu  quidem  confitentes,  interpretationes  vero  convertunt." 
-So  Hitr.  L  3.  $  6;  iii.  14.  §  4. 

*See  esp.  Lightfnot,  C0iossians,  p.  366,  note  i ;  p.  269,  note  i. 

t  So  the  Greek:  Oiii»-n,  f/om.  i.  in  Luc,  0pp.  iii  932,  note;  the  Latin  in  Jerome's  transla^ 
tkm  reads,  "  Ausus  fuit  et  l^nilides  acribere  evangehum,  et  suo  illud  nomine  titulare." 


86  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

spective  commentaries  on  Luke  and  Matthew  ;  but  there  is 
no  other  notice  of  such  a  Gospel,  or  evidence  of  its  existence, 
in  all  Christian  antiquity,  so  far  as  is  known.  The  work 
referred  to  could  not  have  been  a  history  of  Christ's  minis- 
try, set  up  by  Basilides  and  his  followers  in  opposition  to 
the  Gospels  received  by  the  catholic  Christians.  In  that 
case,  we  should  certainly  ha\e  heard  of  it  from  those  who 
wrote  in  opposition  to  his  heresy  ;  but  he  and  his  followers 
are,  on  the  contrarj',  represented  as  appealing  to  our  Gospels 
of  Matthew,  Luke,  and  John;*  and  Hippolytus  states  ex- 
pressly that  the  Basilidian  account  of  all  things  concerning 
the  Saviour  subsequent  to  the  birth  of  Jesus  agreed  with 
that  given  "in  the  Gospels."  f  The  origin  of  the  error  is 
easily  explained :  a  work  in  which  Basilides  set  forth  his 
view  of  the  Gospel,  i.e.  of  the  teaching  of  Christ,  might 
naturally  be  spoken  of  as  "the  Gospel  according  to  Basil- 
ides." X  We  have  an  account  of  such  a  work.  Agrippa 
Castor,  a  contemporary  of  Basilides,  and  who,  according  to- 
Eusebius,  wrote  a  very  able  refutation  of  him,  tells  us  that 
Basilides  "composed  twenty-four  books  on  the  Gospel,"  fie  rit 
rvajjihor.\\  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  is  one  of  our  prin- 
cipal authorities  for  his  opinions,  cites  his  ■E^rn'n'"i,  "Exposi- 
tions," or  "Interpretations,"  quoting  a  long  passage  from 
"the  twenty-third  book."**  In  the  "Dispute  between 
Archeiaus  and  Manes,"  the  "thirteenth  treatise"  of  Basi- 
lides is  cited,  containing  an  explanation  of  the  parable  of 
the  Rich  Man  and  Lazarus.+f  I  agree  with  Dr.  Hort  in 
thinking  it  e,"(ceedingly  probable  that  the  work  of  Basilides 
which  Hippolytus  cites  so  often  in  his  account  of  his  opin- 
ions is  the  same  which  is  quoted  by  Clement  and  Archeiaus, 
and  mentioned  by  Agrippa  Castor. JJ     Lipsius  remarks: — 


•nnidei  Ihc  work  of  Hipp>ilyiu>,  la  bt  tunhct  r 
leiaodruand  Epiphuiu*  ill  KinAtialrT'i  O'^'""'"' 
fXi/.  Har.  c  jj,  ore.  i6,  Eng.  Inni. 
JOn  Ihis  ukdI  the  Wm  "G<nptl,"Me  Norton, 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  87 

In  any  case,  the  work  must  have  been  an  exposition  of  some  Gospel 
by  whose  authority  Basilides  endeavored  to  establish  his  Gnostic  doc- 
trine. And  it  is  anyhow  most  unlikely  that  he  would  have  written  a 
commentary  on  a  Grospel  of  his  own  composition.  Of  our  canonical 
Gospels,  those  of  Matthew,  Luke,  and  John,  were  used  in  his  school;  and 
from  the  fragments  just  referred  to  we  may  reasonably  conclude  that  it 
was  the  Gospel  of  Luke  on  which  he  wrote  his  commentary.* 

On  this  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  phrase  of  Agrippa 
Castor,  "twenty-four  books  on  the  Gospel,"  excludes  the 
idea  that  any  particular  Gospel,  like  that  of  Luke,  could  be 
intended.  Such  a  Gospel  would  have  been  named  or  other- 
wise defined.  The  expression  to  tvayyiXiov,  if  it  refers  to  any 
book,  must  signify,  in  accordance  with  that  use  of  the  term 
which  has  before  been  illustrated,!  "the  Gospels"  collec- 
tively. It  is  so  understood  by  Norton, J  Tischendorf,  Lu- 
thardt,  Godet,  and  others.  It  would  not  in  itself  necessarily 
denote  precisely  our  four  Gospels,  though  their  use  by 
Justin  Martyr,  and  the  fact  that  Luke  and  John  are  com- 
mented on  by  Basilides,  and  Matthew  apparently  referred  to 
by  him,  would  make  it  probable  that  they  were  meant. 

There  is,  however,  another  sense  of  the  word  ** Gospel"  as 
used  by  Basilides, —  namely,  "the  knowledge  {gnosis)  of  su- 
permundane things "  (Hippol.  Ref,  Hcer,  vii.  27) ;  and  "  the 
Gospel "  in  this  sense  plays  a  prominent  part  in  his  system 
as  set  forth  by  Hippolytus.  The  "twenty-four  books  on 
the  Gospel"  mentioned  by  Agrippa  Castor,  the  "Exposi- 
tions" or  "Interpretations"  of  Clement,  may  perhaps  have 
related  to  "the  Gospel"  in  this  sense.  We  cannot  there- 
fore, I  think,  argue  confidently  from  this  title  that  Basilides 
wrote  a  Commentary  on  our  Four  Gospels,  though  it  natu- 
rally suggests  this.  It  is  evident,  at  any  rate,  that  he 
supported  his  gnosis  by  far-fetched  interpretations  of  the 
sayings  of  Christ  as  recorded  in  our  Gospels ;  and  that  the 
supposition  that  he  had  a  Gospel  of  his  own  composition,  in 
the  sense  of  a  history  of  Christ's  life  and  teaching,  has  not 
only  no  positive  support  of  any  strength,  but  is  on  various 

*  See  the  art.  Go$p*U  in  the  work  just  cited,  ii.  715.     Corap.  Hilgenfeld,  Einl.  p.  47. 

t  See  above,  p.  34. 

ISee  Norton's  Gettuiruneu  o/th*  Gospels^  ad  ed.,  iii.  235-239,  pr  abridged  edition,  p.  351  £F. 


88  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

accounts  utterly  improbable.  That  he  used  an  apocryphal 
Gospel  not  of  his  own  composition  is  a  supposition  for 
which  there  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  of  any  kind  whatever. 

I  have  spoken  of  Basilides  as  quoting  the  Gospel  of  John 
in  the  citations  from  him  by  Hippolytus.  The  passages  are 
the  following:  "And  this,  he  says,  is  what  is  said  in  the 
Gospels :  *  The  true  light,  which  enlighteneth  every  man, 
was  coming  into  the  world.*"  (R^f-  Hcer.vii.  22,  ore.  10, 
Eng.  trans.)  The  words  quoted  agree  exactly  with  John 
i.  9  in  the  Greek,  though  I  have  adopted  a  different  con- 
struction from  that  of  the  common  version  in  translating. 
Again,  *'  And  that  each  thing,  he  says,  has  its  own  seasons, 
the  Saviour  is  a  sufficient  witness,  when  he  says,  *  My  hour 
is  not  yet  come.'  "     {R^f-  Hcer.  vii.  27,  al.  15  ;  John  ii.  4.) 

Here  two  objections  are  raised:  first,  that  we  cannot 
infer  from  the  <?//<t,  "he  says/'  that  Hippolytus  is  quoting 
from  a  treatise  by  Basilides  himself ;  and,  secondly,  that  the 
system  of  Basilides  as  set  forth  by  Hippolytus  represents  a 
later  development  of  the  original  scheme, —  in  other  words, 
that  he  is  quoting  the  writings  and  describing  the  opinions 
of  the  disciples  of  the  school,  and  not  of  its  founder. 

To  analyze  the  account  of  Hippolytus  and  give  the  rea- 
sons for  taking  a  different  view  would  require  an  article  by 
itself,  and  cannot  be  undertaken  here.  But  on  the  first 
point  I  will  quote  a  writer  who  will  not  be  suspected  of  an 
"  apologetic  "  tendency,  Matthew  Arnold.     He  says :  — 

It  is  true  that  the  author  of  the  Philosophumena  [another  name 
for  the  "Refutation  of  all  Heresies  "  commonly  ascribed  to  Hippolytus] 
sometimes  mixes  up  the  opinions  of  the  master  of  a  school  with  those 
of  his  followers,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  them.  But, 
if  we  take  all  doubtful  cases  of  the  kind  and  compare  them  with  our 
present  case,  we  shall  find  that  it  is  not  one  of  them.  It  is  not  true 
that  here,  where  the  name  of  Basileides  has  come  just  before,  and 
where  no  mention  of  his  son  or  of  his  disciples  has  intervened  since, 
there  is  any  such  ambiguity  as  is  found  in  other  cases.  It  is  not  true 
that  the  author  of  the  Philosophumena  wields  the  subjectless  he  says  in 
the  random  manner  alleged,  with  no  other  formula  for  quotation  both 
from  the  master  and  from  the  followers.  In  general,  he  uses  the  for- 
mula according  to  them  (kot'  avroic)  when  he  quotes  from  the  school,  and 
the  formula  he  says  (<pffoi)  when  he  gives  the  dicta  of  the  master.    And 


AUTHORSHIP   OF    THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  89 

in  this  particular  case  he  manifestly  quotes  the  dicta  of  Basileides,  and 
no  one  who  had  not  a  theory  to  serve  would  ever  dream  of  doubting  it. 
Basileides,  therefore,  about  the  year  125  of  our  era,  had  before  him  the 
Fourth  Gospel.* 

On  the  second  point,  the  view  that  Hippolytus  as  con- 
trasted with  Irenaeus  has  given  an  account  of  the  system  of 
Basilides  himself  is  the  prevailing  one  among  scholars  :  it  is 
held,  for  example,  by  Jacobi,  Bunsen,  Baur,  Hase,  Uhlhom, 
Moller,  Mansel,  Pressens^,  and  Dr.  Hort.  The  principal 
representative  of  the  opposite  opinion  is  Hilgenfeld,  with 
whom  agree  Lipsius,  Volkmar,  and  Scholten.f  Dr.  Hort 
has  discussed  the  matter  very  ably  and  fairly  in  his  article 
Basilides  in  Smith  and  Wace*s  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biog- 
raphy;  and,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  his  conclusions  are  sound. 

In  view  of  all  the  evidence,  then,  I  think  we  have  good 
reason  for  believing  that  the  Gospel  of  John  was  one  of  a 
collection  of  Gospels,  probably  embracing  our  four,  which 
Basilides  and  his  followers  received  as  authoritative  about 
the  year  125. 

The  first  heretics  described  by  Hippolytus  are  the  Oriental 
Gnostics, —  the  Ophites,  or  Naassenes,  and  the  Peratae,  a 
kindred  sect.  They  are  generally  regarded  as  the  earliest 
Gnostics.  Hippolytus  cites  from  their  writings  numerous 
quotations  from  the  Gospel  of  John.  %  But  it  is  the  view 
of  many  scholars  that  Hippolytus  is  really  describing  the 
opinions  and  quoting  the  writings  of  the  later  representa- 
tives of  these  sects.  ||  Not  having  investigated  this  point 
sufficiently,  I  shall  argue  only  from  what  is  undisputed. 

Were  I  undertaking  a  full  discussion  of  the  external  evi- 
dences of  John's  authorship  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  consider  here  some  questions  about  Papias, 

•Matthew  Arnold,  God  and  the  Bible  (1875),  p.  268  f.,  Eng.  ed.  See,  to  the  same  effect, 
Wensilcker,  UnUrnickMngtH  u.  s.  w.,  p.  232  ff.  Compare  Dr.  Hort,  art.  Basilides  in  Smith  and 
Wace's  Diet,  0/  Christian  Biag.^  i.  27X,  and  Westcott,  Canon  of  the  N.  7".,  4th  ed.,  p.  288.  On 
the  other  side,  see  Schohen,  Did  dltesten  Zeugnisse  u.  a.  w.  (1S67),  p.  65  f. ;  Sup.  Rei.i  ii.  51^ 
7th  ed.,  and  the  writers  there  cited. 

t  The  two  most  recent  disctxssions  are  that  by  Jacobi,  in  Brieger's  Zeitschrift  /Hr  Kircken- 
gnehickUf  1876-77,  L  481-544,  and,  on  the  other  side,  by  Hilgenfeld,  in  his  Zeitsckri/t  /.  iviss, 
Theol.t  1878,  zzL  228-250,  where  the  literature  of  the  subject  is  given  pretty  fully.  Moeller,  in  a 
brief  notice  of  the  two  articles  {%negti^%Zeitsckriftt  1877-78,  iL  422),  adheres  to  his  former  view, 
versus  Hi^enfeld. 

XRef.  Herr.  r.  7-9  (Naassenes),  12,  16,  17  (Peratae). 

I  Sec  liprius  in  Hilgenf eld's  ZeitscAr.,  1863,  p.  410  f;  iS'>4,  p.  37  f. 


90  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

and  his  use  of  the  First  Epistle  of  John,  as  reported  by 
Eusebius ;  also  the  apparent  reference  to  the  First  Epistle 
of  John  by  Polycarp,  and  his  relation  to  Irenaeus  ;  and,  fur- 
ther, to  notice  the  Ignatian  Epistles,  the  "Testaments  of 
the  Twelve  Patriarchs,"  and  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus.  On 
the  first  two  subjects,  and  on  "The  Silence  of  Eusebius," 
connected  with  the  former,  I  would  refer  to  the  very  able 
articles  of  Professor  (now  Bishop)  Lightfoot  in  the  Contem- 
porary Review*  As  to  the  Ignatian  Epistles,  their  genuine- 
ness in  any  form  is  questionable,  to  say  nothing  of  the  state 
of  the  text,  though  the  shorter  Epistles  may  belong,  in  sub- 
stance, to  the  middle  of  the  second  century;  the  "Testa- 
ments of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs  *'  are  interpolated,  and  need 
a  thoroughly  critical  edition  ;  and  the  date  of  the  Epistle  to 
Diognetus  is  uncertain.  In  any  event,  I  do  not  think  the 
references  to  the  Gospel  of  John  in  these  writings  are  of 
great  importance. 

But  to  return  to  our  proper  subject.  The  use  of  the 
Gospel  of  John  by  the  Gnostic  sects,  in  the  second  century, 
affords  a  strong,  it  may  seem  decisive,  argument  for  its 
genuineness.  However  ingeniously  they  might  pervert  its 
meaning,  it  is  obvious  to  every  intelligent  reader  that  this 
Gospel  is,  in  reality,  diametrically  opposed  to  the  essential 
principles  of  Gnosticism.  The  Christian  Fathers,  in  their 
contests  with  the  Gnostics,  found  it  an  armory  of  weapons. 
Such  being  the  case,  let  us  suppose  it  to  have  been  forged 
about  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  in  the  heat  of  the 
Gnostic  controversy.  It  was  thus  a  book  which  the  founders 
of  the  Gnostic  sects,  who  flourished  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty 
years  before,  had  never  heard  of.  How  is  it  possible,  then, 
to  explain  the  fact  that  their  followers  should  have  not  only 
received  it,  but  have  received  it,  so  far  as  appears,  without 
question  or  discussion  }     It  must  have  been  received  by  the 

*  Contemporary  Reviewy  January,  1875,  xxv.  169  ff.,  "The  Silence  of  Eusc'bius**;  May,  1875, 
p.  827  ff.,  "  Polycarp  of  Smyrna";  August  and  October,  1875,  xxvi.  377  ff.,  828  ff.,  *Papias 
of  HierapoHs."  On  "the  silence  of  Eusebius,"  see  also  Westcott,  Canon  0/  the  N .  7".,  4th  ed., 
p.  229  f.  With  Lightfool's  article  in  the  Contemp.  Review  for  February,  1875,  "The  Igiiatian 
Epistles,'*  should  be  compyared  the  Preface  to  Supernatural  Religion^  in  the  sixth  and  later 
editions  of  that  work. 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL  9 1 

founders  of  these  sects  from  the  beginning;  and  we  have  no 
reason  to  distrust  the  testimony  of  Hippolytus  to  what  is 
under  these  circumstances  so  probable,  and  is  attested  by 
other  evidence.  But,  if  received  by  the  founders  of  these 
sects,  it  must  have  been  received  at  the  same  time  by  the 
catholic  Christians.  They  would  not,  at  a  later  period, 
have  taken  the  spurious  work  from  the  heretics  with  whom 
they  were  in  controversy.  It  was  then  generally  received, 
both  by  Gnostics  and  their  opponents,  between  the  years 
120  and  130.  What  follows .?  It  follows  that  the  Gnostics 
of  that  date  received  it  because  they  could  not  help  it. 
They  would  not  have  admitted  the  authority  of  a  book  which 
could  be  reconciled  with  their  doctrines  only  by  the  most 
forced  interpretation,  if  they  could  have  destroyed  its  au- 
thority by  denying  its  genuineness.  Its  genuineness  could 
then  be  easily  ascertained.  Ephesus  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal cities  of  the  Eastern  world,  the  centre  of  extensive 
commerce,  the  metropolis  of  Asia  Minor.  Hundreds,  if  not 
thousands,  of  people  were  living  who  had  known  the  Apos- 
tle John.  The  question  whether  he,  the  beloved  disciple, 
had  committed  to  writing  his  recollections  of  his  Master's 
life  and  teaching,  was  one  of  the  greatest  interest.  The 
fact  of  the  reception  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  as  his  work  at 
so  early  a  date,  by  parties  so  violently  opposed  to  each 
other,  proves  that  the  evidence  of  its  genuineness  was  deci- 
sive. This  argument  is  further  confirmed  by  the  use  of  the 
Gospel  by  the  opposing  parties  in  the  later  Montanistic  con- 
troversy, and  in  the  disputes  about  the  time  of  celebrating 
Easter. 

IV.  The  last  external  evidence  which  I  shall  adduce  in 
favor  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospel  of  John  is  of  a  very 
early  date,  being  attached  to  the  Gospel  itself,  and  found  in 
all  the  copies  which  have  come  down  to  us,  whether  in  the 
original  or  in  ancient  versions.  I  refer  to  what  is  now  num- 
bered as  the  twenty-fifth  verse,  with  the  last  half  of  the 
twenty-fourth,  of  the  concluding  chapter  of  the  Gospel. 
The  last  three  verses  of  the  chapter  read  thus :  "  Hence 


9^  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

this  report  spread  among  the  brethren,  that  that  disciple 
was  not  to  die  ;  yet  Jesus  did  not  say  to  him  that  he  would 
not  die ;  but,  If  I  will  that  he  remain  till  I  come,  what  is 
that  to  thee  ?  This  is  the  disciple  that  testifieth  concerning 
these  things,  and  wrote  these  things."  Here,  I  suppose, 
the  author  of  the  Gospel  ended.  The  addition  follows  : 
*'And  we  know  that  his  testimony  is  true.  And  there  are 
many  other  things  that  Jesus  did,  which,  if  they  should  be 
severally  written,  /  do  not  think  that  the  world  itself  would 
contain  the  books  written." 

In  the  words  "And  we  know  that  his  testimony  is  true," 
we  manifestly  have  either  a  real  or  a  forged  attestation  to 
the  truth  and  genuineness  of  the  Gospel.  Suppose  the 
Gospel  written  by  an  anonymous  forger  of  the  middle  of  the 
second  century :  what  possible  credit  could  he  suppose 
would  be  given  to  it  by  an  anonymous  attestation  like  this  I 
A  forger  with  such  a  purpose  would  have  named  his  pre- 
tended authority,  and  have  represented  the  attestation  as 
formally  and  solemnly  given.  The  attestation,  as  it  stands, 
clearly  presupposes  that  the  author  (or  authors)  of  it  was 
known  to  those  who  first  received  the  copy  of  the  Gospel 
containing  it. 

What  view,  then,  are  we  to  take  of  it.^  The  following 
supposition,  which  I  give  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Norton, 
affords  an  easy  and  natural  explanation,  and,  so  far  as  I  can 
see,  the  only  plausible  explanation  of  the  phenomena.  Mr. 
Norton  says :  — 

According  to  ancient  accounts,  St.  John  wrote  his  Gospel  at  Ephesus, 
over  the  church  in  which  city  he  presided  during  the  latter  part  of  his 
long  life.  It  is  not  improbable  that,  before  his  death,  its  circulation  had 
been  confined  to  the  members  of  that  church.  Hence  copies  of  it  would 
be  after^^'ards  obtained ;  and  the  copy  provided  for  transcription  was,  we 
may  suppose,  accompanied  by  the  strong  attestation  which  we  now  find, 
given  by  the  church,  or  the  elders  of  the  church,  to  their  full  faith  in  the 
accounts  which  it  contained,  and  by  the  concluding  remark,  made  by  the 
writer  of  this  attestation  in  his  own  person.* 

The  style  of   this  addition,  it  is  further  to  be  observed, 

*Nortonf  Gtnuinentss  of  the  Gospels^  2d  ed.,  vol.  i.,  Addit.  Notes,  p.  xcv.  1 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE    FOURTH   GOSPEL  93 

differs  from  that  of  the  writer  of  the  Gospel.  It  was  prob- 
ably first  written  a  little  separate  from  the  text,  and  after- 
wards became  incorporated  with  it  by  a  natural  mistake  of 
transcribers.  According  to  Tischendorf,  the  last  verse  of 
this  Gospel  in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus  is  written  in  a  different 
hand  from  the  preceding,  though  by  a  contemporary  scribe. 
Ke  accordingly  rejects  it  as  not  having  belonged  to  the 
Gospel  as  it  was  originally  written.  Tregelles  does  not 
agree  with  him  on  the  palaeographical  question. 

The  passage  we  have  been  considering  suggests  various 
questions  and  remarks,  but  cannot  be  further  treated  here. 
I  will  only  refer  to  the  recent  commentaries  of  Godet  and 
Westcott,  and  end  abruptly  the  present  discussion,  which 
has  already  extended  to  a  far  greater  length  than  was 
originally  intended. 

Note  A.    (See  p.  24.) 

On  the  quotations  of  Matt.  xi.  27  {comp,  Luke  x.  22)  in  the  writings 
OF  THE  Christian  Fathers. 

Justin  Martyr  {.Dial,  c.  100)  quotes  the  following  as  "written  in  the  Gospel": 

**  All  things  have  been  delivered  (7ra/9a<5c<5ar{w)  to  me  by  the  Father ;  and  no 
one  hwweth  {yivC>aiu.C)  the  Father  save  the  Son,  neither  [knoweth  any  one]  the 
Sod  saver  the  Father,  and  they  to  whomsoever  the  Son  may  reveal  him  "  {p\q  dv 
o  yAh^  dTroKoAtr^).  In  the  Apology  (c.  63)  he  quotes  the  passage  twice,  thus :  "  No 
one  knew  (or  "  hath  known,"  lyyuS)  the  Father  save  the  Son,  neither  [knoweth 
any  one]  the  Son  save  the  Father,  and  they  to  whomsoever  the  Son  may  reveal 
him";  the  order  of  the  words,  however,  varying  in  the  last  clause,  in  which 
h  vi^  stands  once  after  dTroica^i^. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  quote  the  corresponding  passages  in  our  Gospels  in  full, 
as  the  reader  can  readily  turn  to  them.  The  variations  of  Justin  are,  (i)  the 
use  of  the  perfect  (TrapotJ^tJorm),  "have  been  delivered,"  instead  of  the  aorist 
(Tapc<5<ift7),  strictly,  "were  delivered,"  though  our  idiom  often  requires  the  aorist 
to  be  translated  by  the  perfect;  (2)"M^  Father "  for  " /«v  Father"  (omitting 
uov) ;  (3)  the  use,  in  two  out  of  three  instances,  of  the  aorist  ^>  vw,  "  knew,"  or 
"  hath  known,"  instead  of  the  present  ytvoHJKei  (this  is  the  word  used  by  Luke ; 
Matthew  has  iirqtvcxficet);  (4)  the  transposition  of  the  two  principal  clauses; 
(5)  the  omission  of  rig  kiri'yiv6aKei,  "  knoweth  any  one,"  in  the  second  clause,  if 
we  compare  Matthew,  or  the  substitution  of  "  the  Father  "  and  "  the  Son  "  for 
"who  the  Father  is"  and  "who  the  Son  is,"  if  we  compare  Luke;  (6)  the  use 
of  the  plural  (oif  dv),  "  fA^  to  whomsoever,"  instead  of  the  singular  (v  dv),  "  Ae 
to  whomsoever";  and  (7)  the  substitution  of  "may  reveal "( dTroKaAt-T/t? )  for 
"may  will  to  reveal"  {^iovXTfrai  atTOKtO.v^Hii). 

The  author  of  Supernatural  Religion  devotes  more  than  ten  pages  to  this  pas- 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


sage  (vol.  i.  pp.  401-411,  7th  ed.),  which  he  regards  a»  of  great  importance,  xai,   | 


insists,  on  the  ground  of  ihesi 


,r  Goapels.    To  follow  h; 


that  Jus 


have  taken  itfrom   ' 


p  would  be  tedious.  His  hindami 
ic  peculiar  £onn  of  the  quotation  in  Justin"  (here  he 
refers  especially  lo  the  v»rialions  numbered  3  and  4,  above)  "occurred  in  what 
came  to  be  considered  heretical  Gospels,  and  constituted  the  basis  of  important 
Gnostic  doctrines"  {p.  403).  Again,  "Here  we  have  the  exact  quotation  twice 
made  by  Justin,  with  the  f  jitj  and  the  same  order,  set  forth  as  the  reading  of  the 
Gospels  of  the  Marcosians  and  othei  sects,  and  the  highest  testimony  to  their 
■yitem"  {pp.  406,  407).  Yet  again,  "Ireiiaeus  states  with  equal  distinctness  that 
Gospels  used  by  Gnostic  sects  had  the  reading  of  Justin"  (p.  411).  Now 
Irenxus  nowhere  stales  any  such  thing.  Irenaeus  nowhere  speaks,  nor  does  any 
other  ancient  writer,  of  a  Gospel  of  the  Marcosians.  If  this  seel  had  set  up 
a  Gospel  (1'.^..  a  history  of  Christ's  ministry')  of  its  own,  in  opposition  to  the 
Four  Gospels  received  by  the  whole  Christian  Church  in  the  time  of  IrcnXUS, 
we  should  have  had  unequivocal  evidence  of  the  fact.  The  denunciations  of 
Marcion  for  mutilating  the  Gospel  of  Luke  show  how  such  a  work  would  have 
been  treated.  Irenxus  is  indignant  that  the  Valentinians  should  give 
"arecentwork  of  thctr.own  composition"  the  name  of  "The  Gospel  of  tbs  ] 
Truth"  or  "The  True  Gospel"  (.^rr.  iii.  11.  $9);  but  this  was  in  alt  prob-  | 
ability  a  doctrinal  or  speculative,  not  an  historical  work.  ■  The  Valentinians  * 
received  our  four  Gospels  without  controversy,  and  argued  from  them  in 
port  of  their  doctrines  as  best  they  could.  (See  Irenicus,  ff^r.  i.  cc  7, 8,  for 
ntimerous  examples  of  their  arguments  from  the  Gospels;  and  compare  iii 
ij;  12.512:  and  Tetlull. /'ra-jfr.  c.  3S.] 

Correcting  this  fundamental  error  of  the  author  of  Supernatur^  Rdigiet,  the  I 
facts  which  he  himself  stales  respecting  the  various  forms  in  which  this  passagi 
is  quoted  by  writers  who  unquestionably  used  our  four  Gospels  as  their  sole  o: 
main  authority,  are  sufhcient  to  show  the  groundlessness  of  his  conclusion.  But 
for  the  sake  of  illustrating  the  freedom  of  the  Christian  Fathers  in  quotation, 
and  the  falsity  of  the  premises  on  which  this  writer  reasons,  I  will  exhibit  the 
facts  somewhat  more  fully  than  they  have  been  presented  elsewhere,  though 
the  quotations  of  this  passage  have  been  elaborately  discussed  by  Credner,t 
Semisch,!  Hilgenfeld.H  Volckmar,**  and  Wcstcort.tt  Of  these  discussions 
those  by  Semisch  and  Vokkmar  are  particularly  valuable, 

I  will  now  notice  all  the  variations  of  Justin  from  the  text  of  our  Gospels 
in  this  passage  (see  above),  comparing  them  with  those  found  in  other  wrilere. 
The  two  most  important  (Nos.  3  and  4)  will  be  exnmined  last. 

I,  jTQ/iodMorni  for  ■nnptl&lhi  is  wholly  unimportant.    It  is  found  in  Luke  x.  zs 


L 


t  SiUr^nMur  Ei«i.  U  dU  iiHaciii  Sckri/Un  <tB;i],  i.  pp.  14K-ISC. 
i  DU apa^sl.  DtnlrMTiifluiUn  dtx  Mart.  7iifri»u(iS4S),  pp.  364-370. 
( KrUuclu  UiUtrmclumgtit  tlitr  dii  EtoMftiiiH  7$ulm'i,  u.  1.  w.  (18^),  pp.  >ai-io6. 
'*Dai  Etant.  tfarciaia  (iSsi)i  pp.  li-^o.    I  foltow  the  litli  in  •pclllag  "Volckmir," 
tl  Cmntn  ^  Uu  f/,  T;  4t)l  «L  (187]),  pp.  r]]-i]s.    Sec  also  Saiuiar,   THi  Gatftli  in  ti 
Sicmd  Cinitirf,  pp.  m,  ij],  and  ehapi.  ii.,  ir.,  tL 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  95 

in  the  uncial  MSS.  K  and  FT,  the  cursives  60,  253,  p^^,  w»c',  three  of  Colbert's 
MSS.  (see  Wetstein  in  he,  and  his  Prolegom.  p.  48),  and  in  Hippolytus  {Noet. 
c  6),  not  heretofore  noticed. 

2.  "  The  Father"  for  "w^  Father/*//'"'  being  omitted,  is  equally  trivial;  so 
in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  and  the  cursive  71  in  Matthew,  and  in  Luke  the  Codex 
Bczae  (D),  with  some  of  the  best  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin  and  Vulgate  versions, 
and  other  authorities  (see  Tischendorf),  also  Hippolytus  as  above. 

5.  The  omission  of  nq  eirtyivooKei  or  its  equivalent  in  the  second  clause  is 
found  in  the  citation  of  the  Marcosians  in  Irenaeus  (i.  20.  §  3),  other  Gnostics 
in  Irenaeus  (iv.  6.  §  i),  and  in  iRENiEUS  himself  three  times  (ii.  6.  §  i ;  iv.  6.  §§3, 
7,  but  »o/§  i).  It  occurs  twice  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Pa(/.  i.  9,  p.  150 
ed.  Potter;  Strom,  i.  28,  p.  425),  once  in  Origen  (CV/j.  vi.  17,  p.  643),  once  in 
Athanasius  {^Orat,  cont,  Arian,  iii.  c  46,  p.  596),  6  times  in  Epiphanius 
{Ancor,  c  67,  p.  71,  repeated  Hot.  Ixxiv.  4,  p.  891 ;  c.  73,  p.  78,  repeated  Htir, 
Ixxiv.  10,  p.  898;  and  Har,  Ixiv.  9,  p.  643;  Ixxvi.  7,  29,  32,  pp.  943,  977,  981); 
once  in  Chrysostom  (In/oan.  Horn,  Ix.  §1,  Opp.  viii.  353  (404)  A,  ed.  Montf.), 
once  in  Pseudo-Cyril  (Dt  Trin,  c  i),  once  in  Maximus  Confessor  {Schol.  in 
Dion.  Areop.  dt  div.  Norn,  c  i.  §  2,  in  Migne,  Patrol,  Gr.  iv.  189),  once  in 
Joannes  Damascenus  {De  Fide  Orth.  i.  i)  and  twice  in  Georgius  Pachy- 
MERES  {Paraphr,  in  Dion.  Areop.  de  div,  Nom,  c.  i,  §1,  and  de  myst,  Theol,  c. 
5;  Migne,  iii.  613,  1061).  It  is  noticeable  that  the  Clementine  Homilies 
(xviL  4;  xviii.  4,  13  bis,  20)  do  not  here  agree  with  Justin. 

6.  There  is  no  difference  between  olf  av,  **they  to  whomsoever,"  and  9  av  (or 
rdv),  "^  to  whomsoever,"  so  far  as  the  sense  is  concerned.  The  plural,  which  * 
Justin  uses,  is  found  in  the  Clementine  Homilies  5  times  (xvii.  4;  xviii.  4, 
13  bis^  20),  and  Iren^eus  5  times  {Har,  ii.  6w  §  i;  iv.  6.§§  3,  4,  7,  and  so  the 
Syriac ;  7.  §3).  The  singular  is  used  in  the  citations  given  by  Irenxus  from  the 
Marcosians  (i.  20.  §  3)  and  "  those  who  would  be  wiser  than  the  Apostles,"  as 
well  as  in  his  own  express  quotation  from  Matthew  {.Hctr,  iv.  6.  §  i) ;  and  so  by 
the  Christian  Fathers  generally. 

7.  The  next  variation  (olf  av  6  vtoc)  aizoKaT^n^i)  for  ftovXTrrat  airoKoXvifHii  is  a 
natural  shortening  of  the  expression,  which  we  find  in  the  citation  of  the  Mar- 
cosians (Iren.  i.  20.  §  3)  and  in  Iren/eus  himself  5  times  (ii.  6.  §  i ;  iv.  6.  §§  3,  4, 
7,  and  so  the  Syriac;  7.  §  3) ;  in  Tertullian  twice  {Afarc,  iv.  25  ;  Prascr.  c.  21), 
and  perhaps  in  Marcion's  mutilated  Luke;  in  Clement  of  Alexandria 
5  times  {Cohort,  i.  10,  p.  10;  Pad,  i.  5,  p.  109;  Strom.  \,  28,  p.  425;  v.  13,  p.  697 ; 
▼ii.  18,  p.  901;  —  Quis  dives,  etc,  c.  8,  p.  939,  is  a  mere  allusion);  Origen  4 
times  {Cels,  vi.  17,  p.  643;  vii.  44,  p.  726 ;  in  Joan.  torn.  i.  c.  42,  p.  45 :  torn,  xxxii. 
c.  18,  p.  450) ;  the  Synod  of  Antioch  against  Paul  of  Samosata  (Routh,  Rell. 
sacra,  ed.  alt.  iii.  290) ;  EusEBius  or  Marcellus  in  Eusebius  3  times  {Ecd. 
TlieolA.  15,  l6,pp.76»,  77  \  anoKaXviltei ;  Eel.  proph.  i.  12  [Migne,  Patrol,  Gr.  xxii. 
col.  1065],  a-xoKaXh^)',  Athanasius  4  or  5  times  {Decrct.  Nic.  Syn.  c.  12,  Opp. 
i.  218  ed.  Bened. ;  Orat,  cont,  Arian,  i.  c.  12,  p.  416;  c.  39,  p.  443;  iii.  c.  46,  p. 
596,  in  the  best  MSS.;  Serm,  maj.  de  Fide,  c.  27,  in  Montf.  Coll.  nova,  ii.  14); 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  twice  {Cat.  vi.  6;  x.  i);  Epiphanius  4  times  {Ancor,  c. 
67,  p.  71,  repeated  //or,  Ixxiv.  4,  p.  891,  but  here  cnzoKalinrTtL  or  -rr?;  Htrr,  Ixv. 
6v  p.  613;  and  without  b  vlbq,  Har,  Ixxvi.  7,  p.  943 ;  c.  29,  p.  977) ;  Basil  the 
Great  {Adv,  Eunom,  v.  Opp.  i.  311  (441)  A);  Cyril  of  Alexandria  3  times 
Tku,  Opp.  V.  131,  149;  Cont,  Julian,  viii.  Opp.  vi.  b.  p.  270). 


,6 


CRITICAL  ESSAYS 


I 


All  of  these  Vi 
memory,  a.Tid  the  cj 

affords  no  [jtound  for  m 


re  obviously  unimportant,  and  natural  in  quoting  from 

wiiich  they  occur  in  writers  who  unquestionably  used 

t  main  authority  shows  that  their  occurrence  in  Jiutin 

iupposing  that  he  did  not  also  so  use  them. 

Wc  will  then  turn  our  attention  to  the  two  variations  on  which  the  main  stress 

is  laid  by  the  author  of  Sufiernatura/  Riligiaii.     He  greatly  exaggerates  tbeir 

importance,  and  neglects  an  obvious  explanation  of  their  origin. 

3.  We  find  lyvu,  "knew,"  or  "hath  known,"  for  ytsueai  or  triyivuaKti^  in  the 
Clsmektink  Homilies  6  times  (xvii.  4;  xviii.4,ti,  ij  ^>,  so),  and  once  appar- 
ently in  the  Recognitioks  (ii.  47,  nojnt);  twice  in  Tertulltan  (Adv.  Marc.  ii. 
27  ;  Praicr.  c.  11) ;  in  CLEMENT  av  ALEXANDRIA  6  times  \Ceharl.  \.  10,  p.  lo; 
Pad.  i.  5,  p.  logj  i.  8,  p.  J41 ;  i.  9,  p.  150;  SIrem.  i.  28,  p.  425;  v.  13,  p.  697  j  — 
once  the  present,  ytviiwti,  Slram.  vii.  18,  p.  901 ;  and  once,  in  a  mere  allusion, 
imyaiixm.  Quit  diva,  etc..  c.  8,  p.  939) ;  Okigen  uniformly,  :o  limes  {Off.  i.  440, 
643,  726;  ii.  537;  iv.  45,  134,  2S4,  315,  450  iit),  and  in  the  Latin  vemon  of  his 
writings  of  which  the  Greek  is  lost  nm'if  is  used  lo  times,  including  Ofifi.  iii.  58, 
where  iiovil  is  used  for  Matthew  and  siitior  Luke  ;  icU  occurs  also  Off.  iv.  J15. 
The  SVNOD  OF  ANTlQtH  ■veriuj  Paul  of  Samosata  has  it  once  {Routh,  Rtll.  siura, 
iii.  290)1  Alexander  op  Alexamiria  once  {Epiil.  ad AUi.  c  j,  Migne,  Fair. 
Gr.  iviii.  556);  EusEBius  6  times  (Eccl.  Thtol.  i.  ii,  16,  pp.  72',  77'';  Dem. 
Evang.iv.  3,  V.  I,  pp.  149=, 216*;  £■!!■/. /™/^.  i.  12,  Migne  xxii.  1065;  Nisi. 
Ecel.  i.  s.  §2);  DtDVMUSOF  Alexandria  once  l.De  TViii.  I'l.  5, p.  142);  Epifha- 
sirs  twice  (Ata-.  Ixv.  6,  p.  613;  Ixxiv.  10,  p.  898),—  Of  these  writers,  Alexander 
has  Mr  once;  Eusebius  yiviieai  or  iT/yiviiasx  3  times,  Didymus  yiviasei  fol- 
lowed  by  i!riyii>uiKii  3  limes,  Epiphanius  has  olAc  ^  or  10  times,  and  it  is  found 
also  in  Basil,  Chrysostom,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria.  Marcellus  in  Eusebius 
(£«/.  TUfo/.  i.  15,  16,  pp.  76*,  78*)  wavers  between  aide  (twice)  and  ji«itT«i  or 
iirijiiiiioMi  (once),  and  perhaps  *)tu  (c.  16,  p.  77''). 

4.  We  find  the  transperition  of  the  clauses,  "  No  one  knoweth  \or  knew] 
the  Father  "  coming  first,  in  one  MS.  in  Matthew  (Malthtei's  d)  and  two  in  Luke 
(the  uncial  U  and  i  "').  in  the  Diateiiaran  of  TaTIan  as  iu  text  is  given  in  the 
Armenian  version  of  Ephraem's  Commentary  upon  it,  traialated  into  Latin  by 
Aucher,  and  published  by  G.  Moesinger  {EvangrlH  eoHiordiOtis  ExfosiHo,  etc, 
Venct.  rS76),*  the  Clementine  Homilies  5  times  (xvii.  4;  xviii.  4.  13  bit,  20), 
the  Makcosians  in  Iren«us  (i.  10.  53),  other  Gnostics  in  Irenfeus  (iv.  6.  §  i), 
and  !KEN.ttTs  himself  (ii.  6.  §1;  iv.  6.83,  iwtjiu  $1  and  §7,  Za/.,  but  here  a 
Syriac  version  represented  by  a  MS.  of  the  6th  century,  gives  the  transposed 
form;  see  Harvey's  Irenieus,  ii.  443),  Tertullian  once  {Adv.  Marc.  iv.  25], 
Origen  once  (De  Priniif.  ii.  6.  §  1,  Opp.  i.  89,  in  a  Latin  version),  the  Synod 
OF  Antiock  against  Paul  of  Samosata  (as  cited  above),  the  Marcionits  in 
PsEUDo-ORIO.  Dial,  de  recta  in  Dnim  fide.  Sect.  i.  Opp.  i.  817);  EUSEBIUS  4 
limes  (Ecd.  Tkeot.  i.  ii;  Demi.  Evang.  iv.  3,  v.  I ;  Uitt.  Ecd.  i.  2.  ja),  Alexan- 
der uK  Alexandria  once  (EpisLad  Alex.c  12,  Migne  xviii.  565);  Atkanasius 
twice  {/«  illud.  Omnia  miii  Iradihi  lunl,  c.  5,  Opp.  i.  107 ;  Serm.  maj.  de  Fide,  c. 
27,  in  Montf.  Cidl.  nma,  ii.  14I.  Didymus  once  (De  Trin.  i.  26,  p.  72),  Epipha- 
nius 7  limes,  or  g  times  if  the  passages  transferred  from  the  Anceralui  are  reck- 
oned ((%>■  i.  766,  891, 89S,  977.  981 ;  ii.  16,  tg,  67,  73).  Chrysostom  once  (/« 


•ThUte»d.(pp.  1 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL 


97 


jtt€*Mi^  elc^  c  14,  Opp.  iiL  771  (931)  ed.  Montf.),  Pseudo-Cvril  of  Alsxan- 

DUA  once  (ZV  TVh'h.   c.  i,  Opp.  vi.  c  p.  i)<  Pseudo-Cassarius  Iwicc  {Diai. 

L  w^.  3  and  to,  in  Mignc  xntviii.  861,  877),  Maximus  Confessor  onie  {ScAirl. 

f  im  Dion.  Areop.  di  dw.  Jfem.  c.  I.  §2,  in  Migne  iv.   1S9),  Joannes  Damas- 

I  CENUS  once  {,I>t  Fidi   Ortk.  i.  1),  and  Georgius  PacHVmErES  once  (Farafhr. 

,.   «•  Dion.  Ateop.  dt  dip.  Nem.  c  1.  Ji,  in  Migne  iii.  61  j). 

This  transposition  is  found  in  MS.  b  of  the  Old  Latin,  and  some  of  the 
Latin  Fathers,  t^^  Phaebadius  {Cont.  Arian.  c  10) ;  and  most  MSS.  of  the  Old 
Latin,  and  the  Vulgate,  read  novit  in  Matthew  instead  of  icil  or  cognoscU,  which 
they  have  in  Luke ;  but  it  is  not  worth  while  to  explore  this  territory  here. 

Il  is  manifest  from  this  presentation  of  the  facts  that  the  variations  lo  which 
the  author  of  SuftmaSural  Rrligion  attaches  so  much  importance, —  the  trins- 
poaition  of  the  clauses,  and  the  use  of  the  past  tense  for  the  present, —  being  not 
peculiar  to  Justin  and  the  heretics,  but  found  in  a  multitude  of  the  Christian 
Fathers,  can  aSord  no  proof  or  presumption  that  the  source  of  his  quotation 
was  not  our  present  Gospels  —  that  he  does  not  use  in  making  it  (Dial,  c  loo) 
the  term  "  ilic  Gospel "  in  the  same  sense  in  which  it  is  used  by  his  later  con- 
Ktnporaries.  It  indeed  seems  probable  that  the  reading  tyva,  though  not  in  the 
USS.  which  have  come  down  to  us,  had  already  found  ila  way  into  some  MSS. 
of  the  second  century,  particularly  in  Matthew.  Its  almost  uniform  occurrence 
in  the  numerous  citations  of  the  passage  by  Clement  of  Ale^tandria  and  Origen, 
■nd  tbe  reading  of  the  Old  Latin  MSS.  and  oE  the  Vulgate,  favor  this  view. 
The  transposition  of  the  clauses  may  also  have  been  found  in  some  MSS.  of 
that  date,  as  we  even  now  find  its  existence  in  several  manuscripts.  But  it  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  this ;  the  Fathers,  in  quoting,  make  such  transpositions 
with  great  freedom.  The  stress  laid  on  the  transposition  in  Suptmaturai  Rtlig- 
mt  is  very  extravagant.  It  did  not  affect  the  sense,  but  merely  made  more 
prominent  the  knowledge  and  the  revelation  of  the  Father  by  Christ.  The 
importance  of  the  change  from  the  present  tense  to  the  past  is  also  preposter- 
ously exaggerated.  It  merely  expressed  more  distinctly  what  the  present  implied. 
Further,  these  variations  admit  of  an  easy  explanation.  In  preaching  Chria- 
lianity  to  unbelievers,  special  emphasis  would  be  laid  on  the  fact  that  Christ 
had  come  to  give  men  a  true  knowledge  of  God,  of  God  in  his  paternal  char- 
■clcr.  The  transposition  of  the  clauses  in  quoting  this  striking  passage,  which 
must  have  been  often  quoted,  would  thus  be  very  natural ;  and  so  would  be  the 
change  from  the  present  tense  to  the  past.  The  Gnostics,  moreover,  regarding 
the  God  of  the  Old  Testament  as  an  inferior  and  imperfect  being,  maintained 
that  the  true  God,  the  Supreme,  had  been  wholly  unknown  to  men  before  he 
was  revealed  by  Christ.  They  would,  therefore,  naturally  quote  the  passage  in 
the  same  way ;  and  the  variation  at  an  early  period  would  become  wide-spread. 
That  Ircnzns  should  notice  a  difference  between  the  form  in  which  the  Gnostics 
quoted  (he  text  and  that  which  he  found  in  his  own  copy  of  the  Gospels  is  not 
strange ;  but  there  is  nothing  in  what  he  says  which  implies  that  it  was  anything 
more  than  a  various  reading  or  corruption  of  the  text  of  Matthew  or  Luke ;  he 
nowbere  charges  the  Gnostics  with  taking  it  from  Gospels  peculiar  to  them- 
•elvcA.  It  is  their  interprttalion  of  the  passage  rather  than  their  text  which  he 
combats.  The  change  of  order  further  occurs  frequently  in  writers  who  are 
treating  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  as  Athanasius,  Didymus,  Epiphanius.  Here 
the  occasion  teems  to  have  been  that  the  fact  that  Christ  alone  fully  knew  the 


J 


9^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Father  was  regarded  as  proving  his  deity,  and  the  transposition  of  the  clauses 
gave  special  prominence  to  that  fact  Another  occasion  was  the  circumstance 
that  when  the  Father  and  the  Son  are  mentioned  together  in  the  New  Testament, 
the  name  of  the  Father  commonly  stands  first ;  and  the  transposition  was  the 
more  natural  in  the  present  case,  because,  as  Semisch  remarks,  the  word 
"  Father  "  immediately  precedes. 

In  this  statement,  I  have  only  exhibited  those  variations  in  the  quotation  of 
this  text  by  the  Fathers  which  correspond  with  those  of  Justin.  These  give  a 
very  inadequate  idea  of  the  extraordinary  variety  of  forms  in  which  the  passage 
appears.  I  will  simply  observe,  by  way  of  specimen,  that,  while  Eusebius  quotes 
the  passage  at  least  eleven  times,  none  of  his  quotations  verbally  agree.  (See 
Cont.  MarceL  i.  i,  p.  6»;  Ecd.  Theol,  i.  12,  15,  16  bis^  20,  pp.  72®,  76^,  77*, 
78*,  88**;  Dem,  Evang,vt.  3,  v.  i,  pp.  149®,  216*;  Comm,  in  Ps,  ex.;  Eel. 
proph.  i.  12  ;  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  2.  §  2.)  The  two  quotations  which  he  introduces  from 
Marcellus  {Eccl.  TheoL  i.  15  and  16)  present  a  still  different  form.  In  three  of 
Eusebius's  quotations  for  ei  /ir)  b  TraHfp  he  reads  el  fi^  6  fidvo^  ytwijaa^  avrhv  varifp 
{Eccl.  Theol.  i.  12,  p.  72°;  Dem.  Evang.  iv.  3,  p.  149**;  and  Hist  EccL  i.  2.  §  2). 
If  this  were  found  in  Justin  Mart}T,  it  would  be  insisted  that  it  must  have  come 
from  some  apocryphal  Gospel,  and  the  triple  recurrence  would  be  thought  to 
prove  it.*  The  variations  in  Epiphanius,  who  also  quotes  the  passage  eleven 
times  (not  counting  the  transfers  from  the  Ancoratus),  are  perhaps  equally 
remarkable.  PsEUDO-CiESARius  quotes  it  thus  {Dial.  i.  rcsp.  3):  Ovdelc  yap 
olde  Tov  naripa  el  fiy  6  vlof,  ovdk  rbv  vl6v  tl^  kn iararai  el  fi^  6  iraT^p.  But 
the  false  premises  from  which  the  author  of  Supernatural  Religion  reasons 
have  been  sufficiently  illustrated. 

This  Note  is  too  long  to  allow  the  discussion  of  some  points  which  need  a 
fuller  treatment.  I  will  only  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  list  of  passages 
in  our  Gospels  which  Irenasus  (i.  20.  §  2)  represents  the  Marcosians  as  pervert- 
ing, there  is  one  which  presents  a  difficulty,  and  which  some  have  supposed  to 
be  taken  from  an  apocryphal  Gospel.  As  it  stands,  the  text  is  corrupt,  and  the 
passage  makes  no  sense.  Mr.  Norton  in  ^^  first  edition  of  his  Genuineness  of  the 
Gospels  (1837),  vol.  i.  Addit.  Notes,  p.  ccxlii.,  has  given  a  plausible  conjectural 
emendation  of  the  text  in  Irenaeus,  which  serves  to  clear  up  the  difficulty.  For 
the  iroAP^/af  k'KiQhpiaa  of  Irenaeus  he  would  read  TroA/ot  aai  kireObfUfaav,  for  deiv, 
elvai  (so  the  old  Latin  version),  and  for  rfm  tov  iv6^,  did  tov  epovvToc-  The 
passage  then  becomes  a  modification  of  Matt.  xiii.  17.  Dr.  Westcott  {Canon 
of  the  N.  71,  4th  ed.,  p.  306)  proposes  eTre&vfitfaav  for  eTredifir^a,  without  being 
aware  that  his  conjecture  had  been  anticipated.  But  that  change  alone  does 
not  restore  sense  to  the  passage.  The  masterly  review  of  Credner*s  hypothesis 
that  Justin's  Memoirs  were  the  so-called  "  Gospel  according  to  Peter,"  which 
contains  Mr.  Norton's  emendation  to  which  I  have  referred,  was  not  reprinted 
in  the  second  edition  of  his  work.  It  seemed  to  me,  therefore,  worth  while  to 
notice  it  here. 

*  Compare  Supernatural  Rtligiony  \.  341. 


AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  99 

NOTE  B.    (Sec  p.  25.) 

ON  THE  TITLE,  *' MEMOIRS  BY  the  APOSTLES." 

In  regard  to  the  use  of  the  article  here,  it  may  be  well  to  notice  the  points 
made  by  Hilgenfeld,  perhaps  the  ablest  and  the  fairest  of  the  German  critics 
who  regard  some  apoayphal  Gospel  or  Gospels  as  the  chief  source  of  Justin's 
quotations.  His  book  is  certainly  the  most  valuable  which  has  appeared  on 
that  side  of  the  question.* 

In  the  important  passage  {Dial*  c  103),  in  which  Justin  says,  "In  the 
Memoirs  which  I  affirm  to  have  been  composed  by  the  Apostles  of  Christ  and 
their  companions  (a  ^ri^  vnd  rCtv  airoerdXav  avTov  Kat  ruv  kmivoig  napanohn^if- 
a&vruv  owrerdx^),  it  is  written  that  sweat,  like  drops  of  blood  [or  **  clots/' 
dp6fiPoi\t  flowed  from  him  while  he  was  praying "  (comp.  Luke  xxii.  44),  and 
which  Semisch  very  naturally  compares,  as  regards  its  description  of  the 
Gospels,  with  a  striking  passage  of  Tertullian,t  Hilgenfeld  insists  — 

(i)  That  the  article  denotes  '<  the  collective  body "  {dU  Gesammtheit)  of  the 
Apostles  and  their  companions. 

(2)  "The  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  "is  the  phrase  generally  used  by  Justin. 
This  might  indeed  be  justified  by  the  fact  that  the  Gospels  of  Mark  and  Luke 
were  regarded  as  founded  on  the  direct  communications  of  Apostles  or  sanc- 
tioned by  them;  but  this,  Hilgenfeld  says,  is  giving  up  the  sharp  distinction 
between  the  Gospels  as  written  two  of  them  by  Apostles  and  two  by  Apostolic 
men* 

(3)  The  fact  that  Justin  appeals  to  the  "  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  "  for  inci- 
dents, like  the  visit  of  the  Magi,  which  are  recorded  by  only  one  apostle, 
**  shows  clearly  the  utter  indefiniteness  of  this  form  of  expression."  \  **  Mani- 
festly, that  single  passage,"  namely,  the  one  quoted  above  {Dial,  c  103),  **  must 
be  explained  in  accordance  with  Justin's  general  use  of  language." 

Let  OS  examine  these  points.  As  to  (i),  the  supposition  that  Justin  con- 
ceived of  his  •*  Memoirs  "  as  **  composed  "  or  "  written  "  —  these  are  the  words 
he  uses — by  "the  collective  body"  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ  and  "the  col- 
lective body  "  of  their  companions  is  a  simple  absurdity. 

(2)  and  (3).  For  Justin's  purpose,  it  was  important,  and  it  was  sufficient,  to 
represent  the  "  Memoirs "  to  which  he  appealed  as  resting  on  the  authority  of 
the  Apostles.  But  in  one  place  he  has  described  them  more  particularly ;  and 
it  is  simply  reasonable  to  say  that  the  more  general  expression  should  be 
interpreted  in  accordance  with  the  precise  description,  and  not,  as  Hilgenfeld 
strangely  contends,  the  reverse. 


*See  }m  Kriiisckt  UnttrsuchungtH  Uber  die  EvangtlUn  JusthCs^  dtr  cUmtntinUchen 
H9maUmumdMtmrci4nis  (Halle,  1850),  p.  13  ff. 

^A dm.  Marc.  W.  a:  Constittdmus  inprimis  evangelicum  instrumentum  apostolos  auctores 
habere. . . .  Si  et  apoetolioos,  non  tamen  solos,  sed  com  apostolis  et  post  apostolos. . . .  Denique 
■obu  fidem  ex  apoetdia  loonnes  et  Matthxus  insinuant,  ex  apostolids  Lucas  et  Marcoa 
iaatanranL 

X  Hilgenfeld  alao  refers  to  Justiii  (JDiaL  c.  loi,  p.  328,  comp.  Apol.  i.  38)  for  a  passage  relating 
to  the  mocking  of  Christ  at  the  crucifixion,  which  Justin,  referring  to  the  "  Memoirs,"  describes 
"in  a  form,"  aa  he  conceives,  "  essentially  differing  from  all  our  canonical  Gospels."  To  me  it 
appeaia  that  the  agreement  is  essential,  and  the  difference  of  slight  importance  and  easily 
expfadned ;  but  to  diacaaa  the  matter  here  would  be  out  of  place,  and  would  carry  us  too  far. 


lOO  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

(3)  The  fact  that  Juslm  appeals  to  the  "  Memoirs  by  the  Apostles  "  for  an 
incident  which  is  related  by  only  one  Apostle  is  readily  explained  by  the  fact 
that  he  gives  this  title  to  the  Gospels  considered  collaiivtiy,  just  as  he  once 
designates  them  as  tiiayyk\in,  "Gospels,"  and  twice  as  rh  rrayyi'f-'iy,  "the 
Gospel."  The  usage  of  the  Christian  Fathers  in  quoting  is  entirely  analogous. 
They  constantly  cite  passages  as  contained  "in  the  Gospels "  which  are  found 
only  in  onr  Gospel,  simply  because  "the  Gospels"  was  a  term  used  interchange- 
ably with  "  the  Gospel,"  to  denote  the  four  Gospels  conceived  of  as  one  booL 
For  examples  of  this  use  of  the  plural,  see  the  rote  10  p.  34-  To  the  instances 
there  given,  many  might  easily  be  added. 

Hilgcnfeld,  in  support  of  his  view  of  the  article  here,  cites  the  language  of 
Justin  where,  in  speaking  of  the  new  birth,  he  says,  "And  the  reason  foi  this 
we  have  learned  from  the  Apostles"  (,Ap^)L  i.6i).  Here  it  seems  10  me  not 
improbable  that  Justin  had  in  mind  the  language  of  Christ  as  recorded  by  the 
Apostles  John  and  Matthew  in  John  iii.  6,  7.  and  Matt,  xviii.  3, 4.  That  he  had 
na  particular  Apostles  or  apostolic  writings  in  view  —  that  by  "the  Apostles" 
he  meant  vaguely  "the  collective  body  of  the  Apostles"  does  not  appear  likely. 
The  statement  must  hive  been  founded  on  something  which  he  had  read 
someaikere. 


NOTE  C,  (Seep.  80.) 

JUSTIN  MARTYR  AND  TBK  "GOSPEl.  ACCORDING  TO  THB  HEBREWS." 

After  remarking  that  the  "Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews"  was  "almost 
nniveraalty  regarded  in  the  first  centuries  as  the  Hebrew  original  of  our  canon- 
ical Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,"  that  Greek  versions  of  it  "  must  have  existed  at  a 
very  early  date,"  and  that  "  at  various  limes  and  in  different  circles  it  took  very 
different  shapes,"  Lipsius  observes:  "The  fragments  preserved  in  the  Greek 
by  Epiphanius  betray  very  clearly  their  dependence  on  our  canonical  Gospels. 
.  ■  ■  The  Aramaic  fragments  also  contain  much  that  can  be  explained  and  under- 
stood only  on  the  hypothesis  that  it  is  a  recasting  of  the  canonical  text.  -  - . 
The  narrative  of  our  Lord's  baptism  (Epiphan.  Harr.  xxx.  13),  with  its  tkrti/old 
voice  from  heaven,  is  evidently  a  more  recent  combination  of  older  texts,  of 
which  the  first  is  found  in  the  Gospels  of  St  Mark  and  St.  Luke;  the  second  in 
the  text  of  the  Cambridge  Cod.  Beta  at  St.  Luke  iii.  21.  in  Justin  Martyr  [Dial. 
c.  TryfhoH.  88,  toj),  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus  (Paiag.  i.6,p.  113,  Potter); 
the  third  in  our  canonical  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew.  And  this  very  narrative  may 
suffice  to  prove  that  the  so-called  '  Hebrew '  text  preserved  hy  St  Jerome  is  by 
no  means  preferable  to  that  of  our  canonical  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  and  even 
less  original  than  the  Greek  text  quoted  by  Epiphanius.""  "The  attempt  10 
prove  that  Justin  Martyr  and  the  Clementine  Homilies  had  one  extra-canonical 

•  Smith  liiidWaee'i  £»«:/.  */C*r«(«-  Jiof. ,  vol.  ii.  (iSSoX  p.  7"^  Many  illii>tr.dtnu  an 
hen  given  df  Ihc  fact  that  mm)  of  Ihe  quoutioni  whkb  Ii»e  come  Aama  Id  111  IroDi  the  "  Goipel 
oE  the  Hebrews  "  bd«i£  \a  a  Ulcr  peiiod,  and  tepmeaL  a  later  tfage  trl  ItieaJagical  derclop- 
■nnl,  Ihu  oar  omonical  Cotpela.  Mangold  ngreet  wiih  Lipiinl.  Sec  the  note  \a  hi>  edldou  ol 
Bleek'i  SmUiOmg  in  Ov  IV.  T.,  ]■  AuB.  (iS/s),  p.  131  L  Dr.  E.  A.  AbbiHt,  m.  Gtifth  in 
Ihe  ninlh  ed,  et  the  Eocrdapzdul  Britannici  (t.  SiS,  note),  nkei  the  lune  view.  He  findi  M 
■ndence  that  Jujuia  Manyr  node  u 


H  Goipel  aocording  to  the  Hcbrewi. 


A 


OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  101 

aulhorit7  conunon  to  them  both,  either  in  the  Gospti  of  tkt  Hsirtuii  ox  in  the 
(hifti  ef  S.  Pttir. . .  .  haa  altogether  failed.  It  ia  only  in  the  rarest  cases  that 
they  literally  agree  in  their  deviations  from  the  text  of  our  Gospels;  they  differ 
iti  their  citations  u  much,  tor  the  most  part,  one  from  the  other  as  they  do  from 
the  lexl  of  the  synoptical  evangetists,  even  in  such  casta  when  one  or  the  othei 
repeatedly  quotes  the  ^une  passage,  and  each  time  in  the  same  words.  Only  in 
very  few  cases  is  the  derivation  from  the  Gotpel  ef  tki  Hebrews  probable,  as  in 
the  saying  concerning  the  new  birlh  (Justin  M.  Apol.  i.  6i ;  Clem,  ffsmilits,  il. 
*6;  RteogH.  vi.  g);  .. .  in  most  cases  ...  it  is  quite  enough  to  assume  that  the 
quotations  were  made  from  memory,  and  so  account  tor  the  involuntary  con- 
fusion of  evangelic  texts."     {Ibid.  p.  71:.) 

Hr.  E.  B.  Nicholson,  in  his  elaborate  work  on  the  Gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews  (Lond.  1879),  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  "there  are  no  proofs  that 
Justin  used  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  at  all "  (p.  135).  He  also 
observes,  "There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  aulhotship  of  the  Gospel 
according  to  the  Hebrews  was  attributed  lo  the  Apostles  generally  in  the  zd  or 
even  the  3d  cent.  Irencus  calls  it  simply  '  that  Gospel  which  is  according  to 
Matthew'"  (p.  134). 

Holtzmann  in  the  eighth  volume  of  Bunsen's  Bibtlwerk  (1S66)  discusses  at 
length  the  subject  of  apocryphal  Gospels.  He  comes  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  "Gospel  of  the  Hebrews"  or  "of  the  Nazarenes"  was  an  Aramaic  redac- 
tion {Starbiitun^  of  our  Matthew,  executed  in  an  exclusively  Jewish-Christian 
•pirit,  making  some  use  of  Jewish-Christian  traditions,  but  presupposing  the 
Synoptic  and  the  Pauline  literature.  It  was  probably  made  in  Palestine  for  the 
Jewish-Christian  churches  some  time  in  the  second  century  (p.  547),  The 
Cospc]  of  the  Ebionites,  [or  our  knowledge  of  which  we  have  to  depend  almost 
wholly  on  Epiphanius,  a  very  untrustworthy  writer,  Hollzmann  regards  as  "  a 
Creek  recasting  [(/cbtrarbatunji)  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  with  peculiar  Jewish- 
Christian  traditions  and  ihcosophic  additions"  (p.  553). 

Professor  Drummond,  using  Kirchhofer's  Qutllimammlung,  has  compared 
the  twenty-two  fragments  of  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  there  col- 
lected (including  those  oE  the  Gospel  of  the  Ebionites)  with  Justin's  citations 
from  ot  references  lo  the  Gospels,  of  which  he  finds  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy.     1  give  hie  result:  — 

"  With  an  apparent  exception  to  be  noticed  presently,  not  one  of  the  Iwenly- 
iwo  quotations  from  the  lost  Gospel  is  found  among  these  one  hundred  and 
seventy.  But  this  is  not  all.  While  thirteen  deal  with  matters  not  referred  to 
in  Jmtin,  nine  admit  of  comparison;  and  in  these  nine  instances  not  only  does 
Justin  omit  everything  that  is  characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  Gospel,  but  in 
some  points  he  distinctly  differs  from  it,  and  agrees  with  the  canonical  Gospels. 
There  is  an  apparent  exception.  Justin  quotes  the  voice  from  heaven  at  the 
baptism  in  this  form,  '  Thou  art  my  son  ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee.'  'This 
day  have  I  begotten  ihee'  is  also  in  the  Ebionite  Gospel;*  but  there  it  is 
awkwardly  appended  to  a  second  saying,  thus:  'Thou  art  my  beloved  Son;  in 
ihce  was  I  well  pleased;  and  again,  This  day  have  1  begotten  thee';  —  so  that 
the  passage  Is  quite  different  from  Justin's,  and  has  the  appearance  of  being  a 
later  patchwork.    Justin's  form  of  quotation  is  still  the  reading  of  the  Codex 


■S«  E»iplBiU>u,  r/^ 


.:  Nkholt 


,  Tki  GoiftI  acc,rd!fg  . 


lOI 


CRITICAL    ESSAYS 


Bezx  in  Luke,  and,  according  lo  Augustine,  was  found  in  good  MSS.,  though 
it  was  said  not  to  be  in  the  older  ones.  (See  Tischend.  in  loco.)  •  One  other 
passage  is  appealed  10.  Justin  says  that,  when  Jesus  wiat  dmnt  ufen  the  viaUr, 
a  fire  was  kindled  in  the  Jordan,— iri/i  owf^iS^  tc  r^'  "lopdiivi,.  The  Ebionile 
Gospel  relates  that,  when  Jesus  came  vp  from  the  waitr,  immedialely  a  great 
light  shone  round  the  place,— fi'^t-r  nepii%a/iit  rim  nh-on  ^uf  /'h^-  This  fact 
is,  I  believe,  the  main  proof  that  Justin  used  the  Gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  that  we  may  therefore  have  recourse  to  it,  whenever  he  differs 
verbally  from  the  enisling  Gospels.  Considering  that  the  events  recorded  are 
not  the  same,  that  they  are  said  to  have  happened  at  different  limes,  and  that 
the  two  quotations  do  not  agree  with  one  another  in  a  single  word,  this  argu- 
ment cannot  be  considered  very  convincing,  even  by  those  who  do  not  require 
perfect  verbal  accuracy  in  order  to  identify  a  quotation.  Bui,  further,  the 
author  of  the  anonymous  Liber  de  Rebaptismate  says  that  this  event  was 
related  in  an  heretical  work  entitled  Fauli  Przdicatio,  and  that  it  was  not 
found  in  any  Gospel :  'Item  cum  biptiiaretur,  ignem  super  aquam  esse  visum; 
quod  in  evangelio  nullo  eat  scriptum.'  (Routh,  Rel.  Sat  v.  pp.  335,  326  [c 
14,  Roulh ;  c.  17,  Hattel.J)  Of  course  the  latter  statement  may  refer  only  to 
the  canonical  Gospels. "t  To  this  it  may  be  added  that  a  comparison  of  the 
fuller  collection  of  fragments  of  "the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews"  given 
by  Hilgenfeid  or  Nicholson  (the  latter  makes  out  a  list  of  thirty-three  frag- 
ments) would  be  still  less  favorable  lo  the  supposition  that  Justin  made  use  of 
this  Gospel. 

In  the  quotations  which  I  have  given  from  these  independent  writers,  I  have 
not  attempted  to  set  forth  in  full  their  views  of  the  relation  of  the  original 
Hebrew  Gospel  lo  our  Greek  Matthew,  atill  less  my  own;  but  enough  has  been 
said  to  show  how  little  evidence  (here  is  that  the  "Gospel  of  the  Hebrews" 
in  one  form  or  another  either  constituted  Justin's  "  Memoirs."  or  was  the 
principal  source  from  which  he  drew  his  knowledge  of  the  life  of  CbrisL 
While  I  find  nothing  like /ro^that  Justin  made  use  of  any  apocryphal  Gospel, 
the  question  whether  he  may  in  a  few  instances  have  done  so  is  wholly 
unimportant.  Such  a  use  would  not  in  his  case,  any  more  than  in  that  of  the 
later  Fathers,  as  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Jerome,  imply  that  he  placed 
such  a  work  on  a  level  with  our  four  Gospels. 

The  notion  that  Justin  used  mainly  the  "Gospel  according  to  Peter,"  which 
ia  assumed,  absolutely  without  evidence,  to  have  been  a  form  of  the  "Gospel 
according  lo  the  Hebrews,"  rests  almost  wholly  on  the  hypothesis,  for  which 
there  is  also  not  a  particle  of  evidence,  thai  this  Gospel  was  mainly  used  by  Ihe 


■  II  is  the  roding  alto  (in  Luke  ill,  1,}  q(  ihe  beM  KSS.  of  tt 
ol  aemcni  dI  Aleundna,  Med 
plico,  Kiluy  Ihe  deuon  (if  ti«  i> 
Hanjchxan  i  and  Augusliac  qiwlE*  it  oKt  wiLfaoL 
Apoilolical  Canxitudoni  (ii.  ]>);  ic«  ihe  nolc  1 
ihrnlois  thai  JuBiin  found  il  in  fall  MS.  of  Luki 
applied  Id  ChriM  in  Ihe  N.T.  <Acn  iiiL  331  Hcb.  L  ji  v.   ;),  iJit 
occur  IhraoEh  conluiicii  of  inemory,  or  Itom  Iho  mrdi  tiHving  been  ha 


Tilt.),  indFuouoitiu, 
>  be  pRmpp4ned  10  Ibr 
.  H  allogelher  probibte 
I,  ii.  7)  being  rcpeiledl)' 


t  r*M/.  Rmirm,  October,  1 87;,  lii 


!i  [.,  I 


Thewc 

V.   ,),  Ihe  .ub> 

thamu^aof 

The£i'Arr  Jr  KibaftitmaliU  DioaDy  pul^ 


J 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH    GOSPEL  103 

tothor  of  the  Clementine  Homilies.  The  agreement  between  certain  quotations 
of  Justin  and  those  found  in  the  Clementine  Homilies  in  their  variations  from 
the  text  of  our  Gospels  is  supposed  to  prove  that  Justin  and  Clement  drew 
from  a  common  source ;  namely,  this  '*  Gospel  according  to  Peter/'  from  which 
they  are  then  imagined  to  have  derived  the  great  body  of  their  citations.  The 
facts  stated  in  the  quotation  I  have  given  above  from  Lipsius,  who  has 
expressed  himself  none  too  strongly,  are  enough  to  show  the  baselessness  of 
this  hypothesis ;  but  it  may  be  well  to  say  a  few  words  about  the  alleged  agree- 
ment in  five  quotations  between  Justin  and  the  Clementines  in  their  variations 
from  the  text  of  our  Gospels.  These  are  all  that  have  been  or  can  be  adduced 
in  argument  with  the  least  plausibility.  The  two  most  remarkable  of  them, 
namely.  Matt.  xi.  27  (par.  with  Luke  x.  22)  and  John  iii.  3-5,  have  already  been 
fully  discussed.*  In  two  of  the  three  remaining  cases,  an  examination  of  the 
various  readings  in  Tischendorf*s  last  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament 
(1869-72),  and  of  the  parallels  in  the  Christian  Fathers  cited  by  Semisch  and 
others,  will  show  at  once  the  utter  worthlcssness  of  the  argument,  t 

The  last  example  alone  requires  remark.  This  is  Matt.  xxv.  41, ''Depart 
from  me,  accursed,  into  the  eternal  fire,  which  is  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his 
angels."  This  is  quoted  by  Justin  as  follows :  "  Go  ye  into  the  outer  darkness, 
which  the  Father  prepared  for  Satan  and  his  angels.'*  {Dial,  c.  76.)  The 
Clementine  Homilies  (xix.  2)  agrees  with  Justin,  except  that  it  reads  "the  devil" 
for  "  Satan." 

Let  us  examine  the  variations  from  the  text  of  Matthew,  and  see  whether 
they  justify  the  conclusion  that  the  quotations  were  taken  from  a  different 
Gospel. 

The  first  b  the  substitution  of  i'jrdyerc,  which  I  have  rendered  "Go  ye,"  for 
TTopeieadej  translated  in  the  common  version  "depart"  The  two  words,  how- 
ever, differ  much  less,  as  they  are  used  in  Greek,  than  ^  and  depart  in  English. 
The  common  rendering  of  both  is  "  go."  We  have  here  merely  the  substitu- 
tion of  one  synonymous  word  for  another,  which  is  very  frequent  in  quotations 
from  memory.  Tischendorf  cites  for  the  reading  vT:dyzT€  here  the  Sinaitic  MS. 
and  HiPPOLYTUS  {De  Antkhr.  c  65) ;  so  Origen  on  Rom.  viii.  38  in  Cramer's 
Catena  (p. 1 56)  referred  to  in  the  Addenda  to  Tregelles's  Greek  Test.;  to  which 
maybe  added  Didymus  {Adv.  Manich,  c.  13,  Migne  xxxix.  1104),  AsTERius 
{Orat,  il  in  Ps.  v.,  Migne  xl.  412),  Theodoret  (In  Ps.  Ixi.  13,  M.  Ixxx.  1336), 
and  Basil  of  Seleucia  {Orat.  xl.  §  2,  M.  Ixxxv.  461).  Chrysostom  in  quoting 
the  passage  substitutes  aniTSere  for  iropeiEode  eight  times  {Oj>/>.  1.  27**  ed.  Montf.; 
tS^;  V.  256c;  xi.  29C;  674';  695^;  xii.  29i»>;  727«);  and  so  Epiphanius  once 
{Ifar,  Ixvi.  80,  p.  700),  and  Pseudo-Caesarius  (Dia/,  iii.  resp.  140,  Migne  xxxviii. 
1061).    In  the  Latin  Fathers  we  find  discedite,  ite^  abite^  and  recedite. 

*See,  for  the  former.  Note  A ;  for  the  latter,  p.  3 1  ff. 

tThe  two  cases  an  («)  Matt.  xix.  16-18  (par.  Mark  x.  17  ff. ;  Luke  xviii.  18  ff.)  compared 
with  Jva/an,DiaL  c  101,  and  Afol.  L  i6/and  Clem.  Hem.  xriii.  i,  3  (comp.  iiL  57;  xvii.  4). 
Here  Justin's  two  quotations  differ  widely  from  each  other,  and  neither  agrees  closely  with  the 
Oementmes.  if)  Matt.  v.  34,  37,  compared  with  Justin,  A^l.  L  16;  Clem.  Hom.  iii.  55;  xix.  a; 
also  James  t.  is,  where  see  Tischendorf's  note.  Here  the  variation  is  natural,  of  slight  impor- 
tance, and  paralleled  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Epiphanius.  On  {a)  see  Semisch,  p.  371  ff. ; 
Hilce&feld,  p.  aso  ff. ;  Westcott,  Cafion,  p.  153  f . ;  on  (6)  Semisch,  p.  375  ^-  '*  Hilgenfeld,  p.  175  L ; 
Wcstoott,  p.  15a  i ;  Saoday,  p.  laa  i 


IO+  CHFTICAL    ESSAYS 

The  second  variation  consists  in  theomiMJonof  aitlfimj,  "  from  me,"  and  (oi) 
taT/ipa/iii;,, "  {jn)  Bccurscd."  This  is  of  no  account  whatever,  being  a  nati;ral 
abridgment  of  the  quotation,  and  very  common  in  the  cilationa  of  the  passage 
by  (he  Fathers ;  Chrysostom,  for  example,  omits  the  "from  me"  fifteen  times, 
the  "accursed"  thirteen  times,  and  both  together  ten  times  {Off.  L  103^;  v. 
•9'"!  473"!  vii.ige-i  s?!*!  viiLjse*!  11.679";  709°i  '^  13S'')-  The  omission 
is  still   more  frequent  in  the  very  numerous  quotations  of  Augustine. 

The  third  and  most  remarkable  variation  is  the  substitution  of  rS  ojuiror  r* 
iiiiTtpav,  "the  outer  darkness,"  or  "the  darkness  wilhoul."  for  ri  irtp  rt 
aiiiviov,  "  the  eternal  fire."  The  critical  editors  give  no  various  reading  here  in 
addition  to  the  quotations  of  Justin  and  the  Clementines,  eicept  that  of  the 
cursive  MS,  No.  40  (collated  by  Welslein),  which  has,  as  first  written,  rt  jri/)  ™ 
(f  irrpoir,  "  the  oBttf  fire,"  for  "ihselemal  fire,"  It  has  not  been  observed,  I 
believe,  that  this  singular  reading  appears  in  a  quotation  of  the  passage  by 
Chrysostom  {Ad  Thtedor.  lafium,  i.  9),  according  to  the  text  of  Morel's  edition, 
supported  by  at  least  two  MSS.  {See  Montfaucon's  note  in  his  edition  of 
Chrysost.  Ofp-  i.  11.)  This,  as  the  more  difiicult  reading,  may  be  the  true  one, 
though  Savile  and  Montfaucon  adopt  instead  a'liivior,  "eternal,"  aa  the  authority 
of  four  MSS.*  But  it  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  noticed  that  Chrysostom 
in  two  quotations  of  this  passage  substitutes  the  "outer  darkness"  for  "the 
eternal  fire."  So  De  I'irg.  c  24,  0pp.  i.  285  {345)',  iTl?.eni  yip,  fialv,  ott*  efioi 
tit  ri  axiroc  ^  i£i-Ttpuv  ro  t/nH/uui/iliitiv  n.  r.  A.  Again,  Dt  PaniL  vii,  6,  0pp.  ii 
339  (399)^  'opficeBc,  ul  mTiii>aii(voi,  rif  rh  aiiiroq  rfl  rliirrptiv  K.  T.  ^.  We  find  the 
same  reading  in  Basil  the  Great,  //ptn.  in  Ziu.  lii.  t8,  Opp.  ii.  50  (70)*  j  in 
Theodore  or  Mopsuestia  in  a  Syriac  translation  {FragmeMa  Syriaca,  ed. 
E.  Sachau,  Lips.  1S69,  p.  i:.  or  p.  19  of  the  Syriac),  "  discedite  a  me  in  tentbrat 
txttriaret  qua;  paratK  sunt  diabolo  ejusque  angelis"j  in  Theodoret  (/«  Pi. 
UL  13,  Uigne  Imj.  1336),  who  quotes  the  passage  in  connection  with  vv.  32-34 
as  follows;  "Go  ye  (uirdjtir)  into  the  outer  darkneis,  where  is  the  loud  crying 
and  gnashing  of  teeth";  t  in  Basil  of  Sbleucia  substantially  (Orif,  xl.  5  2,  H. 
Ixxxv.  461).  iVii^fri  (ic  ri  o«Jro(  ri  !  f  u,  Td  ifroi/iao^/fwvi'  «,  r.  ?.,,  and  in 
"Simeon  Cionita,"  i>.  Symeon  Stylites  the  younger  (Scrm.  xxi.  c  2,  in  Mai'i 
Neva  Palrtim  Bibliolk.  tom.  viii.  (1871),  pars  iiL  p.  104),  "  Depart,  ye  accursed, 
into  the  tmier  darhntit ;  there  shall  lie  the  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth."] 
Compare  SuLPicius  Sevbrus,  Epitl.  i.  ad  Sorortm,  c  7;  "Ite  in  Imebrat 
txterioTcs,  ubi  erit  Actus  et  stridor  detitium"  (Migne  xx.  227').  See  also 
Antonius  Magnus,  Abbas,  Efisl.  xx.  (Migne,  Palrol,  Gr.  xl,  1058),  "Rteedite 
a  me,  maledicti,  in  ignem  xtemum,  abi  est  Selus  ct  stridor  dentium." 

The  use  of  the  expression  "the  outer  darkness"  in  Matt.  viii.  12,  xxiL  l^ 
and  et'pecially  ixv.  30,  in  connection  with  "the  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth," 
and  the  combination  of  the  latter  also  with  "the  furnace  of  fire"  in  Matt.  xiiL 
41,  50,  would  naturally  lead  to  such  a  confusion  and  intermixture  of  different 
passages  in  quoting  from   memory,   or   quoting   freely,  as  we  see  in  these 

*  Sina  Ihe  above  urn  writtn,  I  have  uHind  lUi  res^ng  Id  Ephium  Sjpnu,  O/ft.  Cr.  &. 
uS  b,  ropelieade  afr*  i/uA  rrivTtf  al  utiritfiafih/ti:  fif  Tit  rriip  rb  i^£jTtpav  ;  am^  ^  ^xAt 
bdow,  trap,  ut'  Ifirni  o\  Han/papiinH  ti^  ri  ~''P  ^^  ri^rtpov  Hal  niuviov,  rA  i}nM/«Mifi/tw* 
T^  6ta&ih^  not  Toif  ayylXoi(  avraii. —  IHd.  p.  I'Sa.  Bui  on  pp.  t^,  xjf,  178,  |Bi,  «■, 
Ephnem  quoto  the  puiigi  u  it  lundi  b  Iba  tnln  riirflia.  Sec  llie  FhiHpiKii  Solituiiu, 
Dirfira  Sri  CAriaimar,  It,  id  (UE(iie,  fmtnl.  Gr.  curiL  Itj,  be);  "Alula  ■  me  piocill, 

IThi  lui  eioiue  reid>  AiTfiii  li  jipvyi&i  aai  i  iAa'Aifj/ibc  tuv  liivvruii,  buiili«w«d« 
Bpfyfii^  vkI  nAnXr^/jfic  Kent  In  have  been  traoqioKd  through  (he  nuilake  of  a  Kribe- 


AUTHORSHIP   OF   THE   FOURTH   GOSPEL  I05 

examples.  Semisch  quotes  a  passage  from  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Quts  dives^ 
etc,  c  15,  p.  942),  in  which  Jesus  is  represented  as  threatening  "  fire  and  the 
outer  darkness  **  to  those  who  should  not  feed  the  hungry,  etc.  Cjrril  of  Alex- 
andria associates  the  two  thus :  "  What  darkness  shall  fall  upon  them  . . .  when 
he  shall  say,  Depart  from  me,  ye  accursed,  into  the  eternal  fire^^  etc  {Horn.  div. 
Opp.  V.  pars  ii.  b,  p.  408  f.*  The  fire  was  conceived  of  as  burning  without 
light  In  the  case  of  Justin  there  was  a  particular  reason  for  the  confusion  of 
the  "fire"  and  the  "outer  darkness"  from  the  fact  that  he  had  just  before 
quoted  Matt  viii.  12,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  "  the  outer  darkness  "  is  mentioned 
likewise  in  the  same  chapter  of  Matthew  (xxv.  30)  from  which  his  quotation  is 
derived  {Dial,  c  76). 

Justin's  substitution  of  "  Satan  "  for  "  the  devil "  is  obviously  unimportant  It 
occurs  in  the  Jerusalem  Syriac  and  iEthiopic  versions,  and  was  natural  in  the 
dialogue  with  Trypho  the  Jew, 

The  remaining  coincidence  between  Justin  and  the  Clementines  in  their 
variation  from  Matthew'  consists  in  the  substitution  of  h  rjToiimoEv  6  nar^pj 
"  which  the  Father  prepared  "  (comp.  ver.  34),  for  ro  ijToifiaafikvov^  "  which  is  [or 
hath  been]  prepared."  This  is  of  no  weight,  as  it  is  merely  an  early  various 
reading  which  Justin  doubtless  found  in  his  text  of  Matthew.  It  still  appears, 
usually  as  "»i^  Father"  for  " M^  Father,"  in  important  ancient  authorities,  as 
the  Co€lex  Beza  (D),  the  valuable  cursives  i.  and  22.,  the  principal  MSS.  of  the 
Old  Latin  version  or  versions  (second  century),  in  iRENiCUS  four  or  five  times 
("pater,"  Har,  iL  7.  §  3;  "pater  mens,"  iii.  23.  §  3;  iv.  33-  §  11 ;  40.  §  2; 
V.  27.  §  I,  alius.),  Origen  in  an  old  Latin  version  four  times  (Opp.  i.  87b, 
allusion ;  iL  177';  298'* ;  iii.  885*),  Cyprian  three  times,  Juvencus,  Hilary 
three  times,  Gaudentius  once,  Augustine,  Leo  Magnus,  and  the  author  of 
De  Promissis, — for  the  references  to  these,  see  Sabatier;  also  in  Philastrius 
{Har,  114),  SULPICIUS  Severus  (Ep,  ii.  ad  Sororem,  c.  7,  Migne  xx.  231c), 
Fastidius  (De  Vil.  Chr.  cc  10,  13,  M.  1.  393,  399),  Evagrius  presbyter  {Con- 
suit,  etc  iii.  9,  M.  xx.  1164),  Salvian  {Adv,  Avar,  ii.  11 ;  x.  4;  M.  liii.  201,  251), 
and  other  Latin  Fathers  —  but  the  reader  shall  be  spared. —  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria in  an  allusion  to  this  passage  {Cohort,  c  9,  p.  69)  has  "which  the  Lord 
prepared";  Origen  {Lat^  reads  six  times  "which  6^^?^ prepared "  {Opp,  ii.  i6i«; 
346^;  4x6*;  431**;  466**;  and  iv.  b.  p.  48%  ap.  Pamphili  Apol.) ;  and  we  find  the 
same  reading  in  TertuUian,  Gaudentius,  Jerome  {In  Isa,\,  11),  and  Paulinus 
Nolanus.  Aldmus  Avitus  has  Deus  Pater, —  Hippolytus  {De  Antkhr,  c.  65) 
adds  "  which  my  Father  prepared  "  to  the  ordinary  text. 

It  is  clear,  I  think,  from  the  facts  which  have  been  presented,  that  there  is  no 
ground  for  the  conclusion  that  Justin  has  here  quoted  an  apocryphal  Gospel. 
His  variations  from  the  conmion  text  of  Matthew  are  easily  explained,  and  we 
find  them  all  in  the  quotations  of  the  later  Christian  Fathers. 

In  the  exhibition  of  the  various  readings  of  this  passage,  I  have  ventured  to 
go  a  little  beyond  what  was  absolutely  necessary  for  my  immediate  purpose, 
partly  because  the  critical  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament  represent  the 
patristic  authorities  so  incompletely,  but  principally  because  it  seemed  desirable 
to  expose  still  more  fully  the  false  assumption  of  Supernatural  Religion  and 
other  writers  in  their  reasoning  about  the  quotations  of  Justin. 

But  to  return  to  our  main  topic.     We  have  seen  that  there  is  no  direct  evi- 

*Coiiip.  Ephnicm  Syms,  D^Jttdieia,  Opp.  Gr.  iiu  noaef:  omv  an&ro^  Innriaerai  kif 
airrovi  brop  Xd^^aei  rrpbc  airrovc  iv  bpyy  avToify  Kal  iv  rt^  Oi'fi^  avrov  vrard^ei  avTovc 
>i7W,  iwy>e(«o*«.r.A.  (a»»»tho received  tcxtjb    SoiiL97*. 


Io6  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

dence  of  any  weight  that  Justin  used  either  the  "  Gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews"  (so  far  as  this  was  distinguished  from  the  Gospel  according  to 
Matthew)  or  the  "Gospel  according  to  Peter."  That  he  should  have  taken 
either  of  these  as  the  source  of  his  quotations,  or  that  either  of  these  constituted 
the  "  Memoirs  "  read  generally  in  public  worship  in  the  Christian  churches  of 
his  time,  is  in  the  highest  degree  improbable.  The  "  Gospel  according  to  the 
Hebrews "  was  the  Gospel  exclusively  used  by  the  Ebionites  or  Jewish  Chris- 
tians; and  neither  Justin  nor  the  majority  of  Christians  in  his  time  were 
Ebionites.  The  "Gospel  according  to  Peter"  favored  the  opinions  of  the 
Docetae ;  but  neither  Justin  nor  the  generality  of  Christians  were  Docetists. 
Still  less  can  be  said  in  behalf  of  the  hypothesis  that  any  other  apocryphal 
"  Gospel "  of  which  we  know  anything  constituted  the  "  Memoirs "  which  he 
cites,  if  they  were  one  book,  or  was  included  among  them,  if  they  were  several. 
We  must,  then,  either  admit  that  Justin's  "  Memoirs  "  were  our  four  Gospels, 
a  supposition  which,  I  believe,  fully  explains  all  the  phenomena,  or  resort  to 
Thoma's  hypothesis  of  an  "X-Gospel,"  />.,  a  Gospel  of  which  we  know 
nothing.  The  only  conditions  which  this  "  X-Gospel "  will  then  have  to  fulfil 
will  be :  It  must  have  contained  an  account  of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ 
which  Justin  and  the  Christians  of  his  time  believed  to  have  been  "composed 
by  the  Apostles  and  their  companions " ;  it  must  have  been  received  accord- 
ingly as  a  sacred  book,  of  the  highest  authority,  read  in  churches  on  the  Lord's 
day  with  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets ;  and,  almost  immediately 
after  he  wrote,  it  must  have  mysteriously  disappeared  and  fallen  into  oblivion, 
leaving  no  trace  behind.* 

*  Compare  Norton,  Gtnuingfuss  of  the  Gosptlst  ist  mL  (1837),  vol.  L  pp.  235-330;  ad  edL, 
i.  331  f. 


I.    INDEX    OF    NAMES,    TOPICS,    AND    GREEK    WORDS. 


Abbas,  104. 

Abbott,  Dr.  E.  A.,  a6,  44,  70,  100. 

Acts,  io»  1 1 :  not  oontradicted  by  Ep.  to  Gal.,ia 

Africanaa^  Julius,  75. 

Anippa  Castor,  tt6,  87. 

Akimos  Aritus,  105. 

Alexandria,  15. 

Alford,  37,  S3«  67. 

Aloci,  20,  as,  79. 

Ambrose,  50,  85. 

Ammonins,  55,  56. 

Anastastos,  38,  39,  40,  59. 

Anijer,  33. 

Antiodi,  Synod  of,  96. 

Antoninus  IHus,  X2. 

Antoninus,  see  Marcus. 

Antonius  Magnus,  104. 

Apelles,  83. 

Aphraates,  55. 

Aphihooins,  55. 

Apocalypse,  fp,  15,  so,  67,  77,  79. 

Apocalypse  of  Peter,  28-30. 

Apocrypnal  Books,  m#  Gospels,  Apocryphal. 

ApoUinaris,  59. 

Apologists,  67,  71,  78. 

Apostolic  Constitutions,  24,  34,  39,  40,  47,  78, 

loa. 
Apostolic  Memoirs,  32>as,  >8* 
Arcbelaus,  86. 
Aristides,  64. 

Arnold,  Matthew,  10, 60,  61,  88,  89. 
Artemidorus,  36. 
AsteriuS|  103. 

Athanasius,  34,  97;  Pseud-,  4a 
Athena|;oras,  17,  60. 
Aogus'me,  4O1  Vh  75.  »<»»  «<M.  «o5- 
Autolycus,  6a 
avaytwdciy  3«.  35-38, 44. 
avudtv^  l»,  36,  37»  39- 
arroftvTffiovei'fuiTa^  as,  33. 
aTTocyriAAw,  49« 

Baptism,  31,  43»  44»  50. 

Bar-BahluT,  56. 

Bar-HelMTZus,  56. 

Barnabas,  Epistle  of,  17, 38,  39,  37. 

Bar-Salibi,  55-57. 

Basil  the  Ureat,  34, 104. 

Basil  of  Sekuda,  35,  40, 103,  104. 

Basil.  Pscudo<,  34,  37. 

Basiiides,  18,  53,  83,  85-89. 

Basilidians,  75,  84. 

BSIumlein,  69. 

Banr,  o,  10,  i3-i5»  «»i  8a,  89. 

Bengel,  37,  69. 

BentJey,  7$. 

Beyichlag,^. 

37* 


Bindemann,  st,  80. 

Birth,  New,  31,  3a,  36,  37,  43,  43,  53,  63. 

Bleek,  13,  «,  84. 

Bretschneider,  37. 

Brieger,  89. 

Browne,  75. 

Briickner,  69. 

Budxus,  37. 

Bunsen,  89. 

Calvin,  37. 

Carpenter,  75. 

Caspari,  22. 

Celsus,  60. 

Censorinus,  56. 

Cerinthus,  20. 

Charteris,  56. 

Christ,  45,  50,  53,  53,  63-65,  79.  86 ;  pre-exisi- 

ence  of,  45,  66 ;   the  Son  of  God,  45 ;  his 

manner  of  teaching,  63-65;  length  of  his 

ministry,  59,  75. 
Chnstian  Examiner,  12,  23. 
Christianity,  9,  10. 
Chromatius,  4a 

Chrysostom,  35-38,  40,  64,  103,  104. 
Clausen,  37. 
Clement  ot  Alexandria,  15,  23,  24,  29,  30,  35, 

40,  44,  62,  70,  75,  78,  86,  87. 96,  xoo,  102, 105. 
Clement  of  Kome.^o;  Ep.  of,  17,  28,  29,  44. 
Clementine  Homilies,  17,  33,  36,  38-39,  44>  57» 

61,  63,  75,  95,  100,  103-105. 
Qementine  Epitome,  36,  38,  39. 
Codex  Bezae,  101,  102, 105. 
Codex  Ottobonianus,  61 . 
Codex  Sinaiticus^  29,  93,  103. 
Codex  Veronensis,  50. 
Commodus,  60. 
Common  Prayer,  Book  of,  43. 
Cook,  F.  C,  45- 
Cramer,  103. 

Credner,  48,  51,  53,  56,  80,  94,  98. 
Cremer,  37. 
Cureton,  55. 

Cypnrian,  38,  78,  102,  105 ;  Pseudo-,  75. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  37,  39,  75,  105. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  34. 

Danibl,  56. 

Davidson,  48,  64,  66,  74,  75,  83. 

Delitzsch,  44. 

Demiurgus,  85. 

De  Wette,  13,  33,  37. 

Diapente,  56. 

Diatessaron,  see  Tatian. 

Didymus  of  Alexandria,  41,  97,  103. 

Dindorf,  62 

Diognetus,  Epistle  to,  90. 

Dionysius  of  Corinth,  29. 

Dispute  between  Archelaus  and  Manes,  86. 


io8 


CRITICAL    ESSAYS. 


Docetae,  Docetist,  Docetists,  34,  39,  80,  81,  106. 

Dodd,  a6. 

Donaldson,  10. 

Drummond,  36,  44-52*  64,  6$,  101. 

EASTBRy  la,  13,  91. 

Ebionites,  66, 81,  101,  103,  106. 

Egypt,  68. 

Eichbom,  ai. 

Klias  Salamensis,  55. 

Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  a6,  44,  ^^)^  100. 

Engelhardt,  aa,  43,  73. 

Epnesus,  91,  9a. 

Ephraem  Syrus,  34,  39,  40,  55-57.  75.  »o4,  105. 

Epiphanius,  54,  56,  6a,  86.  97,  100,  loi,  103. 

Epistles,  Disputed,  15,  ao. 

Eucharist,  49. 

EusebiuR,  a3,  39,  30,  34,  38,  39,  54,  56,  59,  67, 

71,  86,  90. 
Euthymius  Zigabenus,  37,  40. 
Ewald^  40,  53. 
eip^/nevor,  rd,  54- 
f fa;7'f  Aiov,  a4,  86,  87,  100. 

Farrar,  37. 

Kastidius,  105. 

Faustua,  loa. 

Fisher,  11,  14;  see  Supernatural  Religion. 

Florinus,  14. 

Fortnightly  Review,  ai. 

Galsn,  ^7. 

Gaudentius,  75,  105. 

Gieseler,  13. 

Gnostics,  14,  15,  i8-ai,  30,  57,  6a,  63,  8a,  84, 
85,  89-91,96. 

Godet,  9,  37j  87,  93. 

Gospel:  Ebionite,  loi,  loa  ;  Marcion's,  at 4  of 
Marcosians,  94;  of  Nicoidemus,  18;  accord- 
ing to  Hebrews,  18, 33, 56,  77,  79-81,  100,  loi, 
loa,  106;  according  to  Peter,  77,  79,  80,  98; 
according  to  Basilides,  85-89 ;  X,  106;  name, 
how  applied,  18,  87. 

Gospel,  Fourth:  autnorship  of,  14, 15;  date  of, 
ia-14,  19,  ao,a7;  how  received,  9,  la,  13,  15, 
i6,ao,  ai,  a7, 30, 41 ;  anti-JudaiC,  10;  use  of , 
by  Justin,  15,  30,  65;  by  Gnostics,  15,  ao,  ai, 
30,  88,  89;  remarks  appended  to,  15,  91,  92. 

Gospels,  Four :  where  tound,  15,20;  deemed 
authoritative,  24;  Sunday  use  of,  23,  27; 
meaning  not  changed  by  Justin,  a6,  30-32 ; 
why  not  quoted  by  namei  17;  inaccurately 
quoted,  18. 

Gospels,  Synoptic,  14,  65,  71,  73,  74. 

Gospels,  Apocryphal,  85,  88,  106;  not  history 
of  Christ's  ministry,  18 ;  not  authorized,  29. 

Grabe,  6a. 

Gregor>',  Dr.  C.  R.,  13. 

Gregory  Nyssen,  34. 

Grimm,  Prof.  Wihbald,  la,  33,  37,  47,  51. 

Grotius,  37,  69. 

Hades,  18. 

Hadrian,  8a. 

Hammond,  71. 

Hamack,  aa. 

Harpocration,  37. 

Hase,  13,  89. 

Hausrath,  9. 

Hebrews,  Gospel  according  to  the,  see  Gospel. 

Hengstenberg,  37. 

Heracleon,  63,  84,  85. 

Heraclitus,  45. 

Hermas,  17,  a8,  39. 

Hermias,  17. 

Herodes  Atticus,  64. 

Hesychius,  38,  40. 

Heterography,  56. 


Hilarianos,  75. 

Hilary,  loa. 

Hilgcnfcld,  9,  13,  14,  21,  a6,  30,  34,  47.  5«-53. 

56,  61,  65,  73,  74,  80,  81,  83,  87,  89,  94,  99, 

loa,  103. 
Hippocrates,  37. 
Hippolytus,  18,  34,  34,  39.  79.  83,  85-89,  91, 

103,  X05. 
Hofmann,  37. 
Holtzmann,  loi. 
Hort,  53,  53,  86,  89. 
Hutton,  69. 

Ignatius,  17,  90. 

Irenseus,  14,  15,  ao,  ai,  as,  34,  a7,  aS,  30,  34, 

38,  39,  44,  46.  50,  54,  57,  58,  63,  81,  8a,  94, 

95,  98,  101,  105. 

Jacobi,  89. 
James,  10,  aa. 

ferome,  33,  30,  85,  100,  103,  105. 
[esus  Chnst,  see  Christ. 

[ohn,  14,  15,  17,  30-33,  3«-3S,  35,  37-39,43- 
45,  47-55,  58-65,  66,  68,  70,  73,  77,  78,  8a- 
89,  91^  93,  too,  103 ;  relation  of  to  Jewish 
Cfhristianity,  9,  10,  13. 
John  the  Baptist,  53,  65. 
Jordan,  loa. 
Josephus,  37. 
Jowett,  13. 
Jude,  15,  35. 

Justin,   13-15,   17,    18,  33-35,  37-39,  4«,  43" 
54,  57,  58,  63-^,  70-74,   T^a,  87,  93,  94, 
98-104,  106;  his  view  of  Chnst,  38. 
Juvencus,  loa,  105. 

KwB,  73. 

Keim,  9-11,  13,  14,  36,  33,  48,  50,60. 

Kidder,  69. 

Kirchhofer,  86. 

Knapp,  37. 

Krebs,  37. 

Kype,  37. 

Kadi^u,  5*- 

Lachmann,  53. 

Lactantius,  60,  71,  75,  loa. 

Lagarde,  40. 

I^rdner,  23. 

Lazarus,  86. 

Le  Clerc,  69. 

Lenfant,  69. 

Liddell  and  Scott,  48. 

Lightfoot,  Bp.,  9,  II,  39,  33,  54-56,  S9f  60,  81, 

85j  90. 
Lipsius,  10,  56,  57,  80.  81,  86,  89,  94.  100,  103. 
Logos,  30,  38,  43-46,  53,  58,  60,  65,  67. 
Lord's  Day,  see  Sunday. 
Lord's  Supper,  13  ;  see  Eucharirt. 

LUcke,  13,  37,  50- 

Luke,  19,  21,  22,  34,  66,  73,  77,  83-84,  86,  87, 

97,  99;  Homilies  on,  85. 
Luthardt,  9,  13,  37,  84,  87. 
Luther,  37. 
Liiuelberger,  14,  73. 
Lyons,  15,  59,  60. 
A<$yof ,  see  Logos. 

MACARIUS  il^GVPTIUS,  34. 

McClellan,  37. 

Magi,  25,  99. 

Mangold,  50,  84,  100. 

Mann,  N.,  75. 

Mansel,  89. 

Manuscript,  etc.,  see  Codex,  etc 

Marcion,  31,  81-85,  94. 

Mardonites,  21,  81,  84. 


NAMES,    TOPICS,   AND   GREEK   WORDS 


109 


Marmdant,  94,  98. 

Marcos  Anrelius,  60. 

Mark,  17,  19,  33,  66,  71,  78,  81,  83,  99. 

Mary  Magdalene,  61. 

Matthxt,  at. 

Matthew,  17-19,  59,  66,  70-71,  77,  78,  82,  97, 

100,  103-ios. 
MeHto,  58,  59. 
Meaaiah,  32. 
Methodiua,  30,  loa. 
Merer,  12,  37,  71,  74. 
MuleDDium,  67,  77. 
M  oiler,  89. 
Moesioger,  55,  57. 
Montfaacon,  104. 
Morel,  104. 

Mount,  Sermon  on,  64,  6$. 
Muratorian  Canon,  16,  24,  29,  30,  60. 
fwwoyn^,  46. 

Nbakobx,  37. 

Nkbolaon,  101, 102. 

Nioodcmus,  32,  37,  43 ;  Gospel  of,  18. 

Nonnos,  37. 

Norton,  12,  16,  18-20,  25-28,  33,  34,  37,  5a,  56, 

60,  67,  78,  80,  81,  83,  84,  86,  87,  92,  94,  98, 

106. 
No]res,37. 

Odo,  40. 

Oedoad,  62. 

Ouhaosen,  37. 

Oi>lutes,  82,  S4,  89. 

Ongen,  23-25,  37,  39»  54.  60,  61,  75,  80,  83,  85, 

97,  102,  103. 
Oito,  47.  48,  5o»5»i  74. 

Papias,  23 ;  oaes  John's  First  Epistle,  89,  90. 

Paschal  Controversy,  12. 

Paaaow,  48. 

Panlf  65 ;  opposed  by  other  Apostles,  10-12. 

Panlmus  Nolanus,  105. 

Pentatench,  72. 

Peiatae,  89. 

Peahito,  15,  37.  57- 

Peter,  10,  15,  22,  23.  28,  33.  37»  47.  7^  77»  83, 

loa,  io3t  106;  Epistles  of,  15,  37,  82. 
Pfleiderer,  10. 
Philastrins,  105. 
PhiHppians,  i^. 
PbiUppos  Sohtarios,  104. 
PhOhpa,  55. 

Pnilo,  43.  44.  56. 
Philoaophamena,  88. 
Pbaloac^y,  44* 
Phikatratua,  64. 
Photiua,38. 
Plato,  51. 
Plutaroi,  56. 
Polenx>,  64. 
Polycarp,  17, 90. 
Pratten,  (5. 
Presaenae,  89. 

PrJCTtley,  :rj' 
Prooopms  Gaz^ras,  38. 
Prophets,  23. 
Ptalms,  45,  46,  72. 
Ptolemy,  62,  84, 85. 

Tjyp^.  47.  48. 
^<7ff«,  85. 

QvAKTODSaMANS,  12,  63. 
RbKAM ,  9,  14,  22. 

Repository,  Am.  Bib.,  71, 


Resurrection ,  58,  67. 
Revelation,  ue  Apocalypse. 
Riggenbacn,  13,  47. 
Ritschl,  21. 
Robinson,  E.,  37. 
Robinson,  T.,  32. 
Rdnsch,  50. 
Romans,  54. 
Routh,  59,  60. 
Rufinus,  56,  83. 

Sabbath,  53. 

Salvian,  105. 

Sanday,  Dr  ,  21,  26,  33,  34,  51,  62,  69,  70,  94, 

103. 
SaviUe,  104. 
Schenkel,  10,  11,  14. 
Schmidt,  13. 

Scholten,  9,  13,  14,  61,  73,  83,  89. 
Schttrer,  12,  13. 
Schwesler,  10,  13. 
Secundus,  85. 
Semisch,  23,  26,  30,  34,  47,  50,  51,  56,  76,  78, 

80,  94,  98. 103,  X05. 
Semier,  21. 
Serapion,  80. 
Simeon  Cionita,  104. 
Smith   and    Wace's  Dictionary  of   Christian 

Biography,  36,  56,  57,  67,  80,  81,  86,  89,  100. 
Socrates,  26,  45. 
Sophodes,  48. 
Soter,  28,  29. 
Sozomen,  30. 
Spaeth,  73. 
Steitz,  13,  74. 
Stephen,  Henry,  37. 
Strauss,  14. 
Stuart,  72. 

Sulpiaus  Severus,  104,  105. 
Sunday,  23,  27,  29. 
"  Supematund  Religion,"  17,  19,  21,  22,  25- 

30,  34,  4',  4a,  56,  61,  63,  67,  70,  71,  74-80, 

93-98,  105. 
Symeon  Stylites,  the  younger,  104. 

Tatian,  17,  54-58,  63,  80,  8a,  96. 

Tayler,  J.  J.,  64. 

Taylor,  Jeremy,  36,  41. 

TertuUian,  15,  23,  24,  38,  40,  50,  53,  70,  75, 

76,  83-85,  99,  105. 
Theodore,  104. 

Theodoret,  35,  40,  54,  81,  103,  104. 
Theodorus,  40- 
Theodotus,  67. 

Theological  Review,  36,  44.  45,  53.  »oz- 
Theophilus,  17,  24,  44,  60,  70. 
Theophylact,  37. 
Tholuck,  37. 

Thoma,  46,  47,  5»,  65,  67.  68,  73-75,  »o6. 
Tischendorf,  38,  47,  56,  87,  93,  103. 
Tregelles,  53. 
Trypho,   17,  22,  24,  47,  66,  67,  71,  72,  77,  78, 

10^. 
Tubingen,  9-11,  41,  52. 

Ubltzbn,  40. 
Uhlhom,  89. 

Valbntinians,  21,  62,  75,  84;  used  John's 

Gospel,  62,  84. 
Valentinus,  53,  62,  82,  84,  85. 
Van  Goens,  75,  76. 
Victor,  56. 

videri,  use  of,  83,  84. 
Vienne,  59,  60. 
Vitnnga,  69. 
Vitruvius,  56. 


no  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Volkmar  (Volcknur),  at,  a6,  3a,  54,  61,  66,  81,  Wetstein,  3a,  37,  69,  104. 

8S.  89»  94.  Whitby,  6a. 

Wiadom  of  Solomon,  37. 

Waddington,  aa.  Wansche,  3a. 
Wahl,  37. 

Watkins,  37.  Xsnophon,  aa. 
Weias,  9,  69. 

Weitzel,  13.  Zacagni,  56. 

Weizs^cker,  10,  71,  79,  89.  Zahn,  15. 

Westcott,  a6,  33,  34,  S7,  45,  5«»  53,  60,  67,  89,  Zechariah,  48,  68. 

9h  94>  98*  Zeller,  10, 13,  ao,  31,  54. 


II.     INDEX   OF   BIBLICAL   PASSAGES. 

[N.B.—  For  referencet  of  a  general  character,  see  the  names  of  the  BibUcal  writerSi  Mount, 
Sermon  on  the,  etc,  in  the  precedmg  index.] 


Gbitssis:  iL  i6,  17, 51 

xlix.  11^^ 50,  S3 

Exodus  :  xii.  46, 69 

NuMBSRs:  ix.  la, 69 

Dkutbronomy:  xxx.  15,  i9t      ....      51 

Psalms:  ii.  7, loa 

xxii.  ao,  21, 45,  46 

xxxiv.  ao, 69 

I-iAiAH:  i.  la, 83 

XXXV.  5, 48 

Iriii.  a, 5a 

i«-  a.     •    :. 75 

Zrchariah:  xn.  10, 48,68 

Wisdom  op  Solomon:  xix.  6,  .  .  .  .  37 
Matthbw:  Las, 57 

ii.  16, 70)  71 

iii.  14, 40 

iu.  16, 50 

>▼.  « 7a 

▼.a8,  44*46^ 70 

▼:34»37. »03 

▼h  3» 70 

▼u.  a9, 65 

viii.  10, 57 

TtiL  la, 104,  105 

»«•  34, S« 

^,*7* U»  47i  S7i  93-98.  103 

xiii.  17, 98 

xiii.  4a,  50, 104 

xvi.  16, 47 

xriL  1-8, 7a 

xviii.  3.       ....    3»-33,  35,  39,  43,  »«<> 

xvui.  4, 100 

xix.  16-18, 58,  103 

xxi.  a3, 61 

xxii.  13, 104 

30, 104,  105 

34, 105 

4», 103-105 

«vi.4a, 37 

xaETii.  a, 51 

xxrii.  11-14, 76 

"TO-49, 56 

xxm.  51 36 

xxrii.  63, 51 

xxriti.  19, 33 

Mark  :  ix.  a-8, 7a 

X.  17,  fL, 103 

»▼•  « 5« 

^▼:«-5. 76 

XTL  9, 61 

Lvkb:  l  3, 36 

iii.  aa, too,  loa 

?▼•  «9» 75 

>T:3a, 65 

▼u.  4a,  . 56 

ix.  a8r36, 7a 

«-  M. *4, 93-98,  103 

zna.  18a  ff., 103 


Lukb:  xxii.  44, 58,99 

xxiii.  7, 51 

xxiv.  4,  a3, 61 

«iv.  39 58 

John:  l  i, 58 

i.  «-3, 44,  54,  55,  57,  70 

J-  »-5» •    5« 

1.  3 57,  60,  6a 

»•  4, H5,  57 

»■  5, •     •     45,  54 

»•  9, H5,  88 

t.  >3, 37,  SO 

J.  X4 44,  45,  58,  6a 

:•  >8 45,  6a 

>.  20,  a3, 47 

».  3*,  33, SO 

»   3H, 34,  101 

ii.  4, 88 

ii-  «3 59 

u.  18, 61 

iji-  3-5, 3»-43,  103 

lu.  6, 100 

Hi-  7 3«,  100 

m.  13, 58 

iii-  Ml  «5, 49 

H!-  "6,  18 45 

Hi-  >7, 49 

>»»3, 77 

lu.  a8, 47 

iii-  31, 37 

>v.  a4, 49i  5«,  54 

▼.  «. 59 

▼•  «7, 5a 

▼:  19,  30, 49 

VI-  4, 59,  75 

^:5»-56, 49 

vij.  8 58 

vii.  la 51 

vii.  16, 49 

▼Ii",  a3, 5a 

ra.  26, 46, 65 

viii.  la, 61 

▼»}?•  19, 47 

▼HV*8,  a9, 48,49 

viiL  58, 66 

«•  I, 47, 48 

IX.  1-3, 61 

ix.  5, 61 

X-  8, 58,  85 

X.  9,  10, 6a 

».  18, 49 

X.  a3,  a4, 61 

X.  37, 6a 

X.  30,  38, 60 

xi.  as,  a6, 58 

»:  55 59 

xii.  46 61 

xii.  49, 50, 49 

xiv.  6, 5<,  61 


112 


CRITICAL    ESSAYS 


John  :  xiv.  9, 58 

xiv.  10,  II, 60 

xiv.  16,  17, 60 

XV.  13, 60 

«▼»•  a 59 

*^:  3. 47 

XVII.  22, 60 

xviii.  12, 51 

xviii.  24, 51 

xviii.  37, 48 

xix.  II, 37 

xix.  13. Sa 

xix.  a8, 61 

xix.  33, 65 

xix.  34, 59,  61 

xix.  37, 48,  68 

XX.  12, 61 

XX.  25,  27 58,  61 

xxi.  16, 37 

xxi.  23-25, 91-93 

Acts:  1.  i, 26 

ii.  16, 54 

ii.  23, 68 

»:.?9. 68 

XM».S3f «M 


Romans:  iv.  18, 54 

I  Corinthians  :  xv.  29, 38 

Galatians:  ii.  9,  14, 83 

-     »^-9, 37 

Ephbsians:  11.  18, 51 

iii.  4,  5.      •    •    .-. 85 

I  Thbssalonians  :  u.  14, 35 

„    ^-  >5.     : a4 

Hbbrsws  :  l  4, 34i  loi 

1-5 ««» 

V.  5. «<» 

VM.  25, 51 

Jambs  :  v.  12, 103 

I  Pbtbr  :  i.  3, 37 

!:«3 37 

".a, 37 

I  John:  iii.  i^ 53 

iii.  16, 60 

Judb:  i.  17, as 

Kbvrlation:  i.  7, 48 

J:  »7. 67 

ii.  8, 67 

ii.  a3, 67 

iii.  14, 67 


II. 

THE  DISTINCTION  BETWEEN  aWiu  and  i,^iu* 

[From  the  North  Atntrican  Review,  January,  1872  ] 

The  treatise  of  Archbishop  Trench  on  the  Synonyms  of 
the  New  Testament  first  appeared  in  1854,  and  was  at  once 
republished  in  this  country.  After  passing  through  five 
editions,  it  was  followed  in  1863  by  a  "Second  Part,"  like- 
wise reprinted  in  New  York  in  1864.  The  two  parts  were 
published  in  one  volume  in  1865  ;  and  now  the  seventh 
edition,  "revised  and  enlarged,*'  attests  the  well-merited 
favor  with  which  the  work  has  been  received.  The  Preface 
to  this  new  edition  is  much  enlarged,  and  contains  some  ex- 
cellent observations  on  the  value  of  the  study  of  synonyms, 
and  on  the  method  in  which  it  should  be  pursued.  Other 
parts  of  the  book  bear  marks  of  the  careful  revision  which 
it  has  undergone.  The  amount  of  new  matter,  however,  is 
not  very  large.  Sections  xlix.,  1.,  Ixviii.,  xcii.-xcvi.,  xcviii., 
xcix.,  and  part  of  section  c,  are  new,  as  compared  with  the 
first  and  third  editions,  reprinted  in  this  country ;  section 
xlix.  of  the  third  edition  has  been  cancelled.  In  sections 
ix.,  xix.,  xxii.,  Ixxxiv.  (=  xxxiv.  of  Part  II.),  the  synonyms 
ot«rj7c,  tvrpo-xii,  aprnoq^  and  luuio^  are  added. 

I  do  not  propose  to  enter  upon  a  general  review  of  a  work 
which  is  universally  recognized  as  the  best  on  the  subject 
of  which  it  treats.  It  is  enriched  with  observations  gath- 
ered from  a  wide  range  of  reading,  and  is  full  of  acute  re- 
marks and  fruitful  suggestions ;  but  the  ingenious  author 
has  not  elaborated  all  its  parts  with  equal  care,  and  in  some 
cases  his  distinctions   appear   to  be  strikingly  at  variance 


"*  A  Critical  Notice  of  Symoi^ms  of  the  New  Testament.  By  Richard  Chenevix  Trench, 
D.D.,  ArdiWahop  of  Dublin.  Seventh  Edition,  revised  and  enlarged.  London :  Macmi.lan  & 
Co.  1871.  8vo.  pp.  xzvi,  363.  [A  ninth  edition  appeared  in  i83o,  but  essentially  unchanged  in 
iu  treatflaent  of  tb*  two  word*  h«re  discussed.] 


114  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

with  the  actual  usage  of  the  words  which  he  undertakes  to 
discriminate.  One  example  of  this  kind,  involving  questions 
of  considerable  theological  interest,  particularly  deserves  to 
be  pointed  out,  as  the  statements  of  the  Archbishop  have 
been  incautiously  adopted  by  several  respectable  scholars 
both  in  England  and  Germany,  and  are  likely  to  be  received 
without  question  by  the  generality  of  readers.  I  refer  to 
his  distinction  between  the  words  atreu  and  ifjiordu^  discussed 
in  section  xl.  of  his  work.     He  says  :  — 

The  distinction  between  the  words  is  this.  AJr^w,  the  Latin  **  peto," 
is  more  submissive  and  suppliant,  indeed  the  constant  word  for  the 
seeking  of  the  inferior  from  the  superior  (Acts  xii.  20) ;  of  the  beggar 
from  him  that  should  give  alms  (Acts  iii.  2);  of  the  child  from  the 
parent  (Matt.  vii.  9;  Luke  xi.  11;  Lam.  i v.  4);  of  the  subject  from  the 
ruler  (Ezra  vifi.  22);  of  man  from  God(i  Kin.  iii.  11 ;  Matt.  vii.  7  ;  James 
i.  5;  I  John  iii.  22;  cf.  Plato,  Euthyph,  14:  t\}xtG^ai\iariv\  curuv  tov", 
Beov^).  'Epurao),  On  the  Other  hand,  is  the  Latin  "rogo";  or  sometimes 
(as  John  xvi.  23 ;  cf.  Gen.  xliv.  19)  "  interrogo,"  its  only  meaning  in  clas- 
sical Greek,  where  it  never  signifies  to  ask,  but  only  "  to  interrogate," 
or  "to  inquire."  Like  **  rogare,"*  it  implies  that  he  who  asks  stands  on 
a  certain  footing  of  equality  with  him  from  whom  the  boon  is  asked,  as 
king  with  king  (Luke  xiv.  32),  or,  if  not  of  equality,  on  such  a  footing 
of  familiarity  as  lends  authority  to  the  request. 

Thus  it  is  very  noteworthy,  and  witnesses  for  the  singular  accuracy 
in  the  employment  of  words,  and  in  the  record  of  that  employment, 
which  prevails  throughout  the  New  Testament,  that  our  Lord  never  uses 
air€iv  or  aiTEia^iaL  of  himself,  in  respect  of  that  which  he  seeks  on  behalf 
of  his  disciples  from  God ;  for  his  is  not  i\i^  petition  of  the  creature  to 
the  Creator,  but  the  request  of  the  Son  to  the  Father.  The  conscious- 
ness of  his  equal  dignity,  of  his  potent  and  prevailing  intercession, 
speaks  out  in  this,  that  often  as  he  asks,  or  declares  that  he  will  ask, 
anything  of  the  Father,  it  is  always  epurd,  epur/'/au^  an  asking,  that  is, 
as  upon  equal  terms  (John  xiv.  16;  xvi.  26;  xvii.  9,  15,  20),  never  aiTtu 
or  (urr/ou). —  SynonvmSj  etc.,  pp.  136,  137. 

The  view  here  presented  by  Archbishop  Trench,  which  is, 
I  believe,  original,  so  far  as  his  account  of  tnurdu  is  con- 
cerned, has  been  substantially  adopted  by  Dusterdieck  in 
his  commentary  on  i  John  v.  16  (Die  drcijoJuifL  Brief e^  II. 
417),  by  Wordsworth   (Greek  Test.)  on  John  xvi.  23   and   I 


•  "  Thus  Cicero  i^Planc.  x.  2$) :  '  Xeque  eaim  ego  sic  rog^bum^  ui  pttert  vidcrcr,  quia  iamil- 


iaris  essct  meus.'  *' 


otrcia  AND  cpayroA)  115 

John  V.  16,  by  Lightfoot  on  Phil.  iv.  3,  and  by  Webster  and 
Wilkinson,  Alford,  and  Braune  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk^  in 
their  notes  on  i  John  v.  16.  Braune  says,  without  qualifica- 
tion, **  ipiJTav  is  =  rogare,  and  implies  equality  on  the  part  of 
the  asker  with  him  from  whom  the  favor  is  sought  '*  (p.  171, 
Amer.  transl.). 

In  opposition  to  these  assertions,  I  shall  endeavor  to  show 
that  there  is  in  the  word  iporau  no  implication  of  equality 
on  the  part  of  the  asker  with  him  from  whom  the  favor  is 
sought,  any  more  than  there  is  in  the  English  word  ask ; 
that  there  is  not  only  no  ground  whatever  for  connecting 
such  a  notion  with  the  word,  but  that  its  common  use  is 
totally  inconsistent  with  this  assumption. 

The  materials  for  forming  a  judgment  upon  this  matter 
fortunately  lie  within  a  small  compass.  The  use  of  f/xjrdw 
in  the  sense  of  to  request,  as  Archbishop  Trench  has  re- 
marked, does  not  belong  to  classical  Greek ;  and  in  the  later 
Greek,  outside  of  the  New  Testament,  it  seems  to  be  infre- 
quent. After  a  pretty  extensive  examination  of  the  gen- 
eral Greek  lexicons,  from  Stephens's  Tkesaunis  in  its  several 
editions  to  the  great  work  of  Prof.  Sophocles  on  the  Greek 
of  the  Roman  and  Byzantine  periods,  and  also  of  the  special 
lexicons,  commentaries,  etc.,  illustrating  the  New  Testament, 
I  cannot  find  that  more  than  nine  examples  of  it  have 
hitherto  been  adduced ;  while  in  one  of  these  the  meaning 
is  questionable,  and  in  another  the  text  is  uncertain.*  In 
the  New  Testament,  however,  we  have  thirty-six  clear  exam- 
ples of  the  use  of  the  word  in  the  sense  referred  to,  besides 
one  (John  xxl.  23)  in  which  its  meaning  has  been  disputed. 
The  comparative  frequency  of  this  use  of  tpuirau  in  the  New 
Testament,  though  some  have  considered  it  a  Latinism,  is 


*  They  are  as  follows:  Sept.  Ps.  cxxi.  6  (doubtful).  Jos.  Ant.  v.  i.  14  (text  uncertain). 
Hermog.  De  Mtik,  Eloq.  c  3,  condemoing  this  use  of  the  word.  Apo'.lon.  Dysc.  Synt.  p.  2S9, 
L  30,  ed.  Bekker.  Hennas,  Vis.  \.  2.  Mart.  Polyc  c.  12.  Strato,  Epigr.  Hii.  8  (Anthol.  Gr. 
cd.  Jacobs,  ilL  p.  80).  Babr.  F€ib.  xcvii.  3.  Charit.  viii.  7.— To  these  may  be  added  the  twcnty- 
foar  following,  which  I  have  not  seen  before  referred  to :  Jos.  Ant.  vii.  8.  i.  Bamab.  Ep.  4,  21 
{M^\  Hennas,  Vis.  ii.  a;  iii.  i  (^w),  2,  10;  iv.  i;  Sim.  v.  4;  ix.  2,  11.  Dux  Vi.-e  vel  Judic. 
Petri,  in  Hilgenleld*s  N.  T.  extra  Canonem/vt.  p.  100,  1.  20;  105,1.  x.  Orac.  Sibyl,  ii.  510; 
via.  35$.  Const  Ap<»t.ii.  16.  Babr.  Fab.  x.  8;  xlii.  3.  Suidas,  s.  vv.  f^^''^  at  and  '//Jwra. 
I,  s.  Tt.  tpurro  at.    The  more  important  of  these  passages  will  be  cited  hereafter. 


Il6  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

probably  to  be  explained  by  the  influence  of  the  Hebrew 
or  Aramaean  on  the  Greek-speaking  Jews,  the  Hebrew  i«r, 
with  its  cognates  in  Chaldee  and  Syriac,  being  freely  em. 
ployed  in  both  of  the  principal  senses  of  the  English  word 
ask. 

Let  us  then  try  the  theory  of  Archbishop  Trench  by 
a  few  examples  of  the  use  of  e/xjraw  in  the  New  Testament. 
(In  quoting,  I  give  the  rendering  of  the  common  English 
version.)  The  first  instance  of  its  occurrence  is  in  the 
account  of  the  woman  of  Canaan  or  Syrophoenicia  in  Matt. 
XV.  23,  where  we  read  that  the  disciples  of  Jesus  "  came  and 
besought  him  {hp^ruv  or  vpcirow)^  saying,  Send  her  away/*  etc. 
Were  the  disciples  of  Jesus  on  a  footing  of  ejuality  with 
their  Master,  or  of  such  familiarity  as  to  lend  authority 
to  their  request }  The  next  example  is  in  Mark  vii.  26, 
where  we  are  told  respecting  the  Syrophoenician  woman 
herself  that  she  '*  came  and  fell  at  his  feet  and  besought 
him  {jip^To)  that  he  would  cast  forth  the  devil  out  of  her 
daughter."  Did  she  address  Christ  on  a  footing  of  equality.^ 
In  Luke  vii.  3,  the  centurion  is  represented  as  sending 
elders  of  the  Jews  to  Jesus,  "  beseeching  him  (1\hjtuv)  that 
he  would  come  and  heal  his  servant."  So  far  from  this 
petition  having  "authority"  in  it,  or  implying  **a  con- 
sciousness of  equal  dignity,"  the  centurion  says  (vv.  6,  7) 
that  he  was  not  worthy  that  Jesus  should  enter  under  his 
roof,  and  that  he  did  not  think  himself  worthy  to  come 
to  him.  In  Luke  viii.  37,  we  read  that  the  Gadarenes 
"  besought  Jesus  (yuidrr^nm)  to  depart  from  them  ;  for  they 
were  taken  with  great  fear''  In  Luke  xvi.  27,  the  word 
is  used  of  the  petition  addressed  to  Abraham  by  the  rich 
man  in  Hades,  "  I  pray  thee  therefore,  father  "  (ip^ri^  nvv  a), 
etc.  Did  he,  when  he  lifted  up  his  eyes,  being  in  torments, 
consider  himself  as  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  the 
patriarch  ? 

But  perhaps  the  usage  of  John  may  favor  the  Arch- 
bishop's theory.  Let  us  see.  If  the  disciples  of  Christ 
addressed  their  Master  with  authority  (John  iv.  31),  if  the 
Samaritans  when  they  "  besought  Jesus  that  he  would  tarry 


curco)  AND   €3<i>Taa>  1 17 

with  them  "  (iv.  40),  and  the  nobleman  at  Capernaum,  who 
*^  besought  him  that  he  would  come  down  and  heal  his  son  *' 
(iv.  47),  the  Greeks  who  "  came  to  Philip  and  desired  him, 
saying.  Sir,  we  would  sec  Jesus"  (xii.  21),  the  Jews  who 
^*  besought  Pilate  that  the  legs  of  the  crucified  might  be 
broken,  and  that  they  might  be  taken  away"  (xix.  jif),  and 
Joseph  of  Arimathaea,  who  '*  besought  Pilate  that  he  might 
take  away  the  body  of  Jesus  "  (xix.  38),  made  these  requests 
"as  being  on  a  footing  of  equality,*'  and  if  it  is  also  clear  that 
this  idea  is  expressed  in  these  passages  by  the  word  '^p^^raij 
itself,  then,  and  not  otherwise,  is  Archbishop  Trench's  view 
confirmed  by  the  usage  of  John.  In  reference  to  the  last 
passage  cited,  it  deserves  particular  notice  that  the  first 
three  evangelists,  in  describing  this   request  of  Joseph  of 

Arimathaea,    use    the    word     airkofmi    (jjTi/aaro    to   auua    mv   •l7<7oi', 

Matt,  xxvii.   58,  Mark  xv.  43,  Luke  xxiii.   52),  where  John 

employs  ifM^Tdu  Ofturrfaev  rov  TLeiXdrov  .  .  .  Iva  dpi)  to  acj/ia,  k.  t.  ?..).* 

It  can  hardly  be  necessary  to  proceed  much  further  in  the 
citation  of  passages  from  the  New  Testament.  The  first 
example  in  the  Book  of  Acts  (iii.  3)  may  seem  alone  decisive 
of  the  question.  There,  in  the  account  of  the  man  lame 
from  his  birth,  it  is  said  that  he  was  laid  daily  at  the  Beauti- 
ful Gate  of  the  Temple  to  ask  alms  {^iTeiv  iAerffwavvriv)  of  those 
who  went  into  the  Temple,  and  seeing  Peter  and  John  about 
to  go  into  the  Temple  he  asked  alms  (y/x^ra  D^r/fioavvr/v  /.aSeiv), 
Did  he  ask  this  as  a  right,  or  as  being  "on  a  footing  of 
equality  "  ?  We  may  further  observe  that  alT^u  is  here  inter- 
clianged  with  epurdu,  though  this  is  one  of  the  very  passages 
adduced  by  Archbishop  Trench  to  illustrate  the  distinction 
between  the  words.  The  other  passages  in  which  the  word 
ifxjratj   occurs   in   the    Acts    are    cc.    x.    48 ;    xvi.  39 ;    xviii. 


*Iam  indebted  for  this  observation  to  "a  Clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England/*  the 
anonTiiioas  author  ol  Am  Ex.ttHinatufn  of  C:iKon  LiddorCs  Bantpton  Ltctures  on  the  Divinity 
t*f0ur  Lord  mnd  Sxoionr  JexHS  Christ  (Lond.  1S71),  p.  263,  note,  to  whom  belongs  ths  credit, 
•o  far  as  I  know,  of  first  pointing  out  ths  untenableness  of  Archbishop  Trench's  statements 
respecting  the  use  of  the  word  efxjrdu.  This  able  writer,  however,  enters  into  no  full  discussion 
of  the  sobject,  and  is  far  too  liberal  in  conceding  that  "  about  the  general  accuracy  of  the 
distinction  on  which  the  Archbishop  insbts  there  can  hz  no  dispute,"  contending  merely  for  an 
exception  in  the  New  Testament  osa^e.  We  shall  see  that  the  examples  of  the  word  outside  of 
the  New  Testaaient  are  equally  at  war  with  the  Archbishop's  theory. 


CBITICAI.   ESSAVS 


None  of  them   favors   the   Archbishop's  1 


20;  xxiii.    iS, 
view." 

What  now  are  the  facts  adduced  by  Archbishop  Trench  in 
proof  of  his  position  that  ',«-7<r^)  implies  a  certain  equality 
between  the  asker  and  the  person  asked  ?  The  reader  may 
be  somewhat  surprised  to  learn  that  no  evidence  is  adduced 
by  him  or  his  followers  except  what  is  contained  in  the  ex- 
tracts from  his  article  already  given.  Passing  by  the  mere 
assertion  that  in  certain  passages  of  John's  Gospel  f^ni.j  is 
used  by  Christ  with  this  implication,  we  find  that  the  only 
passage  of  the  New  Testament  referred  to  in  support  of  this 
theory  is  Luke  xiv.  32.  Here  the  argument  is  that,  as  one 
king  is  represented  as  asking  another  king  for  conditions  of 
peace,  "the  word  implies  that  he  who  asks  stands  on  a  cer- 
tain footing  of  equality  with  him  from  whom  the  boon  is 
asked." 

Now  the  mere  fact  that,  in  any  single  case  of  the  use  of  the 
word  (V«r.ir..,  the  parties  in  question  are  equals,  obviously  can- 
not prove  that  such  equality  is  implied  by  the  word  itself.  The 
only  possible  proof  of  the  Archbishop's  thesis  must  consist 
in  establishing  the  fact,  by  induction  from  a  large  number  of 
examples,  that  the  word  is  always,  or  at  least  generally,  used 
of  requests  made  by  one  who  is  regarded  as  standing  on  a 
footing  of  equality  with  him  from  whom  the  favor  is  sought. 
That  the  word  is  not  so  used  has  already  been  shown.  But, 
waiving  all  this,  the  Archbishop  seems  to  forget  that  the 
king  in  the  passage  referred  to  is  represented,  not  as  con- 
scious of  equality  with  the  hostile  king,  but  of  his  ineqital- 
ity, —  his  inability  to  meet,  with  ten  thousand  men,  him  that 
Cometh  against  him  with  twenty  thousand ;  so  that,  when 
the  other  is  a  great  way  off,  he  sends  an  embassy  "to  ask  for 
conditions  of  peace,"  or,  as  Campbell  and  Norton  in  their 
translations  have  very  naturally  phrased  it,  "to  sue  for 
peace." 


•  For  complilaani,  lh=  only  pMagc  in  lh«  Nei 

«  TEiMnwDl  nal   iltEUtr  died  in    which 

a  hwo  reiemd  10,  wilh  ihe  rtndtrioj  of 

the  word  in  IhECDRnnanEDEluhvinlon:  ^i*.  Jahur 

n.  .),  firai  pin(f)     Duirt,  Luki  viL  iv. 

.i..ji.    /',^v,Lok=-..j;  »i..  .a,  1^;  Johjiiv.  .6;, 

m.=S;  wii.,(iij,  ,,,„;  .JohnT,  .5. 

Bimtck,  LuliB  ir.  jSi  li.  17:   .   Th*».  iv.  u  v-  -i 

>i  >  Th™.  .u   .;  ,  Johi.1.    EmIrtM. 

atrciu  AND  ifHUTOM  119 

* 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  this  passage  of  the  New 
Testament,  or  any  other,  could  have  suggested  the  notion 
which  the  Archbishop  has  affixed  to  the  word.  He  seems 
to  have  been  really  influenced  by  the  supposed  analogy  of 
the  Latin  ro£^o,  which  does  correspond,  in  its  double  meaning 
and  otherwise,  very  closely  with  tfxordu,  and  is  used  as  its 
representative  throughout  the  Latin  Vulgate.  Trench,  as 
we  have  seen,  asserts  that  "  ro^o  implies  that  he  who  asks 
stands  on  a  certain  footing  of  equality  with  him  from  whom 
the  boon  is  asked,"  while  fieto,  corresponding  with  aireo),  is 
the  word  appropriate  to  an  inferior ;  and  the  following  pas- 
sage of  Cicero  is  quoted  to  prove  it :  "  Neque  enim  ego  sic 
rogabam^  ut  petere  viderer,  quia  familiaris  esset  meus " 
{Plane.  X.  25).  This  statement  in  regard  to  the  use  of  rogo 
I  believe  to  be  incorrect,  though  something  like  it  may  be 
found  in  Doederlein*s  Latin  Synonyms^  and  in  the  valuable 
English-Latin  Dictionary  published  by  Dr.  William  Smith 
and  Theophilus  D.  Hall  (see  the  art.  Ask),  The  passage 
from  Cicero  quoted  above  seems  to  have  been  supposed  by 
Trench  and  Alford  (who,  with  Dusterdieck,  has  quoted  it 
after  him)  to  have  the  following  meaning:  "For  I  did  not 
ask  in  such  a  way  as  to  seem  to  beg,  because  he  [of  whom  I 
asked  the  favor]  was  my  intimate  friend"  ;  though  a  careful 
reader  who  should  thus  construe  the  words  might  be  a  little 
staggered  by  the  subjunctive  esset ^  where  erat  would  seem  to 
be  required  by  the  laws  of  grammar.  Now  nothing  like  this 
is  the  real  meaning  of  the  passage.  The  object  of  rogabam 
2L.nd petere  is  not  the  person  spoken  of  as  **  familiaris  meus." 
The  sentence  is  imperfectly  quoted ;  and  the  Archbishop 
appears  to  have  caught  it  up  hastily  from  his  Latin  dic- 
tionary, without  taking  the  trouble  to  look  into  Cicero.  It 
is  necessary,  therefore,  to  point  out  the  connection  in  which 
it  stands,  and  to  explain  the  true  force  and  bearing  of  the 
words.  Plancius  was  accused  of  having  obtained  the  aedile- 
ship  by  bribery  of  voters.  Cicero  in  defending  him  urges, 
among  other  things,  that  he  had  himself  secured  many  votes 
for  him  by  his  personal  influence.  Cicero's  private  obliga- 
tions to  Plancius  were  so  great  that  the  friends  of  Cicero 


^m 


ISO  CRITICAL   CsSAVS 

were  constrained  to  vote  for  him.  Ro^abam  in  the  passage 
in  question  is  a  technical  term,  denoting  the  soliciting  of 
votes  for  a  candidate  for  office.  The  full  sentence  reads  as 
follows :  '•  Neqiie  enim  ego  sic  rogabara,  uE  petcre  viderer, 
quia  faniiliarls  esset  meus.  quia  vicious,  quia  huius  parente 
semper  plurimum  essem  usus,  sed  ut  quasi  parenti  et  custodi 
salulis  mese."  It  maybe  thus  translated:  "For  I  did  not 
solicit  the  votes  of  the  people  in  such  a  way  as  to  seem  to 
beg  them  for  Plancius  because  he  was  my  intimate  friend, 
because  he  was  my  neighbor,  because  I  had  always  been  on 
terms  of  the  most  familiar  intercourse  with  his  father;  but 
as  asking  them  for  one  who  was.  as  it  were,  my  own  parent, 
and  the  guardian  of  my  safety."  The  meaning  of  the  pas- 
sage does  not  turn,  as  Trench  seems  to  suppose,  on  a  con- 
trast between  roj.ire  andpflere.  On  the  contrary,  the  words 
are  here  interchanged, — ^the  rogatio  is  described  as  a  petitio; 
and  Cicero  had  just  before  spoken  of  it  in  the  following 
terms :  " .  .  .  precibus  aliquid  attulimus  etiam  nos.  Ap- 
pellavi  populum  tributim;  submisi  me  ft  supplicavi."  In- 
stead, therefore,  of  favoring  Archbishop  Trench's  view  of 
the  use  of  rogare,  the  passage  is  directly  opposed  to  it. 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  from  our  proper  subject  to  discuss 
the  uses  of  rogo  and  its  distinction  from  pclo,  but  it  may  be 
worth  while  to  refer  to  a  few  passages  which  show  how  false 
is  the  supposition  that  it  implies  the  asking  of  what  one 
has  a  right  to,  or  carries  with  it  any  notion  of  equality. 
"Molestum  verbum  est,  onerosum,  demisso  voltu  dicendum, 
rogo,"  says  Seneca.  "Properet  licet,  sero  beneficium  dedit, 
qui  fc'^ti;/// dedit."  {De  Bcnef.\\.2.  Comp,  also  c.  i.)  "In 
blandiendo,  fatendo,  satisfaciendo,  roganda,"  says  Quintilian, 
the  voice  should  be  "  lenis  ct  summissa."  {fust.  Or.  xi.  3,  63.) 
Comp.  Ovid,  Met.  vii,  90,  "auxilium  submissa  voce  rogavit," 
and  Poitf.  iv.  3,  41.  Finally,  rjgare  is  often  used  of  prayer 
to  the  gods,  who  arii  not  usually  supposed  to  be  addressed 
on  terms  of  equality  ;  eg.,  "  Deos  supplcx  rogavi,"  Ovid,  Ep. 
ii.  17;  "  Suppliciter  rogat^-  Deos,"  Id.  Pont.  i.  10.  44,  comp. 
ii.  3,  ic»,  iv.  8,  3 ;  "  Otium  divos  rogat,"  Hor.  Cunn.  ii.  16,  1. 

We  have  seen  that  Archbishop  Trench  finds  in  the  use 


alriu  AND  Iptaram  121 

of  kptjT&u  and  the  non-use  of  alTto^  on  the  part  of  our  Lord  in 
his  prayers  to  the  Father,  "the  consciousness  of  his  equal 
dignity."  We  shall  consider,  hereafter,  the  real  distinction 
between  the  words,  and  shall  not  find,  I  think,  that  the 
phenomenon  in  question  requires  us  to  assume  that,  in  the 
passages  to  which  he  refers,  an  idea  is  implied  in  the  word 
tpuT^u  which  cannot  be  shown  to  belong  to  it  anywhere  else. 
And  the  Archbishop  does  not  seem  to  have  observed  that 
very  different  and  rather  startling  conclusions  might  be 
drawn,  with  equal  plausibility,  from  the  premises  which  he 
assumes  in  regard  to  this  word.  We  might  say,  for  exam- 
ple, that  it  is  very  noteworthy,  and  witnesses  for  the 
singular  accuracy  in  the  employment  of  words  which  pre- 
vails throughout  the  New  Testament,  that  alrdv  or  aireiaBat 
the  constant  word  for  the  seeking  of  the  inferior  from  the 
superior,  is  never  used  in  respect  of  that  which  the  Apostles 
ask  of  Christ,  but  is  appropriated  to  their  petitions  to  God 
(Matt,  xviii.  19;  xxi.  22;  John  xv.  16;  xvi.  23,  etc.).  When 
they  are  represented  as  requesting  anything  of  Christ,  the 
word  kpurav  is  employed  (Matt.  xv.  23 ;  Luke  iv.  38 ;  John 
iv.  31),  implying  an  asking  as  upon  equal  terms.  The  only 
exception  is  in  Mark  x.  35  ;  but  in  that  case,  as  we  learn 
from  the  parallel  passage  (Matt.  xx.  20),  the  petition  was  not 
really  presented  by  the  Apostles  James  and  John  directly, 
but  through  their  mother,  who  fell  down  before  Jesus  and 
begged  the  favor,  so  that  the  apparent  exception  really 
confirms  the  rule.  This  may  suffice  for  an  argumentiim  ad 
kominem. 

The  concluding  paragraph  of  Archbishop  Trench's  article 
reads  thus  in  the  seventh  edition  (p.  138) :  — 

It  will  follow  that  the  ifxjTav,  being  thus  proper  for  Christ,  inasmuch 
as  it  has  authority  in  it,  is  not  proper  for  us;  and  in  no  single  instance 
is  it  used  in  the  N.  T.  to  express  the  prayer  of  man  to  God,  of  the 
creature  to  the  Creator.  The  only  passage  seeming  to  contradict  this 
assertion  is  i  John  v.  16.  The  verse  is  difficult,  but,  whichever  of  the 
various  ways  of  overcoming  its  difficulty  may  find  favor,  it  will  be 
found  to  constitute  no  true  exception  to  the  rule,  and  perhaps,  in  the 
substitution  of  epur^rf  for  the  alHfaei  of  the  earlier  clause  of  the  verse, 
will  rather  confirm  it. 


122  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

The  passage  in  question  is  as  follows  in  the  common 
version  :  — 

If  any  man  see  his  brother  sin  a  sin  which  is  not  unto  death,  he  shall 
ask  (airz/fff/),  and  he  shall  give  him  life  for  them  that  sin  not  unto  death. 
There  is  a  sin  unto  death  ;^  I  do  not  say  that  he  shall  pray  for  it  (ov  rrepl 
eneivijg  /Jy<j  Iva  IfxjTT/orf), 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  the  word  translated  "  it  "  in 
the  last  clause  of  the  verse  is  emphatic  in  the  original,  and 
should  have  been  rendered  "that  "  or  "this." 

The  Archbishop  unfortunately  does  not  favor  us  with  his 
view  of  the  passage,  and  indeed  seems  to  be  doubtful  about 
its  meaning ;  he  is  only  sure  that,  at  all  events,  the  true 
explanation  will  present  no  exception  to  his  rule  about  the 
use  of  efxjTou.  In  the  earlier  editions  of  the  Synonyins 
reprinted  in  this  country,  he  did  propose  an  explanation, 
which,  though  adopted  by  Alford  and  others,  seems  now  to 
have  been  discreetly  abandoned  by  its  original  propounder. 
According  to  his  former  view,  it  was  the  design  of  the 
Apostle  by  the  use  of  the  word  epur^ari  in  the  last  clause  to 
declare  that  "the  Christian  intercessor  for  his  brethren 
shall  not  assume  the  authority  which  would  be  implied  in 
making  request  for  a  sinner  who  had  sinned  the  sin  unto 
death  "  {Syuonyjfis,  p.  198,  Amer.  ed.).  The  Archbishop  has 
probably  since  perceived  that  the  result  of  assigning  this 
meaning  to  f/^wr/iw  here,  and  laying  stress  on  the  supposed 
difference  between  it  and  atrku,  must  be  to  suggest  that, 
though  a  person  is  not  permitted  ^/>wrai;,  to  ask  with  author- 
ity for  the  pardon  of  a  sin  unto  death,  he  is  permitted  airuv^ 
to  ask  humbly  for  it.  But  this  is  evidently  contrary  to  the 
meaning  of  the  Apostle,  as  it  would  render  nugatory  the 
restriction  in  the  first  clause  of  the  verse.  St.  John,  more- 
over, would  hardly  deem  it  necessary  to  tell  his  readers  that 
he  did  not  mean  to  have  them  address  their  prayers  to  God 
"as  being  on  a  footing  of  equality"  with  him. 

Bishop  Wordsworth  gives  a  different  explanation.  He 
adopts  the  view  of  Archbishop  Trench,  that  'ti>u7d(^  expresses 
"the  request  of  an  equal,  who  has  a  right  to  ask  and 
obtain,"  but  does  not  introduce  that  meaning  here.  His 
translation  of  the  passage  is  certainly  remarkable :    "  I  am 


cured)  AND  ipuyrdtt}  123 

not  speaking  concerning  that,  in  order  that  he  (the  Chris- 
tian brother)  should  ask " ;  and  the  explanation  matches  it. 
He  understands  St.  John  "to  intimate  that  no  interroga- 
tory questions  are  to  be  addressed  to  God  concerning  the 
person  who  is  sinning  a  sin  unto  death."  •  The  view  of 
Webster  and  Wilkinson  is  similar:  "The  Apostle  checks 
the  approach  to  the  throne  of  grace  as  to  an  oracle  to 
inquire  (tpurav)  with  the  intention  of  airtiv''  Whether  this 
is  the  view  which  Archbishop  Trench  is  now  inclined  to 
entertain,  I  do  not  know;  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
occurred  to  any  commentator,  ancient  or  modern,  except 
those  whom  I  have  just  quoted. 

Dismissing,  then,  these  unnatural  explanations,  which 
seem  to  have  been  suggested  by  the  exigencies  of  a  theory, 
let  us  turn  once  more  to  the  passage.  Is  it  not  evident  that 
the  Apostle  is  stating  in  a  positive  form,  in  the  last  clause 
of  the  verse,  the  restriction  implied  in  the  first .^  "There  is 
a  sin  unto  death ;  [when  I  say  that  he  shall  ask,  a/r//«Tf«,]  I 
do  not  say  that  he  shall  pray  (or,  "  I  do  not  bid  him  pray  ") 
for  that''  {ov  Tzepi  €KEivffg  ?^yu)  iva  kparf/oTj)*  He  has  been  speaking 
of  petitions^  not  of  an  "  oracle,"  or  of  "  interrogatory  ques- 
tions addressed  to  God." 

We  may  now  consider  the  use  of  the  word  f^wrdw  outside 
of  the  New  Testament.     The  earliest  example  adduced  is 

from    the    SeptUagint,  Ps.  CXXi.   (Heb.  CXxii.)  6,  rnurlicare  th)  ra  elg 

t'lprpniv  Tfjv  'iepovGa?.rfu,  which  has  been  translated,  "  Pray  for  the 
peace  of  Jerusalem."  This  is  probably  the  true  rendering 
of  the  original  Hebrew  (see  Maurer  and  Hupfeld  /;/  /o:\), 
though  some  understand  it  differently.  But,  if  we  follow 
the  analogy  of  precisely  the  same  phraseology  in  other  pas- 
sages   of    the    SeptUagint    (see    I    Sam.    X.    4,   efyuTr/tjovai  ae  ra  tig 

uprjvrfv,  also  XXX.  21 ;  2  Sam.  viii.  10;  i  Chr.  xviii.  10),  we 
shall  make  the  verbal  meaning  of  the  Greek  translation  to 
be,  "Ask  Jerusalem  concerning  her  peace," — that  is,  as  the 

•li  /iytJ  here  means  "  to  say,'*  and  not  "  to  speak  "  (for  which  /m.?J<j  would  be  the  proper 
word),  iva  cannot  mean  "  in  order  that,"  but  introduces  an  object-clause,  as  in  Acts  xiz.  4,  John 
zili.  39,  comp.  RcT.  vi  11,  ix.  4,  Matt.  iv.  3,  etc.,  and  Sophocles,  Gr.  Lex.  art.  /.iyu.  The 
word  as  used  here  and  in  the  other  examples  cited  is  nearly  equivalent  to  ki/^vo.  The  preposi- 
tion rrtpl  b  to  be  connected  with  rp<jri/Gr>,  as  in  Luke  iv.  38,  John  xvii.  9,  etc.  Comp.  i^iofmi 
rrtoi  Qfiaprtij'.^  Eccfus.  xxi.  i,  xxv  ii.  4.  xxxit.  5. 


114  CRITICAL    ESSAVS 

phrase  is  used  elsewhere,  "  Salute  Jerusalem,"  wish  her  al! 
prosperity,  (Comp.  the  rendering  of  Symmachus,  inTrdmrnflf.) 
If  ij^TijcitT!  is  here  taken  in  the  sense  of  "pray,"  we  must 
suppose  an  ellipsis  of  r;,v  e,6i'  as  the  being  addressed,  which 
would  give  us  the  extraordinary  construction  of  three  accusa- 
tives after  the  verb.  We  should  expect,  instead  of  the  third 
accusative,  r-j  -if^-iioiM*^.  as  the  verse  is  inaccurately  quoted 
by  Bishop  ElHcott  on  i  Thess.  iv.  i,  and  by  Webster  in 
his  Syiilax  and  Synonyms  of  the  Gnck  Testament.  It  is 
also  to  be  observed  that  we  thus  assign  to  f(«-rdu  a  mean- 
ing which  it  has  nowhere  else  in  the  Septuagtnt.  Such 
being  the  state  of  the  case,  although  the  passage  is  adduced 
by  liretschneider,  Robinson,  Bloomfield,  Grimm,  Sophocles, 
and  other  lexicographers,  as  an  example  of  f,.ur.iu  in  the 
sense  of  "to  pray,"  I  shall  not  urge  it  against  Archbishop 
Trench's  theory. 

The  nest  passage  in  chronological  order  is  in  Josephus, 
Ant.  V.  I.  14,  where,  after  giving  the  prayer  of  Joshua,  he 

says,    raiira  /-^i'   'Iticwf    ixj   dttJ/m  irtoov  iifxliTa  7««  Ikii:        Here,    if    the 

text  is  correct,  f/wniu  is  clearly  used  of  the  prayer  of  man 
to  God.  This  is  the  reading  in  the  editions  of  Hudson 
and  Havercamp,  and  in  the  earlier  editions  of  Josephus, 
Dindorf  and  Bekkcr,  however,  have  substituted  for  <„'^ra  tIv 
fifci:;  Tiv  tiiiiv  iKiTcvi.  Notwithstanding  the  authority  of  these 
eminent  critical  editors,  it  seems  to  me  that  not  only  does 
the  external  evidence,  as  given  in  Bernard's  note  in  Hav- 
ercamp's  edition,  decidedly  favor  the  reading  w'"";,  but  the 
interna!  still  more.  This  use  of  i-iiuraw  being  rare,  and  con- 
demned by  some  of  the  rhetoricians,  it  was  very  natural 
that  a  gloss  like  .Vrm  should  be  substituted  for  it  in  some 
MSS. ;  just  as  Zonaras  {Ann.  i.  20),  in  copying  this  account 
of  Josephus,  has  substituted  i''"irt.  r™  Aw.     Comp.   Suidas  : 

'H;,ur.i  ■  mi).!Kn>Ji,  tBecv,  iil-X"^  lidrcn'.*  and    SCe  also    his  art.  ;/'«-"  Of, 

cited  on  the  next  page. 


Eion,  and  Ihal  m  ihduld  rod,  'Hjiuru  '  ^ni^Ku'fti. 
[  ill  Ml\tr  7rapiiLa?Lti  u  ■  quolalioo  iTncn  Bibriui,  P 
laWy  added  aliEr  Uffevfi;  ruking  ths  liu  compUic,  i 
lu.    SctUcra'hiiifinou. 


M 


oZrtu  AND  ifHtrrcm  125 

But  whatever  may  be  thought  of  this  passage  of  Josephus, 
a  plenty  of  unquestionable  examples  may  be  cited  of  efyurdu 
used  in  reference  to  prayer  addressed  to  God  or  to  heathen 
deities.  See  Hermas,  Vis.  i.  2,  epuH/aiJ  rov  Kvpmv,  iva  D^revari 
[Sin.  i?jiTewj7rTai]  fioL,  also  ibid,  ii.  2,  iii.  i  {bis),  iv.  i  ;  Sim,  v. 
4,  ix.  2,  in  all  of  which  passages  d^piov  is  the  object ;  Orac. 
Sibyl,  ii.  310,  Tio}J>M.  J*  kpur^aovGi  fMTT/v  deov  v^pi/iidovra,  and  viii.  355, 
Uo?.?^  (T  tfxjTT^otMTi  ftedv  ye  rov  oIev  edvra  (so  Alexandre ;  Fricdlieb 
makes  the  line  identical  with  ii.  310);  and  Babr.  Fab.  x,  8, 

7T/V  Wopo^iTTTv  .  .  .  'EOveVf  tjux^j  Itdrtvev^  i/pura. 

Other  passages  may  be  adduced  in  opposition  to  Arch- 
bishop Trench's  notion  that  tporrdij  implies  "  an  asking  as 
upon  equal  terms,"  or  with  **  authority.*'  In  the  Epistle 
ascribed  to  Barnabas,  where  the  word  epordu  occurs  four 
times  (cc.  4,  21  thrice)  in  exhortation,  in  the  sense  of  **to 
entreat,"  "beseech,"  we  read  (c.  21),  h<^'f'-i  ^m,  x'^p^^  ahovfievoc, 
"I  entreat  you,  asking  it  as  afavory  In  Hermas,  it  is  used 
of  the  humble  entreaty  addressed  by  the  writer  to  the 
woman,  representing  the  Church,  who  appeared  to  him  in 

a   vision  (  Vis,  iii.  2,  Teawv  61  avr^q  T-pj^  Tovg  Tddac  ijpcjTfjaa  avrr/v  .  . .  lua^ 

K.  r.  ?..,  also  ibid  iii.  10),  and  to  the  Shepherd  or  angel  of  re- 
pentance (5"/;;/.  ix.  11).  In  the  Epistle  of  the  Church  at 
Smyrna,  giving  an  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  (c. 
12),  the  angry  multitude  are  said  to  have  besought  (ifp^ruv) 
the  asiarch  to  let  loose  a  lion  on  Polycarp.  And  in  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (lib.  ii.  c.  16)  the  word  is  used  of 
the  entreaty  to  be  addressed  to  the  bishop  in  behalf  of  a 
penitent  brother. 

The  notices  of  the  word  by  the  old  grammarians  and  lex- 
icographers may  now  be  quoted.  Hermogenes  (De  Meth. 
Eloq.  c.  3)  condemns  the  use  of  ipuTdu  and  Trapa/cayift)  in  the 
sense  of  ^io^uu^  "to  beg,"  "to  entreat,"  restricting  the  former 
to  the  meaning  "  to  inquire  "  :  tdv  ci'-t?  r^c  tpurHi  mi  TrapaKaAd  dvri 

rov  deofiOiy  cuchptjq  tlpijue.  rh  fuv  yap  iraf)aKa?^iv  1]  Ka?^lv  kariv  ij  ^rpoTperreaSaij 
t6  6h  tpurav  TrwHdveaOai.       (Walz,  R/iet.   Gr.  iii.  4O4.)  ? 

Apollonius  Dyscolus  enumerates  among  the  words  "  which 

denote  supplication,  oaa  iKereiav  GTjfjuiivEi^ — yoin'ovuat^  FfHjTtJ  ae  ev  lau 
Tu  :rapaKa?M  (xe,  ?uTave{Mj,  Itcvovfuu.      (Syut.  p.  289,  cd.   Bckkcr.) 

Suidas  under  the  word  hp^ra  has  already  been  quoted.     He 


126  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

3.1  SO  has  I  *E/xjra>  at'  •  rrafKLKaXu  at,  iKerel'U  (re,  diofiai,  KaX  avdic '  *'EWeiv 
r/aof  abrbv  eTi  rd  6ei7rwtv  r/fyura,  avrl  rov  7ra{)EKd?^t.        HcrC    thc    linC   is 

quoted  from  Babrius,  Fad,  xlii.  3.  Compare  also  Babrius, 
jFad,  xcvii.  3,  rov  Tavfwv  DBe'tv  ct2  rh  dE'trrvov  tjp^ra^  and  the  Same  use 
of  the  word  in  Luke  vii.  36,  xi.  37. 

Zonaras  has  'Epuru  ae  •  TrafxiKfuu  as,  iketeIu  (tc,  and  quotes  the 
same  passage  as  Suidas.  The  word  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  noticed  by  Hesychius,  Photius,  and  the  other  old  lex- 
icographers and  grammarians. 

The  few  remaining  examples  of  kfxjrdu  outside  of  the  New 
Testament  are  not  of  sufficient  interest  to  be  quoted. 

The  preceding  examination  of  the  use  of  kpi^du  may  satisfy 
us  that  Archbishop  Trench's  theory  not  only  has  no  founda- 
tion to  rest  upon,  but  that  it  is  directly  contradicted  by  a 
large  majority  of  the  passages  in  which  the  word  occurs, 
both  in  the  New  Testament  and  the  later  Greek  writers. 
We  will  now  consider  the  use  of  niWw. 

In  the  extract  already  given  from  Archbishop  Trench's 
article,  he  represents  airku,  compared  with  nyurdu,  as  '*more 
submissive  and  suppliant,  indeed  the  constant  word  for  the 
seeking  of  the  inferior  from  the  superior  ** ;  and  this  state- 
ment may  seem  to  be  supported  by  the  prevailing  usage  of 
the  word.  His  view  accords  also  with  that  of  Bengel  (notes 
on  John  xi.  22  and  i  John  v.  16),  and  of  Webster  in  his 
Syntax  and  Synonyms  of  the  Greek  Testamcfit^  p.  190. 

The  following  passages,  however,  must  at  least  be  regarded 
as  exceptions,  and  may  suggest  a  doubt  as  to  the  correct- 
ness of  the  distinction  asserted:  Luke  i.  63,  "he  asked  for 
a  writing-table  and  wrote  **  {airijcar . . .  h/pafrv) ;  xii.  48,  "  to 
whom  men  have  committed  much,  of  him  they  701//  ask 
(require)  the  more "  (airiiam^iv) ;  Acts  xvi.  29,  "  Then  he 
called  for  a  light "  (airvmir)  j  i  Cor.  i.  22,  **  For  the  Jews  ;r- 
quire  signs**  (aJrojan)  ;  and  i  Pet.  iii.  15,  "Be  always  ready 
to  give  an  answer  to  every  man  that  askcth  you  (ciiTovvn)  a 
reason  for  the  hope  that  is  in  you."  In  the  Septuagint  we 
read,  "What  doth  the  Lord  thy  God  require  {niretrai)  of 
thee?"     (Deut.  x.  12.)     See  also  2  Mace.  vii.    10.     Similar 


curctt  AND  ipuTOiti  127 

examples  from  Philo  and  Josephus  are  given  by  Loesner, 
Ods.  p.  118,  and  Krebs,  Ods,  p.  117,  though  h-ntriu  is  gen- 
erally used  to  express  the  idea  of  dsinandiiig. 

If  we  are  guided  by  the  actual  usage  of  the  words,  we 
shall  be  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  distinction  between 
airktj  and  i/xjraw  in  Hellenistic  Greek  does  not  depend  upon 
the  relative  dignity  of  the  asker  and  the  person  asked.  In 
this  respect,  they  seem  to  be  neutral,  as  much  so  as  our 
English  work  ask. 

The  main  distinction  appears  to  be  this :  A;r^w  is,  in  gen- 
eral, to  ask  for  something  which  one  desires  to  receive y 
something  to  be  given,  rarely  for  something  to  be  done  : 
it  is  therefore  used  when  the  object  sought,  rather  than  the 
person  of  whom  it  is  sought,  is  prominent  in  the  mind  of 
the  writer  ;  hence  also  it  is  very  rarely  employed  in  exhorta- 
tion. 'E/xjrd<j,  on  the  other  hand,  is  to  request  or  beseech  a 
person  to  do  something,  rarely  to  give  something  ;  it  refers 
more  directly  to  \)ci^  person  of  whom  the  favor  is  sought,  and 
is  therefore  naturally  used  in  exhortation  and  entreaty. 

Doederlein  notes  a  similar  distinction  between  pctere  and 
rogare,  **  As  compared  with  petere,'  he  says,  *'  rogare  refers 
immediately  to  the  person  who  is  applied  to  for  a  service : 
petere,  on  the  other  hand,  to  the  object  sought.  Cic.  in 
Verr, :  Iste  petit  a  rcge  et  cum  pluribus  verbis  rogat,  uti  ad 
se  mittat,"  etc.     {Lat,  Syn,  v.  229,  230.) 

In  confirmation  of  this  view,  I  will  give  the  results  of  an 
examination  of  the  use  of  nlreD  in  the  New  Testament,  the 
Septuagint,  the  so-called  Apostolical  Fathers,  and  some 
other  early  Christian  writings.  For  the  canonical  books  of 
the  Septuagint,  I  have  used  the  Concordance  of  Trommius, 
and  for  the  Apocrypha  Wahl's  Clavis  ;  for  Clement  of  Rome, 
Polycarp,  and  the  Ignatian  writings,  Jacobson's  Index  to  his 
edition  of  the  Patrcs  Apostolici ;  for  Barnabas  and  Hermas, 
the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  and  the  Epistle 
to  Diognetus,  my  own  notes.  The  classical  use  of  the  word 
is  not  important  for  our  present  purpose. 

To  illustrate  the  distinction  referred  to,  little  will  be 
needed  besides  the  statistics  of  the  constmction   of  aJ-a.)  as 


128  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

contrasted  with  kpurdu.  Both  words  must,  of  course,  have 
both  a  person  and  a  thing  as  their  objects,  expressed  or  im- 
plied. But  the  different  construction  of  the  words  shows 
that  their  relation  to  these  objects  was  usually  conceived  of 
differently.  In  the  case  of  alriu,  which  occurs  in  the  New 
Testament  seventy-one  times,  we  have  :  — 

1.  The  thing  only  expressed,  thirty-six  times.  Twice 
(Luke  xxii.  23  ;  Acts  iii.  14)  the  object  is  an  accusative  with 
the  infinitive ;  twice  (Acts  vii.  46 ;  Eph.  iii.  13)  an  infinitive 
only  ;  once  (Col.  i.  9)  iva  with  the  subjunctive. 

2.  Thing,  and  person  with  the  preposition  irapd  or  otto,  three 
times. 

3.  Person  and  thing,  two  accusatives,  ten  times;  thing 
expressed  by  accusative  with  infinitive,  once  (Acts  xiii.  28). 

4.  The  person  only  expressed,  in  the  accusative  case,  six 
times  (Matt.  v.  42,  vi.  8,  vii.  11  ;  Luke  vi.  30,  xi.  13 ;  John 
iv.  10). 

5.  Neither  person  nor  thing  expressed,  but  the  thing  more 
prominent  in  the  context,  fifteen  times. 

One  who  shall  examine  the  New  Testament  examples  by 
the  aid  of  his  Concordance  will  find  that,  in  a  great  majority 
of  the  seventy-one  passages,  the  request  is  for  something  to 
hQ  given,  not  done;  and  that  the  t  hi  fig  asked  for^  rather  than 
the  person,  is  chiefly  prominent  in  the  mind  of  the  writer. 
Even  in  the  six  examples  cited  under  number  four,  where 
the  personal  object  alone  is  expressed,  the  exception  is 
rather  apparent  than  real ;  e.g..  Matt.  v.  42,  **  Give  to  him 
that  askctJi  thee,"  where  the  thing  to  be  given  is  not  speci- 
fied, on  account  of  the  comprehensiveness  of  the  injunction. 

In  the  Septuagint  a\rki^  occurs  about  eighty-two  times,  in- 
cluding thirteen  in  the  Apocrypha.     We  have  :  — 

1.  The  thing  asked  for  only  expressed,  thirty-six  times. 
(In  I  Sam.  xii.  13,  I  adopt  the  reading  of  the  Alexandrine 
MS.) 

2.  Thing  in  the  accusative  (with  one  exception),  and  per- 
son in  the  genitive  with  -a^w,  twenty-six  times. 

3.  Person  and  thing  both  expressed  in  the  accusative,  ten 
times.  Passive  participle,  perhaps  with  accusative  of  thing, 
once  (2  Mace.  vii.  10). 


aircctf  AND  t^xuTOiD  129 

4.  Person  only,  in  the  genitive  with  irapi,  four  times. 
There  is  no  example  of  the  construction  with  the  accusative 
of  a  person  only.  (In  Esth.  vii.  7,  I  adopt  the  reading  of 
the  Roman  edition  and  the  Alexandrine  MS.) 

5.  Neither  person  nor  thing  expressed,  five  times. 

The  result  is  that  in  nearly  all,  perhaps  in  all,  the  exam- 
ples found  in  the  Septuagint  we  may  reasonably  regard  the 
object  asked  for  as  made  more  prominent  than  the  person. 
This  object  is  also  almost  always  something  to  be  given, 
rather  than  something  to  be  done ;  and,  accordingly,  is  only 
once  expressed  by  otwc  with  the  subjunctive,  never  by  Zvo, 
and  never  by  an  infinitive  of  which  the  person  asked  is  the 
subject.    We  shall  see  a  striking  contrast  in  the  construction 

Ot    fpurdij. 

In  the  Apostolical  Fathers  and  other  early  Christian  writ- 
ings before  mentioned,  I  have  noted  forty-four  examples  of 
airiij  or  airio/iai;  namely,  Clem.  Rom.  Ep.  i.  50,  53,  55.  Barn. 
21  (in  c.  19  probably  spurious).  Polyc.  P/ii/.  7.  Ignat. 
Tra//.  12;  Rom,  i,  3,  8  (ffis) ;  Polyc,  I,  2.  Mart.  Ignat.  6. 
Hermas,  Vis,  iii.  3,  10  (four  times) ;  Mand.  ix.  (eleven  times), 
xii.  s;  Sim.  iv.,  v.  3,  4  (five  times),  vi.  3.  Ep.  ad  Diogn.  i. 
Test.  xii.  YzXx.,Jud.  9,  Jos,  15,  16  (three  times ;  I  adopt  the 
reading  of  the  Oxford  MS.).  They  are  constructed  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

1.  Thing  only  expressed,  twenty  times. 

2.  Thing,  and  person  with  itaph  or  aTo,  ten  times. 

3.  Person  and  thing,  two  accusatives,  twice.  Person  in 
accusative,  and  object  represented  by  Uyovrtq  with  impera- 
tive, once  (Test.  xii.  Y2Xx,,Jos,  15). 

4.  Person  only  in  genitive  with  jrapd,  seven  times. 

5.  Person  only,  in  the  accusative,  twice. 

6.  Neither  person  nor  thing  expressed,  twice. 

Without  going  into  a  more  minute  analysis,  we  perceive 
that  the  result  is  essentially  the  same  as  in  our  examination 
of  the  usage  of  the  New  Testament  and  the  Septuagint. 


130  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Contrast  now  the  construction  of  (puTaL>,  of  which  we  have 
in  all  sixty-six  or  sixty-seven  examples.     We  find :  — 

1.  The  person  only  directly  expressed  (in  the  accusative), 
eighteen  times.  The  object  sought  is  understood  nine  times 
(Luke  iv.  38;  John  xiv.  16,  xvi.  26;  Barn.  21  ;  Const.  Apost. 
ii.  16;  Apollon.  Dysc.  Synt,  p.  289;  Babr.  x.  8;  Suidas,  x.  v. 
epuTuae;  Zouaras,  do.) ;  indirectly  signified  by  an  imperative, 
six  times  (Luke  xiv.  18,  19;  Phil.  iv.  3 ;  Barn.  21,  dis  ;  Duae 
Viae,  p.  100,  1.  20,  ed.  Hilgenf.) ;  by  an  imperative  preceded 
by  Xiyovreg,  twicc  (Matt.  XV.  23  ;  John  iv.  31) ;  by  Myovreg  intro- 
ducing a  sentence  with  the  verb  in  the  indicative,  once 
(John  xii.  21).  The  passive  participle  is  used,  without 
object  expressed,  twice  (Strato,  Epigr,  liii.  8 ;  Charit.  viii.  7). 

2.  Accusative  of  person ;  thing  variously  expressed, 
namely:  (a)  By  an  accusative,  five  or  six  times  (John  xvi. 
23.^  Jos.  Ant,  V.  I,  14;  Barn.  4;  Herm.  Vis,  ii.  2;  Orac. 
Sibyl,  ii.  310,  viii.  355).  (b)  By  an  infinitive,  eight  times 
(Luke  V.  3,  viii.  37  ;  John  iv.  40 ;  Acts  x.  48  ;  i  Thess.  v.  12  ; 
Jos.  Ant,  vii.  8.  i  ;  Duae  Viae,  p.  105, 1.  2  ;  Babr.  xcvii.  3).  (c) 
By  \va  with  subjunctive,  fifteen  times  (Mark  vii.  26;  Luke 
vii.  26,  xvi.  27;  John  xix.  31,  38  ;  i  Thess.  iv.  i  ;  2  John  5  ; 
Mart.  Polyc.  12;  Herm.  Vis.  i.  2,  iii.  2,  10,  iv.  i  ;  Sim,  v. 
4,  ix.  2,  11).  (d)  By  O'wf  with  the  subjunctive,  three  times 
(Luke  vii.  3,  xi.  37 ;  Acts  xxiii.  20).  (e)  By  uq  -6  with  in- 
finitive, once  (2  Thess.  ii.  i).  In  all,  thirty-two  or  thirty- 
three  times. 

3.  Thing  only  expressed :  (a)  By  an  accusative,  once 
(Luke  xiv.  32).  (b)  By  an  infinitive,  four  times  (Acts  iii.  3, 
xvi.  39,  xxiii.  18  ;  Babr.  xlii,  3).  (c)  By  ',va  with  subjunc- 
tive, four  times  (John  iv.  47  (Tisch.),  xvii.  .15,  20;  Herm. 
Vis,  iii.  i).  In  all  these  cases,  the  person  is  prominent  in 
the  context.     (Nine  times.) 

4.  Neither  person  nor  thing  expressed,  five  times  (John 
xvii.  9,  bis  ;   i  John  v.  16  ;  Herm.   Vis,  iii.   i,  bis). 

The  difference  of  construction  illustrates  palpably  the 
reality  of  the  distinction  pointed  out.  Of  the  sixty-six  or 
sixty-seven  examples  of  the  use  of  tVwraw,  there  are  only 
six  or  seven  in  which  the  object  asked  for  is  expressed  by 


airita  AND  Ipwram  131 

an  accusative.  In  a  great  majority  of  cases,  it  is  expressed 
by  an  infinitive,  or  by  iva  or  6;rwf  with  the  subjunctive,  or 
indirectly  by  an  imperative,  the  thing  asked  for  being  usu- 
ally something  which  the  person  asked  is  requested  to  do. 
In  the  one  hundred  and  ninety-seven  examples,  on  the  other 
hand,  which  have  been  cited  of  the  use  of  aiTtu  or  alrioficu, 
there  is  hardly  (but  see  Deut.  x.  12)  a  single  instance  in 
which  the  thing  asked  for  is  something  which  the  person  is 
directly  requested  to  do ;  generally,  it  is  something  to  be 
given^  and  the  object  asked  for  is  expressed  by  an  accusa- 
tive. Thus  we  see  why,  in  Matt,  xxvii.  58,  and  the  parallel 
passages  in  Mark  and  Luke,  we  have  yTiiaam  rb  oofm,  k.t.i.^ 

out  in  John  ^p6Tij(jev  rbv  TleiXaTOif  .  .  .  Iva  apr^  to  adtia^  k.  t.X.      in  John 

xiv.  16  and  xvi.  26,  epcyrdu  may  be  preferred  to  aiTio,  because 
the  personal  object  not  only  is  prominent,  but  is  alone  ex- 
pressed. In  the  prayer,  John  xvii.  9,  15,  20,  the  personal 
object,  indeed,  is  not  expressed,  but  is  prominent  in  the 
mind,  from  the  nature  of  the  case.  It  may  also  be  true  that 
kputraii^  though  not  implying  "equality*'  or  ** authority,"  ac- 
cords better  than  oxTkLi  with  the  intimate  personal  relation 
between  Christ  and  the  Father,  and  also  with  that  between 
Christ  and  his  disciples.  In  Acts  iii.  2,  3,  the  transition 
from  aire/v  to  kpurav  may  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  promi- 
nence given  in  the  third  verse  to  Peter  and  John,  the  per- 
sons from  whom  the  alms  was  asked,  though  the  personal 
object  is  not  expressed  after  the  verb.  It  is  further  evi- 
dent that,  with  kpi^rdu,  the  idea  of  earnestness  is  often  asso- 
ciated; see,  e,g.y  Mark  vii.  26;  Luke  viii.  37,  xvi.  27.  Our 
translators  have  felt  this,  in  rendering  the  word  so  often 
"beseech"  or  "entreat."  This  is  much  more  rarely  the  case 
with  airku  OX  a\rko<iai,  which  is  accordingly  seldom  used  in  exhor- 
tations. The  exception  in  Ignat.  Ravi.  8  is  so  unusual  that 
Vossius  insists  that  the^  true  reading  there  must  be  -^rapaKo/.u. 

The   use   of   alrovfuu   in     Kph.    lU.    13,    Alo  alrnhuai  /nf/  evKaKrtv  iv  raJ^ 

(Oj^aiv  fwv  vxep  ifitjv,  SLCCordingly  iavoTS  the  rendering,  "Where- 
fore I  pray  that  I  may  not  be  disheartened  in  my  afflictions 
in  your  behalf,"  rather  than,  "  I  entreat  you  not  to  be  dis- 


132  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

heartened/'  etc.,  though  many  of  the  best  scholars  prefer 
the  latter.* 

If  the  preceding  statements  are  correct,  we  cannot  accept 
the  distinction  between  tpordu  and  dr/w,  which  Huther  pro- 
poses in  the  last  edition  of  his  Commentary  on  the  First 
Epistle  of  John  (note  on  i  John  v.  16).  He  says  that  epurav, 
properly  "to  inquire"  (fra^e/i),  is  a  milder  asking  than  airczv, 
which  properly  means  "  to  demand  "  {forderti),  and  expresses 
greater  urgency.  Bcngel,  in  his  note  on  the  same  passage, 
regards  tp'^rhv  as  denoting  the  ^^ genus''  of  which  aXxtiv  is  a 
^^ species  hnmilior'' ;  in  other  words,  Epuir<iv  is  "to  ask,"  in 
general,  while  aimi;  is  "to  ask  humbly,"  "to  beg"  (Com- 
pare his  note  on  John  xi.  22.)  But  we  have  seen  that  this 
view  is  not  sufficiently  supported  by  usage. 

In  the  comparison  which  has  been  made  between  kputrhu 
and  alrku),  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  former  word,  in 
the  sense  of  "  to  request "  or  "  entreat,"  appears  never  to 
have  had  a  wide  currency.  It  seems  to  have  been  familiar 
in  this  sense  to  Luke,  John,  Paul,  Hermas,  the  author  of  the 
Epistle  ascribed  to  Barnabas,  and  Babrius.  It  does  not 
occur  in  the  Septuagint,  is  rare  in  Josephus,  and  seems  to 
be  very  rare  in  the  later  Greek  generally.  We  find  cont- 
monly  in  its  place  a;/<5w,  i^komi,  or  TraoaxaPfw.  Though  this  use 
of  ^npnuaiiu)  is  condcmncd  by  Hermogenes,  it  is  remarkably 
frequent  in  Josephus.  It  occurs  a  few  times  in  the  Septua- 
gint ;  but  there  we  have  more  commonly  (Stofjai  or  <\^i6o,.  One 
might  suppose  from  its  etymology  and  classical  use  that 
the  latter  word  would  have  the  sense  which  Archbishop 
Trench  ascribes  to  epurdu,  of  asking  for  something  to  which 
one  has  a  certain  right  ;  but  it  is  not  so.  It  is  used  in  the 
simple  sense  of  to  express  a  desire  for  something ;  or,  with 
reference  to  a  person,  "to  ask,"  "request,"  "pray."  It 
often  occurs  with  rbv  dedv  or  Ki>oy  as  its  object ;  and  is  even 
used  absolutely,  as  we  should   use   "to  pray"  in  English. 


•On  the  side  of  the  former  construction  (for  which  comp.  Ignat.  Trail.  12,  o'lroifXEVo^  Beov 
eTTiTi'i^'v)  are  the  Syriac  version,  Theodorel,  Bengel,  Riickert,  Harlcss,  Baumgarten-Cnisias, 
Olshausen,  Wahl,  Bretschneider,  Conybeare,  Braune,  Ewald :  the  latter  is  supported  by 
Theophylact,  Grotius,  LeClerc.  Reausohre,  Wolf,  Matthies,  De  Wetie,  Meyer,  Bleek,  Schenkel, 
Alford,  EUicott,  Eadie,  Noyes,  and  ihe  niajviiity  of  expositors. 


alriu}  AND  ipoyrau)  133 

Aiouai  is  also  frequently  thus  used ;  and,  what  will  seem  very 
strange  to  a  merely  classical  scholar,  is  often  followed  in  the 
Septuagint,  and  once  in  the  New  Testament,  by  Trpd;  with 
the  accusative,  like  eixofmi  ^nd-Trpoceyxo/iai. 

We  will  conclude  this  long  discussion  with  the  examina- 
tion of  a  passage  of  considerable  interest,  in  which  the 
meaning  of  kpun-ou  has  been  disputed.  I  refer  to  John  xvi.  23, 
which  reads  as  follows  in  Tischendorf  s  last  edition :  Kai  kv 

eiaivQ  rrj  rjfikp'i  ifik  ovk  kpurrjoeTe  ovdev.     afir'/v  aur/v  Xiyu)  vfuVy  hv  ri  alri/aifTe  rdif 

^aripa^  sCxjet  vfuv  h  r(?i  bv6fmTi  fiov.  "  And  in  that  day  yc  will  ask 
nothing  of  me.  Truly,  truly,  do  I  say  to  you,  if  ye  ask  any- 
thing of  the  Father,  he  will  give  it  to  you  in  my  name." 

The  question  is  whether  tpurdu  is  here  used  in  the  sense 
of  '*to  inquire,"  as  in  vv.  19,  30,  or  "to  request,"  as  in 
V.  26.     Archbishop  Trench  remarks  :  — 

Every  one  competent  to  judge  is  agreed  that  "  ye  shall  ask  "  of  the 
first  half  of  the  verse  has  nothing  to  do  with  "ye  shall  ask  "  of  the 
second ;  that,  in  the  first,  Christ  is  referring  back  to  the  i/Oehyv  avrdv 
ipurdv  of  ver.  19,  to  the  questions  which  the  disciples  would  fain  have 
asked  of  him,  if  only  they  dared  to  set  these  before  him.  *'  In  that 
day,"  he  would  say,  "  in  the  day  of  my  seeing  you  again,  I  will  by  the 
Spirit  so  teach  you  all  things,  that  ye  shall  be  no  longer  perplexed,  no 
longer  wishing  to  ask  me  questions  (cf.  John  xxi.  12),  if  only  you  might 
venture  to  do  so."  —  Syn.,  p.  136. 

The  explanation  given  by  Archbishop  Trench  is  sup- 
ported by  Lampe,  Bengel,  Rosenmiiller,  Kuinoel,  De  Wette, 
Meyer,  Ewald,  Godet,  Bloomfield,  Alford,  and  a  large  ma- 
jority of  modern  expositors ;  also,  by  Wakefield  and  Norton 
in  their  translations  of  the  New  Testament.  But  it  seems 
to  involve  serious  difficulties,  which  are  not  satisfactorily 
explained  by  these  eminent  commentators.  Our  Saviour 
is  referring  to  the  time  when  he  was  to  be  personally  with- 
drawn from  the  disciples,  and  another  Helper  (Ta9a/c/.;/rof), 
the  Holy  Spirit,  should,  as  it  were,  take  his  place.  But  why 
should  he  say  that  then  they  would  ask  him  no  questions  f 
Was  it  worth  while  to  tell  them  that  they  would  not  do 
what  from  the  nature  of  the  case  was  impossible }  It  is 
to  be  observed  further  that  me  is  the  emphatic  word  in  the 


134  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

sentence, —  emphatic  both  by  form  (kfzi)  and  position.  We 
have  then  the  meaning,  **  In  that  day  you  will  ask  no  ques- 
tions of  mc  ** ;  but  what  is  the  antithesis  ?  We  are  told 
that  the  meaning  is,  You  will  have  no  need  to  question  me, 
because  the  Holy  Spirit  will  enlighten  you.  But  is  not  this 
putting  violence  on  the  simple  k\d  oIk  kpurtfaere  ovSev}  Further, 
though  an  antithesis  is  so  strongly  demanded  by  the  em- 
phatic f/i/,  according  to  this  explanation  we  have  none 
expressed,  and  none  which  is  plainly  suggested  by  the 
immediate  context. 

If  now,  on  the  other  hand,  we  take  epuH/aere  in  the  sense 
of  "to  request,'*  all  is  smooth  and  natural.  The  emphatic 
tfii  finds  its  immediate  antithesis  in  rdv  Trarepa;  and  we  have 
no  sudden  transition  from  the  subject  of  putting  questions 
to  that  of  petitioning.  We  have  similar  examples  of  the 
interchange  of  epurdu  and  airfu  in  Acts  iii.  2,  3,  and  i  John 
V.  16;  and  it  accords  with  the  ordinary  use  of  the  words, 
eft<jrd(j  being  elsewhere  employed  of  the  requests  addressed 
by  the  disciples  to  Christ,  airiot  of  their  petitions  to  God. 
Though,  after  the  departure  of  their  Master  from  the  earth, 
the  disciples  would  not  address  their  petitions  directly  to 
him,  as  they  had  done  when  he  was  personally  present  with 
them,  they  would  have  all  needed  aid ;  whatever  they  should 
ask  of  the  Father,  he  would  give  them  in  his  name, —  that  is, 
on  his  account,  or  on  account  of  their  relation  to  him,  they 
being,  as  it  were,  his  representatives,  carrying  on  his  work 
upon  the  earth ;  comp.  c.  xiv.  26 ;  also.  Matt,  xviii.  19,  20. 

Though  a  majority  of  the  best  scholars  adopt  the  other 
interpretation,  it  is  too  much  to  say,  with  Archbishop 
Trench,  that  "every  one  competent  to  judge  is  agreed"  that 
the  words  must  be  so  understood.  Among  the  scholars 
who  take  //r^riu  here  in  the  sense  of  **  to  request  **  are 
Henry  Stephens  in  his  Thcsauncs^  s.  v.  /Y>(.,r(iwj  Grotius, 
Vossius  {Harm,  Ev.  i.  c.  18,  §  18;  0pp.  vi.  151),  LeClerc 
{Nonv.  Test),  Beausobre  and  Lenfant  {N.  7!),  Schoett- 
gen,  Archbishop  Newcome  in  his  translation,  Baumgarten- 
Crusius,  Weizsacker  {Jahrb,  f.  deiitschc  ThcoLy  1857,  ii.  183, 
note),  and  Weiss  {Der  jo/ian.  Lchvbcgriff,  Berl.  1862,  p.  278), 


curco>  AND  ipwrdo}  135 

who  in  a  pretty  full  discussion  of  the  passage  does  not 
hesitate  to  call  this  an  "evidente  exegetische  Resultat."  * 
Schleusner,  in  his  Lexicon,  though  explaining  the  clause 
in  question  by  "habebitis  idoneam  et  perfectam  scientiam," 
says,  **  Alii  non  minus  commode  rcddunt,  turn  nihil  amplius 
a  me  petetis.  Confer  sequentia "  ;  and  Schirlitz  ( Wdrterb. 
zitm  N,  7!,  i^  Aufl.,  1868)  assigns  to  ipi^rai^  here  the  mean- 
ing bitten^  **to  request.*'  Bretschneider,  Wahl,  and  Robin- 
son do  not  notice  the  passage.  Among  our  American  com- 
mentators who  have  assigned  this  meaning  to  k^ran  here 
may  be  mentioned  Barnes  (though  he  thinks  there  may  be 
a  reference  to  both  meanings  of  the  word),  and  Dr.  Howard 
Crosby,  in  his  Notes  on  the  New  Testament.  According  to 
Bloomfield  {Recensio  Synoptica^  in  loc),  fpwrdw  is  explained  in 
this  passage  as  meaning  "to  request"  by  Chrysostom,  Theo- 
dore of  Mopsuestia,  Theodore  of  Heraclea,  and  Theophylact. 
This  is,  however,  not  quite  correct.  Chrysostom,  Theophy- 
lact, and  also  Euthymius  recognize  both  meanings  of  ipurku 
in  their  notes  on  the  verse,  kindly  allowing  the  reader  his 
choice.  The  expression  used  'by  Nonnus  in  his  Paraphrase 
may  be  regarded  as  ambiguous.  There  seems  to  be  nothing 
bearing  on  the  point  in  the  writings  of  Theodore  of  Mop- 
suestia (Migne's  Patrol.  Grceca,  vol.  Ixvi.).  Theodore  of 
Heraclea  is  probably  the  author  of  some  of  the  notes  on  the 
Gospel  of  John,  of  which  fragments  have  been  preserved 
in  a  Gothic  translation  published  by  Massmann  under  the 
title  Skeireins  Aivaggeljons  thairh  Johanncn,  Munchen, 
1834;  but  there  appears  to  be  among  them  no  note  on 
John  xvi.  23,  nor  do  I  know  on  what  the  statement  of 
Bloomfield  respecting  this  writer  can  be  founded. 

Whatever  view  may  be  taken  of  the  disputed  passage,  the 
interpretation  just  given  has  too  much  in  its  favor,  and  is 
supported  by  too  many  respectable  scholars,  to  be  dismissed 
at  once  with  contempt. 

It  may  be  said,  however,  that  the  above  explanation  of 


*So  H.  J.  de  Haan  Hugenholtz,  DUp.  theol.  inaug.  (Lugd.  Bat.  1834),  p.  56.  He  cites 
Viake  at  taking  the  same  new,  and  adds,  "Utramque  notionem  conjungere  cupiunt  Stark'us 
et  Vaii  HmwsxDSN." 


136  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ifii  ovK  epurf/aere  oi'div  is  forbidden  by  the  fact  that  the  early 
Christians  habitually  addressed  their  prayers  to  Christ,  as 
is  shown  by  the  use  of  the  expression  "to  call  upon  the 
name  of  the  Lord,"  Acts  ix.  14,  21,  xxii.  16;  Rom.  x. 
12-14;  I  Cor.  i.  2  (comp.  Acts  ii.  21  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  22) ;  and 
by  the  examples  of  Stephen  (Acts  vii.  59)  and  Paul  (2  Cor. 
xii.  8).  I  admit  that  if  the  phrase  ol  i7nKa?joi'fievot  rd  dvoua  rw 
Kvpiov  as  applied  to  the  early  Christians  implies  that  their 
petitions  were  habitually  addressed  to  Christ  instead  of  to 
the  Father  in  his  name,  this  fact  is  an  objection  to  the 
interpretation  proposed.  The  question  is  one  of  no  little 
interest ;  but  to  discuss  it  here  would  carry  us  much  too 
far,  and  might  lead  into  the  thorny  paths  of  dogmatic 
theology. 


III. 

ANCIENT  PAPYRUS  AND  THE  MODE  OF  MAK- 

ING  PAPER  FROM  IT. 

(From  the  Library  Jcmmal,  vol.  iii.,  No.  lo,  November,  1878.] 

The  Egyptian  papyrus  plant  has  played  so  important  a 
part  among  ancient  materials  for  writing  that  perhaps  the 
Library  Journal  is  a  not  inappropriate  place  for  the  correc- 
tion of  a  common  error  respecting  it, —  an  error  found  not 
only  in  popular  works,  but  in  many  of  deservedly  high  repu- 
tation. In  Adam's  Roman  Afitiquities,  for  example,  we 
read  that  "  the  papyrus  was  about  ten  cubits  high,  and  had 
several  coats  or  skins  above  one  another,  like  an  onion,  which 
they  separated  with  a  needle"  (p.  424,  New  York  ed.,  1828). 
In  the  article  "  Liber,"  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and 
Roman  Afitiquities^  the  writer  says,  "  The  papyrus-tree 
grows  in  swamps  to  the  height  of  ten  feet  or  more,  and 
paper  was  prepared  from  the  thin  coats  or  pellicles  which  sur- 
round the  plant**  Liddell  and  Scott's  Greek  Lexicon,  under 
/3/^?^,  defines  the  word,  first  as  "the  ifiner  bark  of  the 
papyrus,"  and  then  as  "the  paper  made  of  this  barky  A 
similar  account  is  given  in  the  Lexicons  of  Jacobitz  and 
Seiler,  Pape,  and  Rost  and  Palm's  edition  of  Passow,  under 
r"  3/j(K  and  n-dTu/jof;  so  also  in  the  common  Latin  dictiona- 
ries, English  and  German,  under  "  Papyrus  " ;  and  in  many 
encyclopaedias,  —  ^.^.,  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  8th  edi- 
tion, art.  "Paper,"  v.  17,  p.  247;  and  Pauly's  Rcal-Encyclo- 
pddie  der  classischen  Alterthuinswissenschafty  v.  5,  pp.  1 155, 
1 156.  Other  works  of  very  high  character  contain  this  rep- 
resentation, as  Becker's  Chariklcs,  2te  Aufl.  (1854),  v.  i. 
p.  282  ff.,  in  an  elaborate  note  (compare  the  English  transla- 
tion, p.   161,  n.   12) ;  Guhl  and  Koner's  Life  of  th:  Greeks 


138  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

and  Romans,  translated  from  the  third  German  edition 
(Lo:id.  1875),  p.  198  ff.,  which  speaks  of  the  stem  of  the 
papyrus  plant  as  having  about  twenty  ''layers  of  bark'' ; 
and  so  even  Marquardt,  RJniischc  Privatalterthiimcr,  Abth.  2 
(1867),  p.  390,  who  has  given  in  general  a  wonderfully  com- 
plete and  accurate  account  of  all  that  relates  to  the  writing 
and  book-making  of  the  ancient  Romans. 

These  are  high  authorities ;  but  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the 
statements  which  have  been  italicized  in  the  quotations  given 
above  are  wholly  erroneous.  The  papyrus  plant  (Cypenis 
papyrus  of  Linnaeus,  or  Papyrus  antiquorum,  Willd.)  belongs 
to  the  family  of  Cypcraccce,  or  sedges :  it  is  an  endogenous 
plant,  with  a  triangular  stem  ;  and  to  talk  about  its  "  inner 
bark,*'  and  "layers'*  like  the  coats  of  an  onion,  is  a  simple 
absurdity.  One  might  as  well  speak  of  "the  inner  bark"  of 
a  stalk  of  Indian  corn,  or  of  a  bulrush.  The  error  has  orig- 
inated from  ignorance  or  forgetfulness  of  the  elements  of 
botany,  and  the  consequent  misinterpretation  of  the  passage 
in  Pliny  {Hist.  JV.it.,  .xiii.  11-13,  al.  21-27),  which  is  our  chief 
source  of  information  about  the  ancient  manufacture  of 
paper  from  this  plant.  One  of  the  words  which  Pliny  uses 
to  describe  the  very  thin  strips  into  which  t/ie  cellular  sub- 
stance of  the  stem  was  sliced  in  making  the  paper  \s  philyra, 
which  strictly  denotes  the  inner  bark  of  the  linden  tree, 
also  employed  as  a  writing  material.  Hence,  the  papyrus 
has  been  conceived  of  as  an  exogenous  plant,  with  its  outer 
and  inner  bark,  and  has  actually  been  called  a  "  tree" ! 

But  though  the  error  to  which  I  have  referred  has  widely 
prevailed,  and  seems  to  have  a  tenacious  vitality,  it  must  not 
be  supposed  that  it  is  universal.  The  botanists,  of  course, 
have  not  made  such  a  mistake;  see,  e.g.,  Sprengel,  art.  "  Pa- 
pyrus," in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Allgeni,  Encycl.,  Sect.  3,  Theil 
II  (1838),  p.  230;  Tristram's  Nat.  Hist,  of  the  Bible,  2d  ed. 
(1868),  p.  435  ;  and  Le  Maout  and  Djcaisne's  General  Sys- 
tem of  Botany,  translated  by  Mrs.  Hooker  (1873),  p.  880. 
A  correct  account  is  also  given  in  Wilkinson's  Manners  and 
Customs  of  the  Ancient  Ei^yptians,  v.  3,  p.  148,  and  in  Watten- 
bach's  Das  Schriftuesen  im  Mittclalter  (1871),  p.  6t.     The 


ANCIENT   PAPYRUS  1 39 

most  thorough  article  on  the  subject  with  which  I  am  ac- 
quainted is  the  "  Mimoire  sur  le  papyrus  et  la  fabrication  du 
papier  chez  les  anciens,"  by  M.  Bureau  de  la  Malle,  in  the 
MJmoircs  d:  VAcad,  des  Inscriptions  ct  Belles-Lettrcs  (Insti- 
tut  de  France),  torn.  19,  pt.  i  (185 1),  pp.  140-183,  in  which 
the  passage  of  Pliny  above  referred  to  is  fully  explained. 
See  also  the  "  Dissertation  sur  le  papyrus,"  by  the  Count  de 
Caylus,  in  the  M^inoires  de  CAcad,  des  Inscriptions  et  Belies- 
Lcttres  (1752-54),  torn.  26,  pp.  267-320. 

It  may  be  worth  while,  perhaps,  to  call  attention  to 
another  mistake  in  the  English  translation  of  Guhl  and 
Koner's  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans ^  already  cited.  We 
there  read  (p.  198),  in  the  account  of  making  paper  from  the 
papyrus  plant :  "  The  stalk  .  .  .  was  cut  longitudinally,  after 
which  the  outer  bark  was  first  taken  off;  the  remaining 
layers  of  bark,  about  twenty  in  number  {philnrce),  were  care- 
fully severed  with  a  pin ;  and,  afterwards,  the  single  strips 
plaited  crosswise  ;  by  means  of  pressing  and  perforating  the 
whole  with  lime-water,  the  necessary  consistency  of  the 
material  was  obtained."  Lime-water^  indeed !  The  Ger- 
man Leimwasscr  and  the  English  lime-water  are  very  differ- 
ent things.  What  is  meant  is  glue-water,  water  in  which 
gluten  (Germ.  Lcim)  has  been  dissolved.  See  Pliny,  Hist. 
Nat.,  xiii.  12,  al.  26. 

Onthe  botanical  questions  respecting  the  papyrus  of  Sicily, 
Syria,  and  ancient  Egypt,  see  particularly  Parlatore,  *'  M^- 
moire  sur  le  papyrus  des  anciens  et  sur  le  papyrus  de  Sicile," 
in  the  M^m,  pr^sentds  par  divers  savants  a  VAcad.  des  Sci- 
ences, tom.  12  (1854),  pp.  469-502,  with  2  plates.  Parlatore 
makes  two  distinct  species,  and  Tristram  agrees  with  him; 
but  Otto  Bockeler,  in  a  recent  monograph,  **  Die  Cyperaceen 
des  Koniglichen  Herbariums  zu  Berlin,"  in  the  Linnaca,  Bd. 
36  (1869-70),  pp.  303,  304,  regards  the  Cypcrus  syriacus  of 
Parlatore  as  only  a  variety  of  the  Cypcrus  papyrus  of  Lin- 
naeus. 


IV. 

ON  THE  COMPARATIVE  ANTIQUITY   OF  THE 

SINAITIC  AND  VATICAN  MANUSCRIPTS 

OF  THE  GREEK  BIBLE. 

[From  the  Journal  of  the  Amtrican  Oriental  Sacitty,  vol.  x.,  No  i,  187a.] 

The  present  essay  was  suggested  by  a  recent  work  of  the 
Rev.  J.  W.  Burgon,  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford,  enti- 
tled The  Last  Twelve  Verses  of  th:  Gospel  according  to 
S.  Mark  Vindicated  against  recent  Critical  Objectors  and 
Established  (London,  1871).  In  one  of  the  Appendixes  to 
this  volume  (pp.  291-294),  Mr.  Burgon  has  a  dissertation  **  On 
the  Relative  Antiquity  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus  (B)  and  the 
Codex  Sinaiticus  (x),"  in  which  he  maintains  that  certain 
"notes  of  superior  antiquity,'*  which  he  specifies,  "infallibly 
set  Codex  B  before  Codex  K,  though  it  may  be  impossible  to 
determine  whether  by  fifty,  by  seventy-five,  or  by  one  hun- 
dred years"  (p.  293).  He  does  not  doubt  that  they  are  "the 
two  oldest  copies  of  the  Gospels  in  existence";  but,  "if  the 
first  belongs  to  the  beginning,  the  second  may  be  referred 
to  the  middle  or  latter  part  of  the  fourth  century  *'  (p.  70). 
Tischendorf,  on  the  other  hand,  now  assigns  both  MSS. 
to  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century;  and  even  maintains 
that  one  of  the  scribes  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  whom  he  desig- 
nates by  the  letter  D,  wrote  the  New  Testament  part  of  the 
Codex  Vaticanus.  Mr  Burgon's  arguments  are  for  the  most 
part  new,  and  have  not,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  been  subjected 
to  any  critical  examination.  Few  scholars,  in  this  country 
at  least,  have  the  means  of  testing  the  correctness  of  his 
statements.  His  book  in  general,  and  his  discussion  of  the 
present  subject  in  particular,  have  been  highly  praised  ;  and 
he  writes  throughout  in  the  tone  of  one  who  teaches  with 


THE  SINAITIC   AND   VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS  141 

authority.  It  has  seemed  to  me,  therefore,  that  a  review  of 
the  arguments  put  forth  with  such  confidence  might  be  of 
interest. 

In  the  present  investigation,  I  have  relied  chiefly  on  the 
original  edition  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.  published  by  Tischen- 
dorf  in  1862  in  four  volumes  folio,  printed  in  fac-simile 
type,  with  nineteen  plates  of  actual  fac-similes  of  different 
parts  of  the  MS. ;  and  on  the  similar  edition  of  the  Codex 
Vaticanus  now  publishing  at  Rome,  of  which  three  volumes 
have  thus  far  appeared,  two  of  them  containing  the  Old 
Testament  as  far  as  the  end  of  Nehemiah,  and  the  other 
the  New  Testament  part  of  the  MS.  I  have  also  used 
Tischendorfs  fac-simile  edition  of  the  Codex  Friderico- 
Augustanus  (another  name  for  forty-three  leaves  of  the 
Sinaitic  MS.),  published  in  1846;  his  Novum  Testajnenttim 
Vaticamim  (1867)  with  the  Appendix  (1869)  ;  and  his  Appen- 
dix Codicum  celcberrimorum  Sinaitici  Vaticani  Alexandrini 
with  fac-similes  (1867). 

Mr.  Burgon's  arguments  are  as  follows:  (i)  **The  (all 
but  unique)  sectional  division  of  Codex  B,  confessedly  the 
oldest  scheme  of  chapters  extant,  is  in  itself  a  striking  note 
of  primitiveness.  The  author  of  the  Codex  knew  nothing, 
apparently,  of  the  Eusebian  method." 

The  Vatican  MS.  has  in  the  Gospels  a  division  of  the  text 
into  chapters,  which  differs  from  that  found  in  most  MSS. 
from  the  fifth  century  onward,  and  appears,  so  far  as  is 
known,  in  only  one  other  MS.,  the  Codex  Zacynthius  (h), 
of  the  eighth  century.  It  has  also  a  peculiar  division  into 
chapters  in  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  Mr.  Burgon  finds  in  its 
scheitie  of  chapters  "  a  striking  note  of  primitiveness.'*  But 
the  Sinaitic  has  no  division  into  chapters  at  all,  a  prima  manu. 
Is  not  that  quite  as  primitive  }  Further,  Mr.  Burgon's  argu- 
ment appears  to  be  of  a  circular  character.  The  only  proof 
of  the  high  antiquity  of  the  "scheme  of  chapters"  referred 
to  is  its  existence  in  the  Vatican  MS. 

It  may  be  worth  while,  perhaps,  to  remark  that  the  Roman 
edition  of  the  Vatican  MS.  seems  to  afford  evidence  (p.  1272, 


142  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

col.  I,  and  p.  1299,  col.  3)  that  the  division  into  chapters, 
noted  by  numbers  in  red  in  the  margin,  was  not  made  by 
the  original  scribe,  but  by  one  who  preferred  in  some  places 
a  different  division  into  paragraphs.  It  may  have  been 
made,  however,  by  a  contemporary  hand. 

Mr.  Scrivener  thinks  it  **  very  credible  that  Codex  Sinaiti- 
cus  was  one  of  the  fifty  volumes  of  Holy  Scripture,  written 
*  on  skins  in  ternions  and  quaternions,'  which  Eusebius  pre- 
pared A.D.  331  by  Constantine's  direction  for  the  use  of  the 
new  capital."  (Collation  of  the  Codex  Sinaiticus,  p.  xxxvii.  f. 
Comp.  Euseb.  Vita  Const,  iv.  36,  37.)  This  is  possible, 
though  there  is  no  proof  of  it.  Mr.  Burgon*s  argument,  that, 
because  the  Eusebian  sections  do  not  correspond  with  the 
paragraphs  in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus,  Eusebius  could  have 
known  nothing  of  the  MS.  (p.  294),  is  utterly  futile.  The 
object  of  those  sections  is  totally  different  from  that  of  a 
division  into  paragraphs.  The  Eusebian  sections  are  not 
chapters  or  paragraphs,  but  merely  serve  for  a  comparison  of 
parallel  or  similar  passages  in  the  Gospels.  In  not  less  than 
twenty-five  instances  there  are  two  of  them  (in  one  case 
three)  in  a  single  verse  ;  see,  e.g.^  Matt.  xi.  27  ;  Mark  xiii.  14 ; 
Luke  vi.  21  ;  John  xix.  6,  15,  16. 

The  Eusebian  sections  are  not  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  a  pnma 
vianuy  though  they  may,  as  Tischendorf  supposes,  have  been 
added  by  a  contemporary  scribe.  In  that  case,  the  MS.  may 
still  be  older  than  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  ;  for 
Eusebius  died  about  a.d.  340.  It  is  curious  to  see  how 
Scrivener  contradicts  himself  on  this  matter  in  a  single  page 
(Collation,  etc.,  p.  xxxvii). 

(2)  "  Codex  }<  (like  C,  and  other  later  MSS.),'*  says  Mr. 
Burgon,  "is  broken  up  into  short  paragraphs  throughout. 
The  Vatican  Codex,  on  the  contrary,  has  very  few  breaks 
indeed  :  e.g.,  it  is  without  break  of  any  sort  from  S.  Matth. 
xvii.  24  to  XX.  17;  whereas,  within  the  same  limits,  there 
are  in  Cod.  J<  as  many  as  thirty  interruptions  of  the  context. 
From  S.  Mark  xiii.  i  to  the  end  of  the  Gospel,  the  text  is 
absolutely  continuous  in  Cod.  B,  except  in  one  place ;  but 
in  Cod.  f<  it  is  interrupted  upwards  of  fifty  times.     Again : 


THE   SINAITIC   AND  VATICAN   MANUSCRIPfS  I43 

from  S.  Luke  xvii.  1 1  to  the  end  of  the  Gospel,  there  is  but 
one  break  in  Cod.  B.  But  it  is  broken  into  well-nigh  an 
hundred  and  fifty  short  paragraphs  in  Cod.  K. 

**  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  unbroken  text  of  Codex 
B  (resembling  the  style  of  the  papyrus  of  Hypcridcs  pub- 
lished by  Mr.  Babington)  is  the  more  ancient.  The  only 
places  where  it  approximates  to  the  method  of  Cod.  K.  are 
where  the  Commandments  are  briefly  recited  (S.  Matth.  xix. 
18,  etc.),  and  where  our  Lord  proclaims  the  eight  Beatitudes 
(S.  Matth.  V.)." 

Here,  apparently,  the  stress  of  Mr.  Burgon's  argument 
rests  on  the  rarity  of  paragraphs,  indicated  by  "  breaks,"  in 
the  Vatican  MS.,  as  compared  with  the  Sinaitic.  If  this  is 
so,  he  has  strangely  misrepresented  the  facts  in  the  case. 
In  the  first  passage  referred  to  (Matt.  xvii.  24  to  xx.  17) 
there  are  certainly  no  less  than  thirty-two  "  breaks  "  in  the 
Vatican  MS.,  designed  to  mark  a  division  into  paragraphs. 
In  two  instances  (Matt.  xvii.  24,  xix.  i),  the  division  is  made 
by  the  projection  of  the  initial  letter  into  the  left-hand 
margin,  in  the  manner  usual  in  the  Sinaitic  MS. ;  in  thirty, 
by  a  space  between  the  words,  and  a  dash  ( — )  below  the 
line  where  the  break  occurs,  projecting  into  the  left-hand 
margin,  after  the  fashion  common  in  the  Herculanean  and 
early  Egyptian  papyri,  and  also  found,  though  more  rarely, 
in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  Besides  these  thirty-two  cases  there 
are  seven  in  which  a  paragraph  is  indicated  by  a  dash  sim- 
ply, the  preceding  sentence  happening  to  fill  the  whole  line 
above  it.  There  are  also  in  the  passage  referred  to  about 
ten  places  in  which  the  end  of  a  sentence  or  a  paragraph 
is  indicated  by  a  space  simply.  (In  respect  to  the  repre- 
sentation of  these  spaces,  there  is  a  little  difference,  in  two 
or  three  places,  between  the  Roman  edition  and  that  of 
Tischendorf.)  But,  dismissing  the  simple  spaces  from  the 
account  altogether  (though  they  are  certainly  breaks),  we 
have  in  the  first  passage  selected  by  Mr.  Burgon  a  division 
into  paragraphs  in  the  Vatican  MS.  even  more  minute  than 
in  the  Sinaitic.  In  Mark  xiii.  i  to  xvi.  8  there  are  thirty- 
nine  paragraphs  in  the  Vatican  MS.  marked  by  the  dash  and 


144  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

space,  or  by  the  dash  alone,  when  the  preceding  line  is  full ; 
and  in  Luke  xvii.  ii  to  xxiv.  53,  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  paragraphs  are  thus  marked,  besides  two  in  which  the 
initial  letter  projects  into  the  margin.  There  are  also  places 
in  which  divisions  are  marked  by  spaces  alone. 

Such  being  the  state  of  the  case,  it  may  perhaps  be 
thought  that  Mr.  Burgon  does  not  mean  to  argue  the  supe- 
rior date  of  the  Vatican  MS.  from  the  comparative  rarity  of 
its  divisions  into  paragraphs,  but  merely  from  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  made;  and  that  he  intends  by  "break" 
the  projection  of  the  initial  letter  of  a  paragraph  into  the 
left-hand  margin,  which  we  find  in  the  Vatican  MS.  in  the 
Beatitudes  (Matt,  v.),  though  not  in  Matt.  xix.  18,  the  only 
other  place,  according  to  Mr.  Burgon,  in  which  B  "approxi- 
mates to  the  method  of  CoJ.  K."  This,  however,  can  hardly 
be  his  meaning;  for  he  makes  a  separate  point  of  that 
feature  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.  in  his  fourth  argument,  which 
will  be  considered  in  its  proper  place. 

As  to  the  frequency  of  the  division  into  paragraphs,  we 
find  a  great  difference  in  different  parts  of  both  the  Sinaitic 
and  the  Vatican  MSS.  For  example,  in  the  Sinaitic  MS. 
(vol.  ii.),  from  i  Mace.  v.  55  to  x.  18,  two  hundred  and 
forty-nine  verses,  there  is  but  one  indication  of  a  paragraph 
besides  that  with  which  the  passage  begins.  For  twenty- 
one  entire  columns  of  forty-eight  lines  each,  namely,  from 
fol.  21,*  col.  4,  to  fol.  26,  col.  4,  inclusive  (i.e.,  for  more 
than  one  thousand  lines),  there  is  no  break  and  no  sign 
of  a  paragraph  whatever.  In  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees, 
which  contains  thirty-six  pages  in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus, 
there  are  sixteen  pages  in  which  there  is  no  indication  of 
a  paragraph,  and  ten  more  in  each  of  which  but  one  para- 
graph is  marked.  In  the  Fourth  Bjok  of  Maccabees,  the 
paragraphs  are  still  rarer  in  proportion  to  its  length.  In 
the  Vatican  MS.,  on  the  other  hand,  to  anticipate  a  little 
the  answer  to  Mr.  Burgon's  fourth  argument,  there  are 
many  pages  in  each  of  which  from  ten  to  twenty  para- 
graphs are  marked  by  the  projection  of  the  first  letter  of 
a  word  into  the  left-hand  margin ;  see,  e.g.y  pp.  41,  44,  48, 


THE  SINAITIC   AND   VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS  1 45 

S3»  7i»  73-7S»  123,  186,  187.  226,  291-294  (vol.  i.  of  the 
Roman  ed.) ;  and  a  page  of  the  Vatican  MS.  contains  con- 
siderably less  than  a  page  of  the  Sinaitic.  In  respect  both 
to  the  frequency  of  the  paragraphs  and  to  the  manner  of 
indicating  them,  much  appears  to  have  depended  upon  the 
fancy  of  the  copyist.  The  books  most  read  would  naturally 
be  divided  the  most. 

(3)  "Again,"  says  Mr.  Burgon,  "Cod.  5<  is  prone  to  ex- 
hibit, on  extraordinary  occasions,  a  single  word  in  a  line, 
as  at  — 


..   MATTH.  XV. 

30- 

S.   MARK  X.  29. 

S.  LUKE  XIV.  13 

jfwPuOtXJ 

7  a6eAt^a 

TTTUXOVO 

Tv^hiva 

r}  Tzarepa 

avaTTTjpows 

#cvAAov(T 

Ti  firrrepa 

X^y^va 

Ku<^ova 

Tf   T€KVa 

ri  aypovc 

rv(^Xovo 

"  This  became  a  prevailing  fashion  in  the  sixth  century ; 
e,g.y  when  the  Codex  Laudianus  of  the  Acts  (E)  was  written. 
The  only  trace  of  anything  of  the  kind  in  Cod.  B  is  at  the 
Genealogy  of  our  Lord." 

Here,  again,  Mr.  Burgon  mistakes  the  facts  in  the  case. 
We  find  this  stichometric  mode  of  giving  greater  distinct- 
ness to  particulars  exemplified  in  repeated  instances  in  the 
Vatican  MS.,  besides  the  striking  one  of  the  genealogy  in 
Luke.  For  example,  on  p.  211,  col.  3,  of  the  MS.,  the 
names  of  the  twenty-two  unclean  birds  in  Deut.  xiv.  12-18 
appear  each  in  a  separate  line.  On  p.  247,  col.  3,  there 
is  a  similar  stichometry  of  six  lines  ;  on  p.  254,  col.  i,  one 
of  at  least  twenty-five  lines  (Josh.  xii.  10-22,  the  list  of 
kings),  with  another  example  in  the  same  column,  and  still 
another  in  the  next ;  and  on  p.  485,  col.  2,  there  is  one  of 
eleven  lines  (the  "dukes"  in  i  Chron.  i.  51-54).  For  other 
instances,  see  p.  71,  col.  3  ;  p.  j6^  col.  i ;  p.  274,  col.  2  ;  p.  316, 
col.  3;  and  p.  917,  col.  3. 

We  find,  moreover,  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  the  different 
branches  of  the  genealogy  in  Matthew  presented  in  thirty- 
eight  distinct  paragraphs ;  and  the  beatitudes  in  Matt.  v. 
and    the  salutations  in    Rom.   xvi.   are    similarly  treated. 


146  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

This  may  be  regarded  as  a  kind  of  stichometry,  of  which 
we  have  also  examples  in  the  Old  Testament:  e,g.,  p.  138, 
col.  I,  2;  p.  264,  col.  I  ;  p.  272,  col.  I  ;  p.  309,  col.  i.  All 
that  can  be  said  in  respect  to  the  first  form  of  stichi  is 
that  it  is  much  more  common  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  than  in 
the  Vatican,  especially  in  the  New  Testament.  Both  MSS, 
have  also  another  mode  of  making  distinct  the  items  of  an 
enumeration ;  namely,  by  spaces  between  the  words,  with 
or  without  dots  (the  Roman  edition  of  B  does  not  agree 
with*  Tischendorf's  about  the  dots);  eg.,  Rom.  i.  29-31, 
both  MSS.;  and  in  the  Vatican,  i  Cor.  vi.  9,  10,  xiii.  13, 
xiv.  26;  Gal.  V.  19-23;  Phil.  iv.  8;  Col.  iii.  8.  The  choice 
between  the  modes  seems  to  have  been  determined  by  the 
taste  of  the  scribe ;  compare,  for  example,  in  the  Vatican 
MS.,  Lev.  xi.  13-19  with  Deut.  xiv.  12-18  (pp.  in  and 
211).     It  cannot  be  made  a  criterion  of  date. 

(4)  Mr.  Burgon's  fourth  argument  is  this  :  "  At  the  com- 
mencement of  every  fresh  paragraph,  the  initial  letter  in 
Cod.  K  slightly  projects  into  the  margin^  beyond  the  left-hand 
edge  of  the  column,  as  usual  in  all  later  MSS.  This  char- 
acteristic is  only  not  undiscoverable  in  Cod.  B.  Instances 
of  it  there  are  in  the  earlier  Codex ;  but  they  are  of  exceed- 
ingly rare  occurrence." 

The  expression  **as  usual  in  all  later  MSS."  is  likely  to 
mislead.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  the  style  of 
the  Sinaitic  MS.  and  that  of  the  Alexandrine,  the  Ephraem, 
and  later  MSS.  generally,  in  respect  to  the  mode  of  indicat- 
ing the  beginning  of  paragraphs.  In  the  Sinaitic,  the  initial 
letter,  which  slightly  projects,  and  often  does  not  project  at 
all,  is  no  larger  than  the  rest,  a  peculiarity  found  in  but 
a  very  few  existing  MSS.,  and  those  the  oldest  known  to 
us.  In  the  other  MSS.  referred  to,  the  initial  letter,  or, 
when  the  new  paragraph  begins  in  the  middle  of  a  line,  the 
first  letter  of  the  line  following,  is  very  much  larger  than 
the  others,  and  stands  out  wholly  in  the  margin,  giving 
these  MSS.  a  strikingly  different  appearance  from  that  of 
the  Sinaitic  and  the  Vatican.  But  the  characteristic  which 
Mr.  Burgon  says  is  **  exceedingly  rare,'*  "  only  not  undis- 


THE  SINAITIC  AND   VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS  147 

coverable/*  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  occurs  ten  times  on  the 
very  first  page  of  that  MS. ;  and  in  the  first  two  hundred 
and  ninety-four  pages,  namely,  from  Gen.  xlvi.  28  (to;up)  to 
I  Sam.  xix.  11  (ayyeXova),  there  are  1,441  examples  of  it. 
Though  less  common  in  the  New  Testament  part  of  the 
MS.,  in  the  first  eight  pages  it  occurs  thirty-one  times. 
When  Codex  B  was  written,  the  choice  between  this  mode 
of  indicating  the  beginning  of  a  paragraph  and  the  other, 
described  under  Mr.  Burgon's  second  argument,  was  evi- 
dently a  matter  depending  on  the  taste  of  the  copyist. 
In  the  two  hundred  and  ninety  pages  following  the  word 
ayyO^vo  in  I  Sam.  xix.  II,  extending  to  the  end  of  Nehemiah, 
there  are  but  two  clear  examples  of  it ;  namely,  on  pp.  343, 
484.  (The  projecting  letter,  pp.  578  and  606,  is  not  the  first 
letter  of  a  paragraph  or  even  of  a  word.)  In  the  two  Books 
of  Chronicles,  the  First  Book  of  Esdras,  and  the  Books  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  together,  there  is  no  example  of  that 
mode  of  indicating  paragraphs  which  is  usual  in  the  Sinaitic, 
and  so  common  in  the  first  two  hundred  and  ninety-four 
pages  of  the  Vatican  (pp.  41-334).  The  natural  inference 
is  that  we  have  in  the  part  of  the  MS.  beginning  with 
P^ige  335  the  hand  of  a  different  scribe ;  and  this  inference 
is  confirmed  by  the  striking  difference  between  these  pages 
of  the  MS.  and  those  which  precede,  in  respect  to  the  use 
of  ^  to  fill  up  a  space  at  the  end  of  a  line,  and  by  other 
peculiarities.  Even  Mr.  Burgon  will  hardly  contend  that 
the  scribe  who  wrote  page  334  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus 
lived  fifty  or  one  hundred  years  after  the  writer  of  page  335. 
Both  of  these  modes  of  indicating  paragraphs  are  of  an 
antiquity  greatly  exceeding  that  of  the  Sinaitic  and  Vatican 
MSS.  The  use  of  the  space  between  words  and  the  dash 
or  some  other  mark  to  attract  attention  in  the  left-hand 
margin  of  the  column  (Ta/jaypa^//  or  'rrapdyf)a(;>o<7,  something 
written  at  the  side),  in  the  old  Herculanean  and  Egyptian 
•papyri,  has  already  been  mentioned.  See,  for  a  specimen, 
the  beautiful  papyrus  of  a  Greek  treatise  on  rhetoric,  written 
before  160  B.C.,  published  in  fac-simile  in  "  Papyrus  grecs  du 
Mus^  du  Louvre,"  etc.,  edited  after  Letronne  by  Brunet  de 


148  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Presle  (torn,  xviii.,  2*  ptie.  of  Notices  et  extraits  dcs  majiu- 
scrits,  etc.,  published  by  the  French  Institute,  Paris,  1865), 
pi.  xi.,  pap.  No.  2.  (Also  in  Silvestre,  PaUogr,  univ,,  pi. 
55.)  In  the  same  volume,  pi.  xxxiv.,  pap.  49,  in  a  letter  of 
a  certain  Dionysius  to  Ptolemy,  about  160  B.C.,  we  have  per- 
haps the  earliest  known  example  of  the  use  of  two  dots  like 
our  colon  for  separating  paragraphs,  in  conjunction  with  the 
marginal  dash,  precisely  like  the  style  which  frequently 
occurs  in  both  the  Vatican  and  the  Sinaitic  MSS.,  though 
the  Vatican  more  commonly  omits  the  dots.  Finally,  in  the 
curious  **  Nativity  '*  or  Th:ma  gcnethliacuin,  dated  in  the  first 
year  of  the  Emperor  Antoninus  (a.d.  138),  of  which  a  fac- 
simile is  given  in  pi.  xxii.,  pap.  19,  and  also  in  Silvestre,  pi. 
58,  we  have  numerous  paragraphs  indicated  by  the  projec- 
tion of  the  first  letter,  or  the  first  two  or  three  letters,  into 
the  left-hand  margin ;  and,  for  the  most  part,  this  initial  is 
of  considerably  larger  size  than  the  rest  of  the  letters. 
This,  however,  is  not  a  book  manuscript. 

(5)  "  Further,"  says  Mr.  Burgon,  "  Cod.  K  abounds  in 
such   contractions   as   ^I^,  '^^^   (with   all   their   cases),   for 

av^pcjiTOUf  ovpavodf    CtC.       Not    Only    Tr«,  7r///>,  ^t/\   ..,,..,  f,,hi    (tOT    irvev/ia, 

irarrjp'refi-Tepa^   fiTjTtpaft    but   alsO    arpxir/^  /;//,   it/'/j/u^   lOT   aravpu-^r)^   iapaTi\ 
upovaa/j/u. 

**  But  Cod.  B,  though  familiar  with  m,  and  a  few  other 
of  the  most  ordinary  abbreviations,  knows  nothing  of  these 
compendia :  which  certainly  cannot  have  existed  in  the 
earliest  copies  of  all.  Once  more,  it  seems  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  their  constant  occurrence  in  Cod.  K  indicates 
for  that  Codex  a  date  subsequent  to  Cod.  B.*' 

Here,  Mr.  Burgon,  as  usual,  misstates  the  facts.  The  con- 
traction for  avdpuinoa  is  found  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  p.  137, 
col.  I  ;  p.  146,  col.  2 ;  p.  160,  col.  i  ;  that  for  'Kvoiun  occurs 
twice  on  the  first  page  of  the  New  Testament  (Matt.  i.  18, 
20),  also  Matt.  iii.  11,  16,  iv.  i,  and  often  elsewhere,  par- 
ticularly in  the  Old  Testament  (five  times,  for  example, 
p.  33 1>  col.  I,  and  again  twice  in  col.  2);  ^>a  for  ^arepoo 
occurs  p.  69,  col.  I  ;  p.  190,  col.  3  (marg.  note) ;  p.  226,  col.  2 ; 
uiX  for  lapar^x  occurs   hundreds   of    times :   for   instance,   in 


THE   SINAITIC   AND   VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS  1 49 

Exod.  xiv.  it  is  contracted  sixteen  times  out  of  seventeen 
in  which  it  occurs,  and  in  Josh.  xi.  eighteen  times  out  of 
twenty.*  It  will  be  hard  to  find  *'i;/>^"  as  the  contrac- 
tion for  upovaaAvfi  in  the  Vatican  MS.  or  in  any  other,  but 
uJiii  occurs  Josh.  xii.  lo,  and  ///T,  Josh.  x.  i,  3,  xv.  5.  iravput^ff 
is  contracted  but  once  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  where  we  also 
have  once  (in  Rev.  xi.  8)  a  unique  contraction  of  ea-avpu'dTj, 
which  Tischendorf  has  neglected  to  express  in  the  text  of 
his  quarto  edition,  though  he  has  spoken  of  it  in  the  Pro- 
legomena (p.  XX.  ;  compare  the  larger  edition,  vol.  i.,  col.  8, 
of  ProL). 

In  this  matter  of  contractions,  much  appears  to  have 
depended  on  the  fancy  of  the  scribe  ;  and,  as  a  criterion 
of  antiquity,  it  must  be  used  with  caution.  We  find  in 
the  Vatican  MS.  contractions  for  several  words,  as  Km,  fiov, 

n%rQpLjrT0Cf  vtoa,  fir/Tf/f),  ovpavoa,  fiaveu^  tapa?//,  lepovca/jjUy    which    are    never 

contracted  in  Codex  D  (the  Cambridge  MS.),  written  two 
centuries  later.  In  the  papyrus  MS.  of  Phifodemus,  "De 
Deorum  vivendi  Ratione,"  published  in  vol.  vi.  of  the 
Hcrcnlancnsia  Voluminay  and  consequently  written  as  early 
as  A.D.  79,  we  find  a  number  of  remarkable  contractions 
not  known  to  exist  in  any  other  Greek  MS.,  or  certainly  in 
any  of  similar  antiquity.  In  differe,nt  parts  of  the  Vatican 
MS.  there  is  a  marked  diversity  in  this  respect;  for  exam- 
ple, in  the  part  of  the  MS.  extending  from  i  Kings  xix.  11 
to  the  end  of  Nehemiah,  as  compared  with  the  preceding 
portion.!  The  same  is  true  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  particu- 
larly in  the  six  leaves  of  the  New  Testament  which  Tischen- 
dorf attributes  to  the  scribe  D,  whom  he  now  supposes  to 
be  idjfitical  "With,  one  of  the  scribes  of  the  Vatican  MS.     For 


•  In  a  single  column  of  the  Vat.   MS.  (p.  711,  col.  2),   we  find  the  contractions  avov 


ovvov,  JTVOf  iT^Tffi,  "ni/.y  all  of  which  Mr.  Burgon  says  are  ncvor  found  in  it.  See  also 
avoq^  pp.  6;hb,  753b;  avQt\  PP-  753^.  75^^  823b;  avin\  pp.  75^.  762b,  824b;  a  v  o  i, 
p.  «<>j»;  avQt'f,  p.  773^.  So  Tr~f)Y,  PP  783^  808^,  8990,  93«*;  m\  PP-  707^.  753^;  xV, 
p.  761*.  For  r/,jffi^  see  also  pp.  675*,  689b,  711b,  y5,a,  764b,  765a,  768a,  913b ;  for  i/M,  pp.  763b, 
930*.    We  find  also  the  contraction  dad,  pp.  33»*i  334*.  334*^.  4«4«»  (*«),  7500. 

tin  the  ^t  two  hundred  and  ninety-four  pages  of  the  Vatican  MS.  (pp.  41-334  of  the 
edition),  TTVtVfja  occurs  forty-two  times,  in  forty  of  which  it  i*  contracted ;  in  the  next  two  hun- 
dred aiMl  ninety  pages,  it  occurs  forty-one  times,  in  forty  of  which  it  is  nof  contracted.  There 
is  a  nmilar  difference  of  usage  in  respect  to  the  contraction  of  the  word  icpajf/.. 


150  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

example,  in  fol.  15  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  written  by  D,  v'.oo 
(sing.)  occurs  five  times,  and  is  always  written  in  full.  In 
the  contiguous  leaves  (14  and  16),  written  by  A,  it  occurs 
nine  times,  and  is  always  contracted.  On  fol.  15,  av^poTrwr 
is  written  six  times  in  full,  once  only  contracted.  In  the 
contiguous  leaves  it  occurs  eleven  times,  and  is  always  con- 
tracted. In  fol.  10,  written  by  D,  ovpavoo  occurs  nine  times, 
and  is  always  written  in  full,  as  it  seems  to  be  in  the  Vati- 
can MS.  On  the  next  leaf,  written  by  A,  it  occurs  ten 
times,  and  in  six  of  them  is  contracted.  (The  statement  in 
Tischendorf  s  iVjv.  Test.  Vat.,  Prol.  p.  xxii.,  differs  from  the 
above  in  four  particulars,  in  consequence,  apparently,  of 
oversights  in  counting.) 

(6)  Mr.  Burgon*s  sixth  argument  is  founded  on  the  follow- 
ing facts.  The  Gospel  of  Mark  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  as  well 
as  the  Sinaitic,  ends  with  verse  8  of  the  sixteenth  chapter. 
But  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  where  the  ending  occurs  near  the 
bottom  of  the  second  column,  the  third  column  is  left  blank, 
and  the  Gospel  of  Luke  begins  on  the  next  page.  "This," 
says  Mr.  Burgon,  "is  ///.•  only  vacant  column  in  the  whole 
manuscript"  (p.  S7).  In  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  in  which  there  are 
four  columns  to  a  page,  the  Gospel  of  Mark  ends  on  the 
second,  and  that  of  Luke  begins  on  the  third.  The  Vatican 
MS.  has  at  the  end  of  verse  8  the  usual  arabesque  which 
is  placed  at  the  end  of  a  book,  and  the  subscription  Kara 
Ma/Mor.  But  the  phenomenon  of  the  blank  column  is,  to  Mr. 
Burgon,  "  in  the  highest  degree  significant,  and  admits  of 
only  one  interpretation.  The  older  MS,,  from  which  Cod. 
B  was  copied,  must  have  infallibly  contained  the  twelve 
verses  in  dispute.  The  copyist  was  instructed  to  leave  them 
out  —  and  he  obeyed:  but  he  prudently  left  a  blank  space  in 
mevwriani  rci''  (p.  Zj).  The  Sinaitic,  on  the  other  hand, 
"was  copied  from  a  Codex  which  had  been  already  muti- 
lated '*  (p.  "ZZ),  This  difference  between  the  MSS.  seems  to 
Mr.  Burgon  "a  very  striking  indication  that  Cod.  B  is  the 
older  of  the  two.  Cod.  X  is  evidently  familiar  with  the 
phenomenon  which  astonishes  Cod.  B  by  its  novelty  and 
strangeness  "  (p.  292). 


THE   SINAITIC   AND  VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS  151 

Eusebius,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  fourth  century,  ex- 
pressly testifies  that  the  last  twelve  verses  of  the  Gospel  of 
Mark  were  wanting  "in  the  accurate  copies"  and  "in  almost 
all  the  copies "  of  that  Gospel,  but  were  found  "  in  some 
copies."  {QucBst.  ad  Marinum^  c.  i.  Opp.  iv.  937,  in 
Migne's  Patrol,  Gr,  torn,  xxii.)  Suppose,  then,  that  the 
Vatican  MS.  was  transcribed  in  the  age  of  Eusebius  from  a 
copy  which  contained  the  passage,  why  may  not  the  Sinaitic 
have  been  transcribed  at  the  same  time  from  one  which  did 
not  contain  it } 

With  Mr.  Burgon,  a  conjecture  seems  to  be  a  demonstra- 
tion. There  is  to  him  but  one  possible  explanation  of  that 
blank  column.  But,  considering  the  well-known  tendency 
of  copyists  and  possessors  of  MSS.  to  add  rather  than  to 
omit, —  a  tendency  which  would  be  very  strong  in  the  pres- 
ent case,  in  consequence  of  the  abruptness  of  verse  8  as  an 
ending,  and  of  which  the  existence  of  another  ending  be- 
sides the  disputed  verses  is  a  proof, —  another  conjecture  may 
be  proposed.  Why  may  we  not  suppose  that  the  exemplar 
from  which  the  Vatican  MS.  was  copied  did  not  contain  the 
last  twelve  verses,  but  the  copyist,  or  owner  of  the  MS., 
having  at  some  time  seen  or  heard  of  them,  left  on  that 
account  the  blank  column  in  question  }  We  have  a  similar 
phenomenon  in  the  case  of  Codices  L  and  a  at  John  vii.  52, 
and  in  Codex  G  at  Rom.  xiv.  23. 

Mr.  Burgon  is  not  strictly  correct  in  saying  that  the  case 
to  which  he  refers  is  "the  only  vacant  column"  in  the  Vat- 
ican MS.  Two  columns  are  left  blank  at  the  end  of  Nehe- 
miah ;  but  this  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  different  style 
(stichometric)  in  which  the  next  following  book,  the  Psalms, 
is  written.* 

(7)  Mr.  Burgon's  last  argument  is  as  follows  :  "  The  most 
striking  feature  of  difference,  after  all,  is  only  to  be  recog- 
nized by  one  who  surveys  the  Codices  themselves  with  at- 
tention.    It  is  that  general  air  of  primitiveness  in  Cod.  B 


•A  column  aiid  ahalf  are  al«o  left  blank  at  the  end  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  (p.  944),  presenting 
an  appearance  remarkably  similar  to  that  «»f  the  end  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark.     This  may  be, 
r,  became  it  is  on  Uie  last  leaf  of  the  quinion,  or  quire. 


152  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

which  makes  itself  at  once  fch.  The  even  symmetry  of  the 
unbroken  columns;  —  the  work  of  the  prima  mauus  every- 
where vanishing  through  sheer  antiquity;  —  the  small,  even, 
square  writing,  which  partly  recals  the  style  of  the  Hercula- 
nean  rolls,  partly  the  papyrus  fragments  of  the  'Oration 
against  Demosthenes*  (published  by  Harris  in  1848): — all 
these  notes  of  superior  antiquity  infallibly  set  Cod.  B  before 
Cod.  X;  though  it  may  be  impossible  to  determine  whether 
by  fifty,  by  seventy-five,  or  by  one  hundred  years." 

On  this,  we  may  remark:  {a)  That  "the  even  symmetry  of 
the  unbroken  columns  "  has  been  shown  to  exist,  so  far  as 
a  large  part  of  the  MS.  is  concerned,  only  in  Mr.  Burgon's 
imagination ;  and  that,  where  it  does  exist,  it  has  a  parallel 
in  parts  of  the  Sinaitic.  {b)  The  work  of  the  prima  mantis 
is  rarely  to  be  seen  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  a  scribe  of  the 
tenth  or  eleventh  century  having  retraced  all  the  letters 
with  fresh  ink,  adding  accents  and  breathings,  except  in 
those  places  where  he  wished  to  indicate  that  something 
should  be  omitted  {e.g.,  the  accidental  repetition  of  a  word 
or  sentence).  In  the  passages  where  the  work  of  the  first 
hand  remains  untouched,  of  which  we  have  fac-similes  (e.g,, 
John  xiii.  14;  Rom.  iv.  4;  2  Cor.  iii.  15,  16),  the  original 
writing  appears  to  have  been  well  preserved.  We  may  add 
that  a  scribe  of  the  eisfhth  or  ninth  centurv  has  retouched 
with  fresh  ink  many  pages  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.  ;  and  this  had 
already  been  done  to  a  considerable  extent  by  a  still  earlier 
scribe  (Tischendorf,  N.  T.  ex  Sin.  Cod.  p.  xxxviii.  f.).  As 
to  the  appearance  of  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  we  have  the  tes- 
timony of  Dr  Tregelles  that,  **  though  the  general  sem- 
blance of  the  whole  work  is  somewhat  less  worn  than  that 
of  Cod.  Vaticanus  (whose  extensive  hiatus  prove  how  care- 
lessly it  has  been  kept),  when  it  comes  to  be  contrasted 
with  such  a  MS.  as  the  illustrated  Dioscorides  at  Vienna 
(whose  age  is  fixed  by  internal  evidence  at  about  a.d.  500), 
that  interesting  and  valuable  MS.  looks  comparatively  quite 
fresh  and  modern"  (Scrivener's  Coll.  of  Cod,  Sin,  p.  xxxi.). 
(c)  The  writing  in  the  Sinaitic  is  just  as  "even  and  sjuare'' 
as  that  of  the  Vatican.     In  the  form  of  the  letters,  Tischen- 


THE  SINAITIC   AND  VATICAN   MANUSCRIPTS  153 

dorf  expressly  says  that  there  is  not  the  least  difference, 
—  ne  viinitnatn  quidcin  discrepantiam  {Nov.  Test.  Vat.  p. 
xix.).  Mr.  Burgon's  argument,  then,  must  rest  wholly  on 
the  difference  in  size,  the  letters  in  the  Vatican  MS.  being 
perhaps  one-third  smaller  than  those  in  the  Sinaitic.  (There 
is  a  difference  in  size  in  different  parts  of  the  two  MSS. 
themselves,  as  is  shown  by  the  fac-similes  and  by  Tischen- 
dorf's  express  testimony.)  It  is  difficult  to  deal  seriously 
with  such  an  argument;  but,  if  any  explanation  is  needed, 
it  may  be  suggested  that  the  extraordinary  size  of  the  skins 
on  which  the  Sinaitic  MS.  is  written,  allowing  four  columns 
to  a  page,  of  forty-eight  lines  each  (the  Vatican  has  three 
columns  of  forty-two  lines),  would  naturally  lead  a  callig- 
rapher  to  make  letters  somewhat  larger  than  usual.  And, 
if  Mr.  Burgon  will  look  again  at  a  few  of  the  Hcrctdanensia 
Volumituiy  say  the  one  last  published  (vol.  v.  of  the  second 
series),  he  will  find  that  in  some  of  the  papyri  there  repre- 
sented we  have  letters  of  the  size  of  those  in  the  Codex 
Sinaiticus,  while  in  others  they  are  less  than  half  that  size. 

Such  are  "  the  notes  of  superior  antiquity  "  which  "  infal- 
libly "  prove  that  the  Vatican  MS.  is  fifty  or  one  hundred 
years  older  than  the  Sinaitic. 

A  few  words  may  be  added  in  respect  to  Mr.  Burgon's 
treatment  of  the  principal  subject  of  his  work.  The  speci- 
men which  has  been  given  illustrates  some  of  his  prominent 
characteristics  as  a  writer;  but,  judging  from  this  alone,  we 
might  do  him  injustice.  His  book  is  to  be  welcomed  as 
giving  the  results  of  earnest  original  research  on  the  sub- 
ject to  which  it  relates.  It  brings  to  light  many  interesting 
facts,  and  corrects  some  errors  of  preceding  scholars.  It 
is  written,  however,  with  great  warmth  of  feeling,  in  the 
spirit  of  a  passionate  advocate  rather  than  that  of  a  calm 
inquirer.  The  author  appears  to  have  been  especially  stim- 
ulated to  the  defence  of  the  last  twelve  verses  of  the  Gospel 
of  Mark  by  his  zeal  for  the  damnatory  part  of  the  Athi- 
nasian  Creed,  which  he  not  only  regards  as  justified  by  Mark 


154  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

xvi.  i6,  but  actually  identifies  with  that  verse.  H :  says  : 
"The  precious  ivxnmtg clause  ,  .  .  (miscalled  'damnatory'), 
which  an  impertinent  officiousness  is  for  glossing  with  a 
rubric,  and  weakening  with  an  apology,  proceeded  from 
Divine  lips, —  at  least,  if  these  concluding  verses  be  gen- 
uine" (p.  3).  This  is  only  one  of  many  examples  which 
might  be  cited  of  the  tendency  of  Mr.  Burgon  to  confound 
the  certainty  of  a  fact  with  the  certainty  of  a  very  dubious 
or  even  preposterous  inference  from  it.  For  the  new  crit- 
ical material  which  he  has  amassed,  every  student  will  thank 
him,  and  also  for  the  clear  and  satisfactory  discussion  of 
some  special  topics,  as  the  so-called  Ammonian  sections  ; 
but  there  is  much  in  his  book  which  cannot  fail  to  mislead 
an  unwary  or  ill-informed  reader.  His  conclusions  are  often 
strangely  remote  from  his  premises,  but  his  confidence  in 
them  is  boundless.  He  not  only  claims  to  have  shown  that 
the  genuineness  of  the  disputed  passage  "  must  needs  be 
reckoned  among  the  things  that  are  absolutely  certain,"  but 
appears  to  expect  that  in  consequence  of  his  labors  "  it  will 
become  necessary  for  Editors  of  the  Text  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament to  reconsider  their  conclusions  in  countless  other 
places,  ...  to  review  their  method,  and  to  remodel  their  text 
throughout  "  (p.  254).  This  seems  indeed  a  sad  prospect  for 
Tischendorf  and  Tregelles  and  Westcott  and  Hort,  who  have 
so  utterly  mistaken  the  true  principles  of  textual  criticism  ; 
but  a  careful  examination  of  Mr.  Burgon's  book  will  greatly 
relieve  the  anxiety  of  their  friends. 


V. 
THE  LATE  PROFESSOR  TISCHENDORF.* 

[From  the  UHttariam  Review  and  Religious  Magazine  for  March,  1875.] 

The  death  of  Professor  Tischendorf  at  Leipzig,  Dec.  7, 
1874,  after  a  lingering  illness  of  a  year  and  a  half  from  a 
stroke  of  paralysis,  deserves  more  than  a  cursory  notice. 
The  loss  to  Biblical  learning  is,  in  some  respects,  irrepara- 
ble ;  for  he  left  unfinished  important  works,  which  can 
hardly  be  completed  by  any  successor.  The  amount,  how- 
ever, of  what  he  did  accomplish  is  marvellous ;  and  we  can 
hardly  be  surprised  that  even  an  exceptionally  strong  physi- 
cal constitution  should  have  suddenly  given  way  under  the 
strain  of  such  intense  and  unremitting  activity.  A  brief 
sketch  of  his  life,  and  an  enumeration  of  his  chief  publica- 
tions, will  show  how  great  are  his  claims  to  the  gratitude  of 
all  Biblical  scholars. 

Lobegott  (Latinized,  Aenotheus)  Friedrich  Constantin 
Tischendorf  was  born  at  Lengenfeld,  in  Voigtland,  a  district 
of  Saxony,  Jan.  18,  1815.  After  five  years  of  preparatory 
study  at  the  Gymnasium  in  Plauen,  he  entered  the  Univer- 
sity of  Leipzig  in  1834,  devoting  himself  to  the  study  of  the- 
ology and  philology.  Here,  in  1836,  he  won  a  prize  for  an 
essay  entitled  **  Doctrina  Pauli  Apostoli  de  vi  mortis  Christi 
satisfactoria,"  which  was  printed  in  1837.  In  1838,  he  pub- 
lished a  volume  of  poems  called  Maihiospen,  **  May-buds." 
These  buds  do  not  seem  to  have  blossomed,  though  one  of 
the  poems  had  the  honor  of  being  set  to  music  by  the  great 

•  Ctnaianiin  Titchtndorf  in  uiner  J^kn/undamamif^iihrigen  schri/tsttlleriscfun  H^irk- 
$aink*U.  Literar-historische  Skizze  von  Dr.  Joh.  Ernst  Volbeding.  Leipzig:  C.  F.  Fleischer. 
1863.    8to.    pp.  y\.,  98. 

BHlagt  Mmr  AUg^nuinen  Evang.'Luth.  Kircktnuitung^  Nr.  50.  Leipzig,  d.  11. Decem- 
ber, 1874. 


156  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

composer  Mendelssohn.  In  1838,  he  signalized  the  close  of 
his  university  studies  by  another  prize -essay,  **  Disputatio 
de  Christo  pane  vitae,"  an  exegetical  and  doctrinal  disserta- 
tion on  John  vi.  51-59,  published  in  Leipzig  in  1839.  After 
receiving  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  at  the  Univer- 
sity, he  spent  a  year  and  a  half  in  teaching,  near  Leipzig, 
and  in  this  period,  besides  translating  one  or  two  small 
works  from  the  French,  tried  his  hand  at  a  novel  entitled 
Derjunge  Mystikcr^  **The  Young  Mystic,'*  published  under 
the  pseudonym  of  "Dr.  Fritz.'*  In  October,  1839,  ^^  ^^' 
turned  to  Leipzig  with  the  purpose  of  preparing  a  critical 
edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  and  entered  in  earnest  upon 
those  labors  to  which  the  remainder  of  his  life  was  devoted. 
Here  he  published,  in  1840,  an  essay  on  Matt.  xix.  16  ff., 
the  first-fruits  of  his  studies  in  textual  criticism,  and  a  disser- 
tation on  the  so-called  Rcc:nsi)ns  of  the  text  of  the  New 
Testament,  with  particular  reference  to  Scholz*s  theory, 
which  he  effectually  demolished.  His  first  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament  appeared  at  Leipzig  with  the  date  1841, 
though  the  volume  was  printed  before  the  end  of  the  year 
1840.  It  was  a  convenient  manual,  giving  the  various  read- 
ings of  the  Received  Text,  Knapp,  Scholz,  and  Lachmann, 
with  the  more  important  authorities,  and  showing,  on  the 
whole,  good  critical  judgment.  The  essay  on  Recensions, 
confuting  Scholz's  theory,  was  reprinted  in  the  Prolegomena, 
and  is  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  book.  The  edition  was 
favorably  received  as  a  work  of  promise,  being  warmly  wel- 
comed, especially  by  the  veteran  critic,  David  Schulz. 

In  preparin;^  this  edition,  Tischendorf  was  struck  with  the 
defectiveness  of  our  knowledge  of  even  the  most  important 
MSS.  of  the  New  Testament,  excepting  the  very  few  whose 
text  had  at  that  time  been  published.  This  deficiency  he 
determined  to  do  his  best  to  supply,  as  the  first  essential 
condition  of  improvement  in  New  Testament  criticism.  'He 
proposed  to  visit  the  chief  libraries  of  Europe  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  accurate  copies  or  collations  of  all  the  uncial 
MSS.  of  the  New  Testament.  But  he  was  wholly  desti- 
tute of  the  pecuniary  resources  required  for  such  an  enter- 


THE   LATE   PROFESSOR   TISCHENDORF  1 57 

prise.  At  last,  through  great  exertions  on  the  part  of  the 
theological  faculty  of  Leipzig,  represented  by  such  men  as 
Winer,  Illgen,  and  Niedner,  seconded  by  Von  Falkenstein, 
the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  he  obtained  from  the 
government  of  Saxony  a  subsidy  of  one  hundred  thalers  for 
two  successive  years  ;  other  necessary  funds  he  could  only 
raise  by  pledging  a  life-assurance  policy  for  the  repayment 
of  a  small  loan ;  and  when,  finally,  he  set  out  for  Paris,  in 
October,  1840,  he  was  so  poor  that,  to  use  his  own  words,  he 
was  unable  to  pay  for  the  cloak  which  he  wore, —  **  tam  pau- 
per .  .  .  ut  pro  paenula  quam  portabam  solvere  non  possem" 
{N.  T,  1859,  Psi^'s  I.>  p.  viii.). 

At  Paris,  he  made  it  his  first  object  to  copy  with  the  great- 
est care,  and  prepare  for  publication,  the  celebrated  Ephraem 
MS.  of  the  fifth  century,  a  palimpsest  extremely  difficult  to 
decipher,  and  which  had  been  but  very  imperfectly  collated. 
The  New  Testament  part  of  this  MS.  was  published  at  Leip- 
zig in  1843,  i^  ^  splendidly  printed  volume,  with  excellent 
Prolegomena;  the  Old  Testament  portion  appeared  in  1845. 
Tischendorf's  edition  of  this  MS.  was  a  most  important  ser- 
vice to  Biblical  criticism,  and  gained  for  him,  in  1843,  ^he 
honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Theology  from  the  University 
of  Breslau.  While  at  Paris,  besides  collating  thoroughly  or 
copying  other  important  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament,  as 
K,  L,  M,  of  the  Gospels  and  D  (CoJex  Claromontanus)  of 
the  Pauline  Epistles,  he  prepared  (in  1842),  at  the  instance 
of  the  celebrated  publisher  Firmin  Didot,  two  editions  of  the 
Greek  Testament.  One  of  th:3se  was  designed  particularly 
for  the  use  of  Catholics,  the  Greek  text  being  conformed,  as 
far  as  any  MS.  authority  would  allow,  to  the  Latin  Vulgate, 
with  which  it  was  printed  in  parallel  columns,  forming  one  of 
the  volumes  of  Didot's  Library  of  Greek  Authors.  By  way 
of  ofiEset  to  this  "  Catholic  edition,'*  which  was  dedicated  to 
Affre,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  and  the  Greek  text  of  which  was 
also  issued  separately,  he  published  another  dedicated  to 
Guizot,  containing  a  text  substantially  the  same  as  that  of 
his  Leipzig  edition,  but  without  the  Prolegomena  and  critical 
authorities.     By  these  publications,  and  by  further  aid  from 


the  government  of  Saxony,  and  the  liberality  of  private 
friends,  he  obtained  the  means  of  widely  extending  his  trav- 
els for  the  collation  and  collection  of  MSS. 

At  this  point,  it  will  be  convenient  to  give  a  synopsis  of 
the  various  journeys  taken  by  Tischendorf  for  critical  pur- 
poses, from  first  to  last.  More  than  eight  years  were  spent 
in  these  travels.  His  chief  objects  were  the  collation  or 
copying  for  publication  of  all  the  important  uncial  Greek 
MSS.  of  the  Xew  Testament  and  of  the  Septuagint  that  had 
not  already  been  published  ;  the  collation  of  MSS.  of  the 
Apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Revelations,  and  of  the 
pscudcpigrapha  of  the  Old  Testament ;  and  the  collection  of 
materials  for  a  work  on  Greek  paljeography.  He  gave  spe- 
cial attention,  moreover,  to  important  unpublished  MSS.  of 
the  Old  Latin  version  and  the  Vulgate,  and  collated  for  the 
use  of  Grossmann  all  the  MSS.  which  he  could  find  of  the 
writings  of  Philo  of  Alexandria,  a  new  critical  edition  of 
which  is  so  much  needed.  For  these  purposes,  in  the  years 
1841-44,  he  not  only  spent  a  long  time  at  the  Royal  Library 
in  Pads,  but  visited  the  libraries  of  Utrecht,  in  Holland; 
London,  Oxford,  and  Cambridge,  in  England  ;  Basle,  in  Switz- 
erland ;  Carpentras,  in  France;  and  Rome,  Florence,  Naples, 
Venice.  Modena,  Verona,  Milan,  and  Turin,  in  Italy;  and, 
after  his  return  from  his  first  Eastern  tour,  explored,  at  con- 
venient seasons,  the  libraries  at  Vienna,  Munich,  Dresden, 
Hamburg,  and  Wolfenbiittel.  in  Germiny;  Ztirich  and  St. 
Gall,  in  Switzerland  ;  and  St.  Petersburg  and  Moscow,  in 
Russia, —  the  last  named  city  being  visited  by  him  in  1868. 
England  he  revisited  for  critical  purposes  in  1849,  1855,  and 
1865  ;  Paris,  in  1849  and  1S64;  and  Rome  and  Naples,  in 
1866, —  using  for  such  excursions  the  vacations  which  re- 
lieved him  from  his  labors  at  the  University  of  Leipzig, 
where  in  1845  he  was  made  Professor  Extraordinary,  in 
1850  Honorary  Professor,  and  in  1859  Ordinary  Professor  of 
Theology  and  Biblical  Paleography,  the  latter  professorship 
having  been  founded  expressly  for  him. 

Tischendorfs   great   acquisitions   of    uev.'   MS.    treasures 


THE   LATE   PROFESSOR   TISCHENDORF  1 59 

were  made  in  his  three  journeys  to  the  East,  undertaken 
in  1844,  1853,  and  1859,  ^^  which  he  visited  Egypt,  Sinai, 
Palestine,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece,  bringing  home 
most  valuable  collections  of  Greek,  Syriac,  Coptic,  Arabic, 
Hebrew,  Samaritan,  and  other  Oriental  MSS.  His  expenses 
in  the  first  two  journeys  were  largely  defrayed  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Saxony ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  MSS.  collected 
were  accordingly  transferred  to  the  library  of  the  Univer- 
sity at  Leipzig,  though  som2  were  sold  to  the  British  Mu- 
seum, others  to  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford.  The  third 
journey,  memorable  for  the  discovery  of  the  world-renowned 
Sinaitic  MS.,  was  prosecuted  under  the  auspices  of  the  Rus- 
sian government ;  and  the  rich  manuscript  collections  ob- 
tained are  deposited  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  St.  Peters- 
burg. The  great  prize  secured  in  the  first  journey,  in  1844, 
was  the  forty-three  leaves  of  a  MS.  of  the  Septuagint,  of 
the  fourth  century,  which  Tischendorf  rescued  from  a  waste- 
basket  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Catharine  at  Mount  Sinai, 
and  published  in  1846,  in  lithographed  fac-simile,  under  the 
title  Codex  Friderico-AugnstanuSy  in  honor  of  his  royal 
patron,  Frederick  Augustus  H.  of  Saxony.  This  proved 
afterwards  to  be  a  part  of  the  famous  Codex  Sinaiticus  dis- 
covered in  1859.  Tischendorf  published  an  interesting  pop- 
ular account  of  his  first  Oriental  journey  in  two  volumes 
(1845-46),  entitled  Reise  in  den  Orient,  translated  into  Eng- 
lish, London,  1847  \  ^^<i  of  ^he  third,  with  the  title  Aus  dcm 
heiligen  Lande^  in  1862.  The  latter  has  been  translated 
into  French  and  Swedish.  The  MS.  treasures  secured  in 
these  journeys  are  described  in  his  Anecdota  Sacra  et  Pro- 
fana  (1855,  second  edition,  enlarged,  1861)  and  Notitia  Codicis 
Sinaiticiy  etc.  (i860).  The  whole  story  of  the  Sinaitic  MS. 
is  told  in  a  very  interesting  pamphlet  entitled  Die  Sinaibibei 
litre  Entdeckung,  Herausgabe,  und  Enuerbung,  (**  The  Sinai 
Bible;  its  Discovery,  Publication,  and  Acquisition.")  Leip- 
zig, 1871. 

We  will  now  take  a  view  of  the  principal  publications  of 
Tischendorf,  in  which  the  fruits  of  these  researches   have 


l6o  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

been  given  to  the  world.  They  mostly  fall  into  three  classes: 
first,  Editions  of  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  and  the 
Septuagint ;  second,  Editions  of  the  Greek  Testament  and 
o'  the  Septuagint  ;  third,  Editions  of  Apocryphal  Christian 
Writings. 

I.  Of  the  first  class,  we  have  already  noticed  the  editions 
of  the  Ephraem  MS.,  published  in  1843-45,  ^tnd  the  Codex 
Friderico-Augustanus,  1846.  Ne.xt  comes  the  MouHtnciita 
Sacra  Incditay  1846,  a  large  quarto  volume,  containing  the 
text  of  the  important  MS.  L  of  the  Gospels,  and  six  others, 
F',  N,  W%  Y,  0*  of  the  Gospels,  and  B  of  the  Apocalypse  ; 
then  the  **  Evangelium  Palatinum,"  1847,  being  the  remains 
of  a  MS.  (fourth  or  fifth  century)  of  the  Old  Latin  version, 
with  a  remarkable  text  ;  the  Codex  Bobbiensis,  another 
important  MS.  of  the  Old  Latin,  of  about  the  same  date, 
published  in  the  Wiener  Jakrbiichcr,  1847-49;  ^^^  New 
Testament  part  of  the  Codex  Amiatinus,  supposed  to  be 
the  oldest  MS.  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  (1850,  new  edition 
1854);  the  Codex  Claromontanus  (D),  a  very  important 
Graeco-Latin  MS.  of  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury (1852) ;  and,  finally,  the  great  Sinaitic  MS.,  published  at 
St.  Petersburg,  in  magnificent  style,  in  facsimile  type,  in 
four  folio  volumes,  in  1862,  glorifying  the  millennial  anniver- 
sary of  the  founding  of  the  Russian  Empire.  Of  this  splen- 
did work,  three  hundred  copies  were  printed,  two  hundred  of 
which  were  distributed  by  the  Russian  government,  as  pres- 
ents, to  eminent  personages  or  public  libraries,  while  one 
hundred  were  given  to  Tischendorf  for  sale,  the  price  being 
fixed  at  two  hundred  and  thirty  thalers.  A  smaller  edition, 
containing  the  New  Testament  portion,  with  the  Epistle  of 
Barnabas  and  a  part  of  the  **  Shepherd  "  of  Hermas,  in  ordi- 
nary type,  but  representing  the  MS.  line  for  line,  and  with 
improved  Prolegomena,  was  published  in  quarto,  at  Leip- 
zig, in  1863;  and  in  1865  appeared  Novum  Tcstamcntnm 
Gracce  ex  Sinaitico  Codicc,  with  the  variations  of  the  Re- 
ceived Text  and  of  the  celebrated  Vatican  MS.  in  the  mar- 
gin, to  which  was  added  a  supplement  of  corrections  in  1870. 
For  critical  purposes,  this  last  edition  does  not  entirely  take 


THE   LATE    PROFESSOR   TISCHENDORF  l6l 

the  place  of  that  of  1863;  but  the  Introduction  is  fuller, 
and  it  is  a  convenient  and  useful  book.  In  1867,  Tischen- 
dorf  published  his  Novum  Tesiamcntuin  Vaticanum,  giving 
the  text  of  the  New  Testament  part  of  the  famous  Vatican 
MS.  (B)  far  more  correctly  than  it  had  been  published  by 
Cardinal  Mai.  But  he  was  not  allowed  to  examine  the  MS. 
long  enough  to  edit  it  in  a  perfectly  satisfactory  manner, 
though  the  forty-two  hours  spent  upon  it  were  turned  to 
wonderfully  good  account.  His  Appendix  Njvi  Testainenti 
Vaticani,  published  in  1869,  after  the  appearance  of  the 
splendid  Roman  edition,  corrected  a  few  errors  which,  under 
the  circumstances,  were  inevitable,  and  also  gave  us  for  the 
first  time  a  correct  edition  of  the  MS.  B  of  the  Apocalypse. 
A  sharp  pamphlet,  entitled  **  Responsa  ad  Calumnias  Roma- 
nas"  (1870),  may  be  regarded  as  another  supplement  to  this 
edition.  In  1867,  Tischendorf  also  published  Appendix  Cod- 
icum  celcberrimorum  Sinaitici  Vaticani  Alexandrini^  contain- 
ing a  few  fragments  of  the  Codex  Sinaiticus  found  in  the 
binding  of  certain  MSS.,  twenty  select  pages  of  the  Vati- 
can MS.  printed  line  for  line,  and  a  careful  edition,  from  the 
Alexandrine  MS.,  of  the  Epistles  ascribed  to  Clement  of 
Rome,  which  have  been  preserved  in  that  MS.  alone,  and 
had  before  been  inaccurately  edited.  The  Prolegomena  to 
this  volume,  and  to  the  Novum  Testamentnm  Vaticanum, 
are  valuable,  as  giving  the  results  of  a  special  study  of  the 
palaeographical  characteristics  of  the  Vatican  MS.  Tischen- 
dorf comes  to  the  remarkable  conclusion  that  one  of  the 
four  scribes  engaged  on  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  and  who  wrote 
six  pages  of  the  New  Testament  portion  of  it,  was  identical 
with  the  scribe  who  wrote  the  New  Testament  portion  of 
the  Vatican  MS. 

It  remains  for  us  to  notice  under  this  head  the  new  col- 
lection of  Monumcnta  Sacra  Inedlta,  which  was  to  comprise 
nine  large  quarto  volumes,  seven  only  of  which  had  appeared 
at  the  time  of  Tischendorf's  death.  Vol.  I.  (1855)  contains 
many  important  palimpsest  fragments  of  both  the  New  Tes- 
tament and  the  Old,  and  the  remarkable  papynis  MS.  in 
the  British  Museum  of  a  part  of  the  Psalms  (fourth  cen- 


l62  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

tury?);  Vol.  II.  (1857),  among  other  things,  the  Nitrian 
palimpsest  R  of  the  Gospel  of  Luke  (sixth  century),  and 
the  Cottonian  fragments  of  Genesis  (fifth  century),  **  saved 
so  as  by  fire"  ;  Vol.  III.  (i860)  gives  us  the  MSS.  Q  (fifth 
century)  and  W*'  of  th^  Gospels,  and  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
one  leaves  of  the  very  important  Codex  Sarravianus  of  the 
Octateuch  (fourth  or  fifth  century);  Vol.  IV.  (1869),  the 
beautiful  Zurich  Psalter  (seventh  century),  written  in  letters 
of  silver  and  gold  on  purple  vellum,  also  the  Book  of  Daniel 
from  the  CoJex  Marchalianus  (seventh  century)  ;  Vols.  V. 
and  VI.  (1865  and  1869),  the  recently  discovered  palimp- 
sest P  of  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  Codex  Porfiria- 
nus  (ninth  century), —  Vol.  VI.  also  containing  the  Wolfen- 
biittel  palimpsest  P  of  the  Gospels  (sixth  century) ;  in  Vol. 
IX.  (1870)  we  have  the  Graeco-Latin  MS.  E  of  the  Acts, 
CoJex  Laudianus  (sixth  century),*  with  additional  portions 
of  the  Septuagint  from  Codex  Marchalianus.  Vol.  VII.  was 
to  have  contained  a  Wolfenbuttel  MS.  of  Chrysostom,  of  the 
sixth  century,  and  other  uncial  fragments  of  Chrysostom, 
giving  many  quotations  from  the  New  Testament  and  the 
Old;  Vol.  VIII.,  numerous  fragments  of  the  Septuagint 
and  the  New  Testament  from  palimpsests  and  other  very 
ancient  MSS.  It  is  probable  that  these  volumes  will  still 
be  published. 

II.  We  come  now  to  Tischcndorf's  editions  of  the  Greek 
Testament  and  of  the  Septuagint.  Besides  the  two  (or 
three)  Paris  editions  already  mentioned,  Tischendorf  pub- 
lished the  Greek  Testament  at  Leipzig  in  twcnty-tzuo  edi- 
tions, the  last  {Editio  academica  octavo) ^  issued  just  before 
his  death,  bearing  the  date  1875.  Of  these,  however,  be- 
sides his  youthful  essay  of  1841,  only  three  possessed  dis- 
tinctive critical   importance, —  namely,  the   second    Leipzig 


•This  MS.  was  published  in  1715  by  the  celebrated  antiquarian,  Thomas  Heame.  The 
impression,  however,  being  limited  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  copies,  the  book  had  long  since 
become  excessively  rar?.  Though  a  small  volume,  published  originally  at  ten  shillings  a  copy,  at 
the  sale  of  Dr.  Cough's  librarj'  it  fetched  at  auction  twenty  pounds.  It  has  occasionally  sold  for 
much  less;  but  both  on  account  of  its  extreme  rarity,  and  because  Hearne's  edition  was  far  from 
acc.irate  (Mie  ^ame  may  be  said  of  Hanseli's  publication  of  its  text  in  1S64),  Tischendorf  has  ren- 
dered an  important  service  to  P.iblical  criticism  by  this  faithful  edition.  There  is  a  copy  of 
Hearne's  edition,  as  well  as  of  Tischcndorf's,  in  the  librar>'  of  Harvard  College. 


THE    LATE   PROFESSOR   TISCHENDORF  163 

edition  of  1849,  in  which  were  utilized  the  critical  materials 
thus  far  collected;  the  "seventh  larger  critical  edition," 
issued  in  thirteen  parts  from  1855  to  1858,  making  two 
thick  volumes  (dated  1859),  with  a  greatly  enlarged  appa- 
ratus, and  giving  for  the  first  time  a  clear  statement  of  the 

• 

evidence  both  for  and  against  the  principal  readings  ;  and, 
finally,  the  "eighth  larger  critical  edition,"  issued  in  eleven 
parts,  the  first  dated  October,  1864,  the  last  published  in 
1872,  completing  the  text  in  two  octavo  volumes  (1869-72). 
In  richness  of  critical  material,  this  eighth  edition  far  sur- 
passed any  that  preceded  it.  Among  the  new  sources 
drawn  from  may  be  mentioned  the  MSS.  collected  by  Tisch- 
endorf  in  his  third  Eastern  journey,  including  the  Sinaitic ; 
the  accurate  publication  of  the  text  of  the  great  Vatican 
MS.,  and  also  B  of  the  Apocalypse,  which  had  been  edited 
by  Tischendorf  in  1846  from  a  very  hurried  collation;  the 
Codex  Porfirianus,  already  mentioned ;  Scrivener's  careful 
editions  of  the  Codex  Augiensis  and  the  Codex  Bezae,  the 
former  accompanied  by  a  full  collation  of  fifty  cursive  MSS. ; 
Tregelles's  edition  of  the  Codex  Zacynthius ;  and  the  publi- 
cation of  the  Jerusalem  Syriac  version  of  the  Gospels  by  the 
Count  Miniscalchi-Erizzo.  The  quotations  of  the  Christian 
Fathers  are  also  given  much  more  fully  and  accurately  than 
before.  Tischendorf  must  also  have  derived  great  advan- 
tage from  the  previous  publication  of  the  successive  parts 
of  Tregelles's  elaborate  edition ;  indeed,  he  seems  to  have 
deliberately  delayed  the  issue  of  his  own  Lieferiingen  for 
the  sake  of  this  benefit. 

In  regard  to  the  text  of  this  last  edition,  as  compared  with 
its  predecessors,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  influence  of 
the  Sinaitic  MS.  is  very  marked,  and  that  more  weight  is 
attached  to  a  few  of  the  most  ancient  authorities  than  was 
allowed  them  in  previous  editions,  especially  that  of  1859. 
Less  regard  is  paid — too  little,  perhaps,  in  some  cases  — to 
internal  evidence.  According  to  Dr.  Scrivener's  reckon- 
ing (Nov,  Test.,  Cantabrigiae,  1873),  the  text  of  the  eighth 
edition  varies  from  that  of  the  seventh  in  about  three  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  fifty-nine  places.     The  true  number 


tU 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


• 


is  doubtless  somewhat  larger,  as  about  a  hundred  variations 
are  overlooked  in  Scrivener's  collation.  iWostof  these  differ- 
ences, however,  are  of  little  importance.  A  part  of  them 
may  be  ascribed  to  a  modification  of  Tischendorf's  critical 
principles  since  the  publication  of  his  seventh  edition  ;  * 
others  to  the  nev/  evidence  brought  to  bear  on  cases  where 
the  authorities  were  before  nearly  balanced.  In  some  in- 
stances, a  natural  partiality  for  the  Sinaitic  MS.  seems  to 
have  led  its  discoverer  to  defer  too  much  to  its  authority ; 
but,  on  the  whole,  this  edition  of  Tischendorf  may  be  re- 
garded as  presenting  the  best  text  which  has  yet  been  pub- 
lished. No  editor  has  given  clearer  evidence  of  freedom 
from  theological  bias;  though,  in  his  adoption  of  "kingdom 
of  heaven,"  instead  of  "  kingdom  of  God,"  in  John  iii.  5,  it 
may  be  feared  that  the  desire  to  nullify  a  weak  argument 
of  the  Tiibingen  critics  against  a  supposed  reference  to  the 
passage  by  Justin  Martyr  has  turned  the  scales  of  his  crit- 
ical balance  in  opposition  to  the  real  weight  of  evidence.f 

Accompanying  the  seventh  large  critical  edition  (1859) 
there  was  issued  a  smaller.  "Editio  septima  critica  minor," 
in  a  single  volume,  the  Prolegomena  and  critical  apparatus 
being  much  abridged.  The  Ersfc-  Hdlftc  of  a  similar  abridg- 
ment of  the  eighth  critical  edition  was  published  in  1872, 
but  I  am  not  aware  that  it  has  been  completed.  J 


Ihc  lhr«  muual  cditioDi  publuhEd  in  1S7J.  dcunbol  I 
ing  "  {.lack  IHr.girtm  SckmtnktH),  he  hu  idapled  ' 

tAiTiiehendorfbaipabi 
IV  be  a  GanveoieDci 


:)an>.  Keidio]n  ihil. "  ilw  tone  mw 
ibmniially  ilw  principla  ol  Benilcyuid 
■l4ltr  Evanr.HiidAfHUitUtn^P-  '1. 

.nedi'ion  (pp.  So.- 


0  the  « 


id,(h> 


•islgr  be  pUied  out  anabuned,— cuei  in  irhich  tbi  mtti  ihow  Ihit  ■  cMiun  chusi  1 
iDlendecl,  ttbicb,  tbrouftb  uoie  avenifht.  wu  not  Bclmlly  midfe.  A  cooiuiBrJibte  number  of  luch 
muukes  occurred  ia  ihe  eirliei  /aiCKvii,  ud  6ve  ID  Ibli  Are  correcwd  by  Tiichendoii  hJDueJE 
ia  the  brief  Mmponry  preface  10  lol.  ii, ;  bal  olben  will  be  louTid  u  latlovn ;  R».  II.  in,  lar 
^Xclii  rod  ^dJJjtv ;  iii.  4.  for  b>jya  ixti(  "^  ix"^  ohyii ;  1.  B.  (or  ai  tiaiv  re*i 
&  doiv;  ^i' tit  ff  Til  dfiivv  mi  Tov6piivav\  »-  1  ■ . omii (iri  befcre  ift.f oiii ;  xi.  ii,  tnii 
rd;  before  rpeic;  n.lm  ^vlit  layatjp'  . .  .  AfjDicnuradoui'w /"Jii^JJC  . . .  lijnw/Jc; 
ni.  i«,  for  Trjii  Kr^iju  nti  r^nr^J.^c;  iril.  1,  omii  ruvboih  before  and  ifier  (iWruw; 
imlL  fl,  lor  niavaaiiaiv  read  Kf-al-aovrai.  A  bid  nii>;>rim,  becaute  n  ■!  inunediiiely  obnewi, 
k  ibe  nbRilntion  of  ifiiy  iot  ///ue  in  Heb.  Tii.  16.  repeated  Irooi  the  edition  of  iSp),  Obvioas 
niiprinti  will  be  found  in  the  lexl  in  Rev.  xvZ.  h.  iriii.  n.m.  19.  A  lonn  liit  nipthi  beg)T« 
of  tnon  in  the  noUi  In  ihii  edition ;  bnl,  in  inch  a  Riu''iiiltcity  n(  ninule  delalli,  oieniihti  ire 


niTit  ZvrUt //H'/it.  compietlngihe  war) 


leiredintSTT'J 


THE    LATE   PROFESSOR   TISCHE.VDORF  1 65 

Of  Tischendorf  s  minor  editions,  we  may  notice  first,  as 
most  important,  the  Novum  Testamentuvi  triglottnm,  pub- 
lished in  1854;  new  edition,  "cum  triplici  tabula  terrae 
sanctae/'  1865.  This  contains,  in  parallel  columns,  (i)  the 
Greek  text  of  his  edition  of  1849,  slightly  revised,  with  the 
variations  of  the  Received  Text  and  other  noticeable  read- 
ings in  the  margin  ;  (2)  the  Latin  Vulgate  critically  edited, 
chiefly  from  the  Codices  Amiatinus  and  Fuldensis  (gener- 
ally supposed  to  be  the  two  oldest  MSS.),*  with  the  varia- 
tions of  the  Clementine  Vulgate  in  the  margin ;  and  (3) 
Luther's  German  translation,  carefully  printed  from  the 
edition  of  1545,  with  occasional  corrections  from  other  edi- 
tions published  in  Luther's  lifetime.  The  Greek  text  was 
also  issued  separately,  as  an  Editio  acadcmica,  often  re- 
printed,—  in  the  seventh  edition  (1873)  from  the  text  of 
Tischendorf  s  last  critical  edition  ;  it  was  also  published, 
accompanied  by  the  Latin  or  the  German,  as  a  diglott ;  and 
the  Latin  and  German  texts  were  also  themselves  issued 
separately.  Each  division  has  its  appropriate  Prolegomena, 
or  introduction.  The  Latin  part  is  specially  valuable  as  the 
nearest  approximation  to  a  really  critical  edition  of  Jerome's 
version  of  the  New  Testament  which  has  yet  been  pub- 
lished ;  and  the  German  part  is  valuable,  as  the  popular 
editions  of  Luther's  version  contain  many  unauthorized 
changes  of  his  text,  the  famous  passage,  for  example,  of 
the  three  heavenly  witnesses  (i  John  v.  7,  8)  having  been 
interpolated  in  his  translation  about  thirty-six  years  after 
his  death,  and  appearing  in  nearly  all  the  editions  issued  in 
the  three  following  centuries.  Tischendorf,  in  his  Prole- 
gomena, denounces  with  just  indignation  this  falsification  of 
Luther's  text. 

After  the  issue  of  the  critical  edition  of  1849,  its  text  was 
reproduced,  with  slight  modification,  in  a  stereotyped  man- 
ual edition  of  octavo  size,  published  by  Tauchnitz  in  1850, 
the  variations   of  the   Received   Text   being   given  in  the 

'The  date  (A.D.  541)  assigned  to  the  Codex  Amiatinus  by  Bandini  and  Tischendorf  is 
qoestioocd  by  K.  L.  F.  Hamann  in  Hilgenfeld's  Ztitschr.f.  wiss.  Tkroi.,  1S73,  p.  596,  on 
{TOOfMls  wliicfa  deserve  attention.  He  refers  it  to  the  seventh  century.  There  can  be  no  doubt, 
bowerer,  of  the  eTceflencc  of  its  text. 


i66 

margin.  A  second  edition,  with  enlarged  Prolegomena,  but 
essentially  the  same  text,  was  printed  in  1862.  In  1873, 
Tauchnitz  published  a  new  edition,  Edilio  tertia  stereo- 
typa.  Ad  edi:io!icm  viii.  criticam  tHaiircm  coiifoi-mata. 
This  gives  in  the  lower  margin,  together  with  the  readings 
of  the  Received  Text,  the  principal  variations  o£  the  Sinaitic 
MS.  from  the  text  adopted  by  Tischendorf.  In  size  and 
general  appearance,  it  corresponds  to  the  series  of  Greek 
classical  authors  published  in  large  octavo  by  Tauchnitz. 
It  has  twenty-six  pages  of  Prolegomena,  which  are  the  more 
valuable  as  the  Prolegomena  to  the  large  critical  edition 
have  not  appeared,  and,  it  is  greatly  to  be  feared,  were 
never  written  out  for  publication.  A  somewhat  later  man- 
ual edition,  though  bearing  the  same  date  (1S73)  on  the 
title-page,  was  published  by  Brockhaus,  matching  in  size 
and  type  Tischendorf's  edition  of  the  Scptuagint.  This 
has  some  advantages  over  the  Tauchnitz  edition  just  de- 
scribed. It  gives  the  principal  variations  of  the  famous 
Vatican  MS.  as  well  as  the  Sinaitic ;  and  the  Prolegomena, 
though  essentially  the  same,  have  received  some  additions 
and  corrections.  The  type,  however,  is  smaller  and  less 
agreeable  to  the  eye   than  that  of   the  Tauchnitz  edition.* 


led  in  ihi  Brockhaui  edilio 
1  DUroif  tor  niiroicl  John 
d  iftu  hat^ti^ ;    Hefa.  til.  a6,  lor  I'r^Jif  nid  ijfuv  \  ^i. 


w.;  Jud 


I  of  the  u 


.^■hODl 


„       .  .  -        ,        "AfOtSi 

V  liter  iKpairv ;  )<>.  (or  ri^  miniiin/v  nid  t^!  xiuoiihiiK. 
Obvioua  taiiprinti  occur  in  John  It.  31,  a.  in:  Acu  uiir.  i&  Ths  nini1t«  in  Luko  xtir.t. 
Jade  i;,  and  Hib.  *IL  >6,  IR  loand  alio  io  tli:  Brockhuu  edition  ind  Ih<  hhhiS  EJilir 
acmdtmlta.  The  Brackhui  edition  hu  ilio  inconrMl]'  in  Jimd  iii.  S,  rirffiuTui'  tii(idaiu 
(or  iaitaeai  itt^piirruv,  [All  [he«  ovnrughrm  »«  corrected  in  the  nuniul  ediiioo  edited  mlh 
eiCrrniE  care  by  Dr.  Our  van  Gebhanli  and  |]iibll>hed  by  Tiudiniii  in  iSSi  (]d  ed.  tW*.\  Tbn 
ediiinti  reproduce!  the  tut  of  the  Bdilii  ttrlU  ilmttrM  ntenligned  al»Te,  bat  preilm  a  new 
piefice.  aod  ^ve*  at  the  bolliiin  ol  the  plge  (beaideB  refenncei  10  parallel  pixagei)  *  collation  ot 
TiichendorTi  l«l  with  lh°H  nl  Ttenltu  and  WolCDlt  and  Hon.  Thiny-ui  piE«  ol  ciitiol 
uinoialians  are  added  u  Ihe  end.  Thii  edilian  ie  iuued  in  two  (onni:  one  giviiig  ihE  Gmk 
alone,  the  other  eihibitlog  (he  Gieck  leiiand  Lulher'i  tnnslattan  on  opposite  pages.  Other  ilaie- 
nvenli  made  above  it  leemi  hardly  necnilir  Io  lupplenient  by  rneolioninj  thai  llie  Pirai  Pan  ol 
ihe  ■' ProlegDBiemt  10  Ihc  largo  niiical  edition  "  appeared  in  iSlM,  prepans!  hjDt.C.  R.  Gr^my 
with  ttig  luiitanceoC  Pmf.  Abbot,  thai  the  Sjmipiit  namgrlUm  wai  teiuuul  in  i3;Sand  iSSi. 
aod  that  Tischendorl'i  Sepluagint  ttiched  a  aiilh  editino  (wiiti  a  mpplemenl  by  Neatlc.  ginng  a 
coUalioD  n!  Cod.  VaL  and  S.n.)  in  iWto.  Seo  Dr.  Gregory'i  chronological  cHilngue  ol  Ti«hen- 
dorf'!  poblcationi  given  in  Ihe  PmleBom.  rp  7-"i.  and  the  anide  by  Bsnheau  m  Henot'i 
Riat-Eiuyilsfada,  etc.,  ate  Aufl.,  it.  tji-iti.i 


THE   LATE    PROFESSOR   TISCHENDORF  167 

In  connection  with  these  editions  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment, we  may  mention  Tischendorf's  Synopsis  cvangclica^  a 
Greek  harmony  of  the  Gospels  on  the  tripaschal  theory, 
with  a  critical  apparatus  giving  briefly  the  evidence  for  the 
principal  various  readings.  Of  this  convenient  manual, 
three  editions  were  published, —  in  185 1  (new  impression, 
1854),  1864,  and  1871.  In  the  edition  of  1864,  an  excessive 
regard  for  his  newly  discovered  Sinaitic  MS.  betrayed  Tisch- 
endorf  into  the  adoption  of  a  considerable  number  of  read- 
ings which  a  sober  second  thought  afterwards  led  him  to 
reject.  Compare,  for  example,  the  editions  of  1864  and  1871 
in  Luke  xxiv.  13,  21 ;  John  i.  18.* 

Of  the  Septuagint,  Tischendorf  published  four  editions:  in 
1850,  1856,  i860,  and  1869.  He  did  not  attempt  a  critical 
recension  of  the  text,  but  reprinted  the  text  of  the  Roman 
or  Vatican  edition  of  1587  with  the  correction  of  typograph- 
ical errors,  noting  in  the  margin  the  various  readings  of 
the  Alexandrine  and  Ephraem  MSS.,  and  of  the  Codex 
Friderico-Augustanus.  The  text  was  stereotyped  in  the 
first  edition,  but  in  the  second  and  later  editions  was 
added  the  real  Septuagint  version  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
from  the  Codex  Chisianus ;  and  the  Prolegomena  in  succes- 
sive editions  were  enlarged  and  improved.  In  the  last 
edition,  a  few  pages  of  the  text  were  reset  from  the  stereo- 
type plates,  so  that  in  i  Sam.  xii.  18  to  xiv.  9  (wanting  in 
Codex  Alexandrinus)  the  variations  of  the  Vatican  MS.  are 
given  from  the  recent  Roman  edition;  and  in  Ps.  xlix.  19  to 
Ixxix.  1 1  (also  wanting  in  Codex  Alexandrinus)  the  readings 
of  the  Sinaitic  MS.  are  noted.  In  the  preface  to  this 
edition  (p.  vii.),  Tischendorf  expressed  his  intention  of 
undertaking,  after  the  publication  of  his  Monumciita  Sacra 
Inedita  should  be  completed,  a  new  edition  of  the  Septuagint, 
—  "talem  qualem  litterae  sacrae  poscunt  et  per  instrumenta 
critica  perfici  licebit," — in  which  the  large  mass  of  impor- 
tant materials   now  at   our   command   should    be   critically 


*  The  foUowiog  errata  in  the  edition  of  1871  might  give  trouble:  Prolegomena,  p.  xxii.  1  70 
[L  31  of  the  sth  ed.],  \w  anU  read  an ;  p.  hx.  1.  13  [1.  15  of  the  5th  ed.].  for  1858  read  1868; 
p.  176,  text,  L  IX,  for  ifiP?j7rovT£g  read  /3>i;r(n^6f . 


1 68  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

us€d.  This  is  a  great  desideratum  ;  and,  now  that  Tischen- 
dorf's  foreboding  that  he  might  not  live  to  accomplish  this 
has  been  unhappily  verified,  it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  an 
eminent  English  Biblical  scholar  proposes  the  same  task.* 
Promising  beginnings  of  work  in  this  department  have 
already  been  made  in  Germany  by  O.  F.  Fritzsche  in  his 
critical  editions  of  the  Greek  text  of  Esther,  Ruth,  and 
Judges  (Zurich,  1848,  1864,  1867),  and  especially  his  excel- 
lent edition  of  the  Apocrypha  {Libri  apocryphi  Vet,  Test. 
Gracce,  Lips.  1871),  and  by  P.  A.  de  Lagarde  in  his  Genesis 
Graccc,  etc.  (Lips.  i868).t 

III.  The  third  important  division  of  Tischendorf's  publi- 
cations includes  his  editions  of  Apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts, 
and  Revelations.  His  Acta  Apostolortnn  apocryplia  was 
published  in  185 1  ;  Evangclia  apocrypha^  in  1853;  Apo- 
calypses apocryphaCy  in  1866.  For  these  three  volumes, 
more  than  one  hundred  MSS.  were  used.  Nineteen  of 
the  pieces  contained  in  them  had  never  been  published 
before,  while  others  were  for  the  first  time  given  in  full. 
Ample  Prolegomena  are  prefixed  to  the  text,  and  the  various 
readings  of  the  MSS.  are  exhibited  in  the  notes  ;  but  there 
is  no  attempt  to  supply  that  illustrative  commentary  which 
renders  the  unfinished  edition  by  Thilo  so  valuable.     How- 


•See  the  announcement  in  the  IndepetuUnt,  Jan.  21,  1S75,  p.  11. 

t  Passing  over  the  more  obvious  typographical  errors  in  Tischendorf's  fourth  edition  of  the 
Septuagint,  it  may  be  well  to  point  out  some  mistakes  likely  to  cause  trouble.  Page  viii.  1.  8,  for 
I  M.icc.  read  2  Mace.  ;  p.  xxxv.,  2d  par.,  1.  11,  for  20  read  10;  p.  xli.,  2d  par.,  1.  3,  deU  the 
clause  beginnina;  4,  3);  p.  Ivi.,  2d  pir.,  1.  2,  for  sedecim  rsad  septetuUcim.  Here,  as  on  pp. 
Ivii,  and  cix.,  Ti*chen;lorf  overlooks  th»  ixoX  that  the  famjus  Zirich  Pialter  was  among  the 
MSS.  (namely,  Nv).  262)  used  by  Holmes  and  Parsons  in  their  edition  of  the  Septuagint. 
Page  xcv.  1.  6,  before  (Vzi7//>  insert  ir^eKuf/  :  p.  cix.  1.  8,  for  sedecim  read  srpUndtcim. 
Vol.  i  ,  Gen.  xxv.  30,  for  iil>//uaror  the  Roman  ei.  reads  eii'tuarof;'.  Gen.  xxnii.  11,  note,  read 
yrrffh/Ktv;  xxxi.  4S,  note  that  Alex,  reads  ^/or  for  t i/(n\  and  xliii.  17,  hvUfytj-rti  for  a\'6pEq\ 
Ex.  xxix.  17,  for  77(11  read  k(u  \  22,  for  /t'  avrfjv  read  trr'  nirijv  (one  of  the  /V«  corrections  in 
the  Roman  ed.);  Num.  xxvii.  18,  for  oartr  read  oc  (another  p.;n  correction);  Deut.  xi.  10,  dele 
iv/^/r  (another  pen  correction);  xxxii.  39,  for  a-roKrevfo  read  uTOKrh'Vu  (so  Rom.  ed.  and  the 
Vat.  MS.);  49»  for  ;j  /}r  read  j  //»• :  Josh.  xvii.  10,  for  'Efmiu  read  'KofKUU  ;  i  Esdras  vi.  24,  for 
Si'rT(^)  read  ^vgtcji'  ;  Jx.  27,  note,  for  ^n\afnn<;  read  — ar  :  2S,  note,  for  ^npdaioq  read  —  af. 
Vol.  ii  ,  Ps.  xix.  9,  for  arcji^fiu^ir/iiei^  read  avof^).  (so  both  the  Roman  ed.  and  Sin.;  B  has 
avu)j)('.  See  Tischendorf's  P;olegom.  p.  xli.,  note  2;  also,  Luke  xii.  13,  in  his  N.  T.)\  civ. 
9,  note,  before  k'/ f/jKiron.  insert  11;  11,  for  ;}//(I;i' (misprint  in  Rom.  ed.)  read  f//^r,  with 
Sin.,  Vat.,  Comp.,  Aid.,  etc. ;  ex.  i.  for  anr  read  aai  ;  cxiii.  23,  for /}//f/V  (perhaps  misprint  in 
Rom.  cd.)  read  ii/FK\  Nvith  Sin. ;  cxliii.,  inscription,  for  K'ire(h<JKtt  read  KfirntSidjKEi,  with  Sin., 
Vat. ;  Ezek.  xv.  2.  for  m-  read  ik:  Hab.  iii.  17,  for  yevvr/uaru  read  yti'f/uara  (so  Rom.  ed., 
Sin.,  Vat.),  and  erase  foot-note. 


THE   LATE   PROFESSOR    TISCHENDORF  169 

ever  slight  may  be  the  intrinsic  worth  of  the  productions 
thus  brought  together,  they  have  no  little  antiquarian  inter- 
est, throwing  much  light  on  the  later  superstitions  and 
legends  which  became  current  in  the  church,  and  serving 
by  their  striking  contrast  to  enhance  our  estimate  of  the 
value  of  the  canonical  writings  of  the  New  Testament. 

In  connection  with  these  editions  should  be  mentioned  a 
dissertation  published  by  Tischendorf  in  1851,  entitled  De 
Evangeliormn  apocryphonim  Origine  et  UsUy  which  received 
the  prize  offered  by  the  Society  at  the  Hague  for  the  Defence 
of  the  Christian  Religion.  This  has  long  been  out  of  print ; 
and  the  new  and  greatly  enlarged  edition,  announced  about 
two  years  ago  as  in  preparation,  we  can  never  hope  to  see. 
A  brief  essay  published  by  Tischendorf  in  1855,  Pilati  circa 
Christum  Jiidicio  quid  Lucis  afferaUir  ex  Actis  Pilati^  is 
also  out  of  print.  A  second  edition  of  the  Evangelia  apocry- 
plia  was  promised  by  Tischendorf  in  1873  \  *  ^^d  in  the  pref- 
ace to  his  Apocalypses  apocryphae^  p.  x.,  he  speaks  of  various 
unpublished  documents  which  he  had  reserved  for  a  Corpus 
Novi  Tcstamenti  apocryphum.  He  had  also  promised,  among 
other  things,  an  edition  of  the  Testaments  of  the  Tivclvc 
Patriarchs  from  four  MSS.,  including  one  discovered  by  him 
at  Patmos  in  1844,  **ad  tollendam  imperfectissimam  Grabii 
editionem."  This  would  have  been  very  welcome,  as  the 
book  is  one  of  the  most  curious  remains  of  the  early  Chris- 
tian literature,  and,  even  after  Mr.  Sinker's  praiseworthy 
labor,  greatly  needs  a  new  critical  edition.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  Tischendorf's  materials  may  pass  into  the  hands 
of  some  scholar  qualified  to  carry  out  his  plans. 

IV.  We  may  now  mention  some  works  of  Tischendorf  s 
not  belonging  to  the  three  classes  thus  far  noticed. 

In  1865,  he  published  a  small  volume,  written  in  a  popu- 
lar style,  entitled  Wann  wurden  unscre  Eva)igclicn  verfasst  ? 
("When  were  our  Gospels  composed.'*")  The  reputation  of 
the  author  gave  it  a  wide  and  rapid  circulation,  a  second  edi- 
tion being  called  for  in  two  months  ;  but  it  was  savagely  at- 
tacked by  some  of  the  principal  representatives  of  the  more 


'[It  was  completed  by  Friedrich  Wi.brandt,  and  published  in  1S76. 1 


'7° 


CRITICAL    ESSAYS 


skeptical  school  of  critics,  as  Hilgenfeld  and  Volkmar  Iq 
the  fourth  edition  of  the  work,  published  in  IS66,  TiscfaeiU 
dorf  entered  into  the  discussion  of  the  question  at  issue  mud 
more  fully,  reviewing  his  reviewers,  and,  it  must  also  I 
confesse;],  repaying  their  abusive  language  in  the  same  coiit* 
with  interest.  In  this  enlarged  edition,  the  book  is  one  of 
the  most  vigorous  of  the  recent  defences  of  the  genuineness 
of  the  Gospels.  It  has  been  published,  in  the  longer  or 
shorter  form,  in  no  less  than  fifteen  editions  in  different  lan- 
guages, having  been  translated  into  English.  French,  Ital- 
ian. Dutch.  Swedish,  Danish,  Russian,  and  Turkish,  The 
fourth  edition  of  the  original  was  translated,  in  this  country, 
by  Rev.  William  L.  Gage,  and  published  by  the  American 
Tract  Society  in  1S67  or  1868.  In  simple  justice  to  Tischen- 
dorf,  it  is  necessary  to  say  that  this  translation  in  many 
places  sadly  misrepresents  the  original,  sometimes  com- 
pletely reversing  the  sense,  more  frequently  making  non- 
sense ;  and  that  important  words,  clauses,  or  even  whole 
sentences  are  often  omitted.* 

We  may  next  tike  notice  of  the  edition  of  the  authorized 
English  version  of  the  New  Testament,  with  an  Introduc- 
tion and  various  readings  from  the  Sinaitic.  the  Vatican, 
and    the   Alexandrian    MSS.,   published    under   the   editor- 


11  be  give 

n,    TnniUii 

on, p.  ..((Gemi  65):  "lilhe 

ucuutios  broaghl 

icu.nc  Uin^oti,  .  .  .  ih.i 

,.ilge«,  .  .  .  amylkineiUt  Ikam 

enxpiy  ii 

Fin  "an^hinicisc  than 

"  rud 

"nolliiiig  bu 

t"   (nichli  ill)       The   wWe 

»  i.  tadly 

n  the  prcud 

ing page ip.  <'t)do«o« afford  <wa> 

(limp«ol 

n<,«  50  lO: 

0  of  John 

fomid  .  pl.a  in  unc  of 

>a>oi|<u  ol  Itac  Sepiuniinl  it  »  Im  timm 

.~™l 

je»ld.nc 

intdioii  ihould  have  prereolcii 

laacha 

miiuodor- 

•undJog  dI  iho  idiainiiic 

"  nictau ' 

mnigor  .It" 

The  lui  plrt  ol  ihc  Knleoca 

IS  whidi  Ihli  tarn 

n(tn{Tnn>.  p.  70,  Gem 

..  u)  it  ' 

rendered:  " 

I'rt  lk.r.  is  .w  nC  lh<  Qidtt 

.  .  .  wiitA 

ctiHiuUi,"  IK.    Whal  T.Kl«odor 

1 HV*  »,  "  N*r  Aft  n,n  *  » v/<  ««  nC  il 

tnim*,.. 

CQimc'd,"  (iHC*  amck  i/i 

mml  «'■ 

.  As  alien  UebaneliungEO  .  . 

.mO). 

T«,.t  p. 

.S..nMeiS7(G.rm.  ..6,1 

uy«lof 

diapuu'T 

Trani.  p.  »4  (Gem  nr, 

..i>,T.Khondurf  ill 

uad>  to  >peak  o[  ■■  Gr«k  man 

(**ji^rt«./i.^>"(!|«i 

.r»urc«iDf 

luiml  rriiiatm.  JaA'laiai Hi 

'  bnng  c 

lian  of  1 

bcGotpal 

[Tho*.  p.  loj,  Germ,  j)),  ' 

Tho  cnn 

thii  iHMlr  s/frocidHri.  n 

Mfl„J^ 

««*rih<i. 

gJdHI  Falluinol  tbcChurth.i 

irmcrf  in  a 

miking  miinii«  in  hit  da 

G-.f€i,"Uic\    R«d,"Th< 

<uol<l>b 

c^o(ihcm»»r,»(^<l 

Mi/W^/Itaeoldcl 

n>  of  Ihc  Pauline  Sfi-l/ii 


a,  Ihc  uicniial  wards  ■'  ihey  «y  '■ , 


auilM|^^H 


THp   LATE   PROFESSOR    TISCHENDORF  171 

ship  of  Tischendorf  by  B.  Tauchnitz,  at  Leipzig,  in  1869, 
as  the  thousandth  volume  of  the  Tauchnitz  Collection  of 
British  Authors.  Of  this,  it  is  said  that  forty-five  thousand 
copies  were  sold  in  the  first  year ;  and  it  has  undoubtedly 
done  much  to  awaken  a  popular  interest  in  the  textual  criti- 
cism of  the  New  Testament,  and  to  show  the  need  of 
a  revision  of  our  translation  which  shall  embody  its  well- 
established  results.  It  is  to  be  regretted,  however,  that  the 
English  text  is  disfigured  by  typographical  errors,  and  that 
the  notes  respecting  the  various  readings  contain  many  mis- 
takes, especially  in  reference  to  the  readings  of  the  Vatican 
MS.  There  are  also  some  strange  translations,  as  **  before 
all  the  world,''  Jude  25,  for  -pd  rra^rV  rov  aiwjof.  Whether 
these  errors  are  attributable  to  Tischendorf,  or  to  his 
coadjutor,  Mr.  B.  Harris  Cowper,  may  be  a  question.  The 
Introduction  by  Tischendorf,  as  it  appears  in  the  earlier 
copies  published,  is  a  curiosity  in  point  of  style.  In  later 
impressions,  it  was  rewritten.* 

In  1868,  Tischendorf  made  a  valuable  contribution  toward 
a  new  edition  of  Philo  in  his  Philonca,  incdita  altera^  altera 
nunc  dcmum  ex  vctcre  scriptura  criita.  A  considerable  part 
of  the  treatise  "  De  Septenario  sive  de  Decem  Festis " 
here  appears  for  the  first  time ;  and  the  text  of  other  impor- 
tant treatises,  which  had  been  edited  before  only  in  a 
very   imperfect    form    by    Mangey   and    Cardinal    Mai,    is 

whole  sentence  is  very  badly  translated.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  sentences  immediately 
preceding  and  following.  Pages  64,  65  (Germ.  30),  the  translator  makes  Tischendorf  stultify  him- 
self by  saying  that  it  is  "  the  first  half  of  the  second  century  to  which  we  trace  the  main  origin  of 
the  diverse  materials  which  enter  into  the  canon,  and  more  es:>ecially  the  Gospels."  What 
Tischendorf  is  speaking  of  is  the  various  readings  of  the  text.  The  sentence  on  page  69  (Germ.  34), 
beginning  "  Wh^t  a  trick.**  is  full  of  errors.  On  th::  sime  pa8;e  (Girm.  33),  the  p^ura'.s  "  Lihme, 
Gichtbriichige,  uni  Bhndgeborene  "  are  translated  "^«/  who  7vas  bom  lam**,  palsied,  and  blind  "I 
The  notes  to  this  sentence  and  the  next  are  mistranslated,  and  the  first  and  last  sentences  of  the 
preceding  note  (Trans,  p.  242,  Germ.  33)  are  rendered  into  nonsense.  The  sime  is  true  of  the 
first  and  fourth  sentences  of  note  3S,  and  the  first  of  note  91  (Trans,  pp.  235,  258,  Germ.  26,  64). 
h  multitu  le  of  similar  mi-«takes  might  be  pointed  out;  but  thes!  are  enough  to  justify  a  protest 
agaitist  judgmg  of  Tischendorf's  work  by  the  representation  of  it  which  has  been  given  to  Ameri- 
can readers. 

*Tbe  first  sentence  reads  as  follows  in  the  earlier  copies :  "  A  magnificent  display  of  human 
intellKt  in  the  Literature  of  England  and  America  was  that  which  the  noble  originator  ot  this  col- 
lection upired  to  accomplish,  for  the  benefit  of  the  educated  world  beyond  the  native  countries  of 
the  Authors  represented.*'  In  later  impresMons,  it  reads:  "To  place  the  glorious  works  which 
adorn  the  literature  of  England  and  America  within  reich  of  the  readers  of  other  countries  was 
the  aim  of  the  noble  originator  of  the  '  Tauchnitz  Collection.*  ** 


172  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

restored  from  MSS.  in  the  libraries  at  Rome,  Florence,  and 
Munich.  It  is  greatly  to  be  lamented  that  Grossmann 
should  have  died  without  publishing  more  fully  the  results 
of  his  life-long  study  of  Philo ;  but  Tischendorf  encourages 
us  by  stating  in  his  preface  that  a  critical  edition  of  this 
author  has  been  long  in  preparation  by  J.  C.  W.  Otto,  whom 
he  represents  as  well  qualified  for  the  task. 

In  1873,  Tischendorf  published  a  second  edition  of  the 
Epistles  of  Clement  of  Rome,  already  referred  to  in  speak- 
ing of  his  Appendix  Codicnm  eel,,  etc.  (p.  161).  This  may 
probably  be  regarded  as  presenting  the  text  in  its  most 
authentic  form.  In  the  same  year,  he  also  completed  the 
valuable  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  version  of  the  Old 
Testament  begun  by  Theodor  Heyse,  in  which  the  various 
readings  of  the  best  MS.,  the  Codex  Amiatinus,  are  given 
throughout;  and  still  later,  in  conjunction  with  S.  Baer 
and  Prof.  F.  Delitzsch,  he  published  Liber  Psalmontm  Hebra- 
icits  et  Latinus  ab  Hieronymo  ex  Hebraeo  converstis  (Lips. 

1874). 

Such,  though  very  imperfectly  described,  are  the  princi- 
pal literary  labors  of  Tischendorf.  VVe  have  already  seen, 
under  each  of  the  three  great  classes  into  which  his  publica- 
tions fall,  that  he  had  made  preparation  for  other  important 
works,  several  of  which,  had  his  health  been  spared,  would 
ere  this  have  been  given  to  the  world.  Besides  these,  he  had 
announced  for  speedy  publication  a  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  into  German  from  the  text  of  his  Greek  Testa- 
ment, and  Reliquiae  Graecarum  Littcrariim  antiquissimai\ 
containing,  with  other  matter,  fragments  of  Menander, 
Euripides,  and  Dion  Cassius,  from  MSS.  of  the  fourth  and 
fifth  centuries.  But  what  is  most  to  be  deplored  is,  first, 
the  absence  of  the  Prolegomena  to  his  last  critical  edition  of 
the  Greek  Testament,  a  want  which  no  other  hand  can  fully 
supply ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  the  loss  of  his  promised 
work  on  Greek  palaeography,  for  which  he  had  been  making 
preparation  for  over  thirty  years,  and  which  was  to  be 
accompanied  with   more   than    one    hundred    plates   of   the 


THE    LATE    PROFESSOR    TISCHENDORF  1 73 

largest  size,  giving  fac-similes  of  MSS.  The  best  exist- 
ing work  on  the  subject,  Montfaucon*s  Palaeographia  Graeca, 
was  published  in  1708;  and,  though  in  respect  to  cur- 
sive MSS.  it  will  always  be  of  great  value,  our  mate- 
rials, so  far  as  the  uncial  MSS.  and  early  papyri  are 
concerned,  have  been  immensely  enlarged  since  his  time. 
As  long  ago  as  1856,  when  Tischendorf's  practised  eye 
instantly  detected  the  fraud  in  the  Uranios  palimpsest  of 
Simonides,  which  had  imposed  upon  William  Dindorf  and 
Lepsius,  and  came  near  costing  the  Berlin  Academy  five 
thousand  thalers,  he  had  already  critically  examined,  for 
palaeographical  purposes,  about  fifty  Greek  palimpsests  and 
more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  Greek  uncial  MSS.* 
His  later  researches,  especially  his  third  journey  to  the 
East,  must  have  considerably  increased  his  materials.  Prob- 
ably no  scholar  in  Europe  possessed  qualifications  to  be  com- 
pared with  his  for  the  execution  of  such  a  worlc 

The  later  portion  of  Tischendorf's  life  in  its  brilliant 
success  presented  a  striking  contrast  with  the  arduous  strug- 
gles of  his  earlier  years.  His  enthusiasm  was  magnetic ; 
his  single-hearted  devotion  to  the  pursuit  of  his  great  ob- 
jects, and  the  proof  which  he  gave  of  ability  as  well  as  zeal, 
soon  gained  him  a  host  of  powerful  and  generous  friends, 
so  that,  after  the  first  obstacles  were  surmounted,  he  seems 
never  to  have  lacked  the  means  for  prosecuting  his  expen- 
sive undertakings.  Honors  were  showered  upon  him  from 
every  quarter: — orders  of  knighthood,  crosses,  and  other 
insignia  from  many  of  the  governments  of  Europe ,  honor- 
ary membership  in  learned  societies  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion ;  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  from  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  in  England,  and  that  of  Doctor  of  Civil  Law 
from  the  University  of  Oxford;  so  that  ''his  titles,"  to 
borrow  the  expression  of  an  unfriendly  critic,  ''fill  half  a 
page."  The  king  of  Saxony,  always  his  friend,  made  him 
Privy  Councillor;   and   finally,  in   1869,  an  imperial  ukase, 


*S««  Lykurgos's  EtUhimungen  iiber  dtn  Simonides-Dindor/schtn   Ursnios^  2te  AuH., 
1856,  p.  76. 


174  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

"in  recognition  of  his  great  scientific  merits,  and  of  his 
serv-iccs  to  Russia  especially,"  elevated  him  to  the  rank  of 
an  hereditary  noble  of  the  Russian  Empire,  an  honor  which 
was  recognized  by  the  government  of  his  own  countr}%  so  that 
in  his  later  publications  his  name  appears  as  "  Constantin 
von  Tischcndorf."  Freedom  from  vanity  was  not  his  most 
conspicuous  virtue,  and  it  may  be  that  "he  valued  somewhat 
too  highly  such  titles  and  distinctions ;  but  who  shall  say 
that  he  did  not  richly  deserve  them  all  ? 

It  is  to  be  feared  that  there  is  no  German  critic  on  whom 
the  mantle  of  Tischcndorf  has  fallen.  But,  in  recounting 
his  achievements,  wc  cannot  fail  to  associate  with  him  the 
name  of  at  least  one  English  scholar.  The  labors  of  Dr. 
Tregelles,  in  the  department  of  Biblical  criticism,  are 
second  in  importance  only  to  those  of  Tischcndorf.  But 
we  have  no  space  to  characterize  them  here.  The  services 
also  of  Dr.  Scrivener,  in  accurately  editing  the  Codex 
Augiensis  and  the  Codex  Bezae,  in  publishing  collations 
of  about  seventy  cursive  MSS.,  and  in  the  preparation 
of  other  important  works,  particularly  his  Introduction 
to  the  Criticism  of  the  Nciv  Testament,  deserve  most  grateful 
acknowledgment.  And  every  scholar  must  look  with  great 
interest  for  the  publication  of  the  long-promised  critical 
edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  undertaken  by  Dr.  Westcott 
and  Mr.  Hort,  which  has  been  in  preparation  for  more  than 
twenty  years,  and  may  be  confidently  expected  to  prove  a 
contribution  to  Biblical  literature  of  marked  originality  and 
value.     [See  Essay  IX.  below.] 


VI. 
THE    LATE    DR.   TREGELLES. 

[From  the  Independent  for  July  i,  1875.] 

The  most  eminent  English  scholar  in  the  department  of 
textual  criticism  as  applied  to  the  Greek  Testament,  second 
only  to  Tischendorf  in  the  extent  and  importance  of  his 
labprs  in  this  field  of  learning,  has  after  a  few  months,  as 
we  learn  by  recent  intelligence,  followed  his  illustrious 
compeer  to  the  grave.  Dr.  Tregelles  died  at  his  residence 
in  Plymouth,  England,  on  the  24th  of  April  last,  after  having 
been  disabled  for  about  five  years  by  a  shock  of  paralysis, 
which  literally  struck  the  pen  from  his  hand  as  he  was 
revising  the  concluding  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Revelation. 
The  circumstances  attending  his  last  illness  were  thus 
remarkably  similar  to  those  in  the  case  of  Tischendorf, 
who,  though  spared  to  complete  the  text  of  his  eighth  and 
most  important  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
was  soon  after  prostrated  by  a  stroke  of  apoplexy,  followed 
by  paralysis,  and  compelled  to  leave  the  long-desired  Pro- 
legomena unwritten.  The  concluding  part  of  the  text  of 
Tregelles's  edition  was  published  in  1872,  by  the  aid  of 
some  of  his  friends ;  but  the  Prolegomena  have  not  yet  ap- 
peared.    [See  page  181,  note.] 

Samuel  Prideaux  Tregelles  (the  name  is  pronounced  in 
three  syllables,  Tre-gel-les)  was  born  at  Falmouth,  in  Corn- 
wall, England,  Jan.  30,  181 3.  His  parents  belonged  to  the 
Society  of  Friends,  and  he  was  for  a  time  connected  with 
that  religious  body.  Afterward,  he  became  associated  with 
the  Plymouth  Brethren,  but  ultimately  disengaged  himself 
from  that  sect.  He  was  educated,  according  to  AUibone,  at 
the  Classical  Grammar  School  in  Falmouth,  from   1825   to 


176  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

1828;  between  1828  and  1834,  he  was  employed  in  the  iron 
works  at  Neath  Abbey,  Glamorganshire,  and  afterward 
was  engaged  for  a  short  time  in  private  tuition  near  Ports- 
mouth. Though  lacking  the  advantages  of  a  university 
education,  he  was  full  of  scholarly  zeal,  and  devoted  himself 
with  special  earnestness  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  in 
the  original  languages  and  some  of  the  oldest  versions, 
particularly  the  Syriac.  His  interest  in  the  study  of 
Hebrew  was  shown  by  his  translation  of  Gesenius's  He- 
brew Lexicon,  published  by  the  Bagsters  in  1847,  and 
by  some  elementary  works,  as  Hebrew  Reading  Lessons 
(1845),  an  interlineary  Hcbreiv  Psalter  and  Heads  of  He- 
brew Grammar  (1852).  He  had  also  a  share  in  the  prep- 
aration of  several  other  important  aids  to  Biblical  study, 
in  some  of  which  his  name  does  not  appear, —  as  The 
Englishman* s  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  Concordance  to  the 
Old  Testament  (1843),  Th:  Englishman' s  Greek  Concordance 
to  the  Nciu  Testament  (1839),  and  The  English  Hexapla, 
published  by  the  Bagsters  in  1841,  for  which  he  wrote 
the  very  valuable  "  Historical  Account  of  the  English 
Versions  of  the  Scriptures,**  which  was  prefixed  to  it  on  its 
first  issue.  (In  later  impressions  of  the  work,  a  different 
"Historical  Account,"  less  full  and  comprehensive,  was 
substituted.  The  latter  is  ascribed  to  the  Rev.  Christopher 
Anderson.) 

As  early  as  August,  1838,  Dr.  Tregelles  had  formed  the 
plan  of  a  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  to  be 
founded  solely  on  ancient  authorities,  and  had  prepared  a 
specimen  ;  but  his  first  published  essay  in  the  department 
of  textual  criticism  was  The  Book  of  Revelation  in  Greek. 
Edited  from  Ancient  Authorities,  leith  a  nciv  English  Ver- 
sion and  Various  Readings  (London,  1844).  This  work 
at  once  commanded  the  respect  of  scholars  for  the  care 
and  thoroughness  with  which  it  was  executed,  though  it 
was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  superstitious  rev- 
erence which  then  prevailed  in  England  for  the  so-called 
Received  Text.  After  its  publication,  Dr.  Tregelles  de- 
voted   himself   in  earnest    to    the   preparation   of   a  critical 


THE   LATE   DR.    TREGELLES  1 77 

edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  the  prospectus  of  which 
was  issued  in  1848.  The  text  was  to  be  formed  on  the 
authority  of  the  oldest  Greek  MSS.  and  versions,  and  the 
citations  of  early  ecclesiastical  writers,  including  Eusebius, 
with  an  accurate  statement  of  the  evidence,  in  the  case  of 
all  important  variations,  both  for  and  against  the  read- 
ings adopted.  The  Received  Text  was  justly  treated  as 
having  no  authority  in  itself,  and  no  account  was  made 
of  the  great  mass  of  cursive  MSS.  Completeness  and 
accuracy  in  the  exhibition  of  the  evidence  of  the  witnesses 
used  were  especially  aimed  at.  To  this  end,  Dr.  Tregelles 
personally  collated  with  extreme  care  nearly  all  the  known 
uncial  MSS.  in  the  libraries  of  Europe  of  which  the 
text  had  not  before  been  published,  visiting  the  Conti- 
nent for  this  purpose  in  1845-46,  1849-50,  and  1862.  He 
also  collated  some  specially  important  cursive  MSS.,  and 
the  Codex  Amiatinus,  supposed  to  be  the  oldest  known 
MS.  of  the  Latin  Vulgate.  In  his  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament,  the  text  of  .the  Vulgate  is  printed  from  this 
MS.,  the  variations  of  the  Clementine  edition  being  given 
in  the  margin.  For  the  Gospels,  he  collated  twelve  un- 
cials, E,  G,  H,  P,  K,  M,  R,  U,  X,  Z,  r.  A,  and  the 
cursives  i,  33,  69;  for  the  Acts,  H,  L  (formerly  G),  and  13, 
31,61  ;  for  the  Pauline  Epistles,  D,  F,  L,  M,  17,  37,  47;  and 
the  cursives  i  and  14  for  the  Apocalypse.  He  so  marked 
the  variations  that  he  could  produce  a  copy  of  every  MS. 
that  he  collated,  line  for  line  ;  he  also  traced  a  page  of  each 
in  fac-simile.  It  is  very  fortunate  that  all  these  uncials, 
with  the  exception  of  Z,  the  Dublin  palimpsest,  some  parts 
of  which  Tregelles  restored  by  a  chemical  application,  were 
also  collated  independently  by  Tischendorf,  and  that  Tisch- 
endorf  and  Tregelles  compared  their  notes,  taking  pains  in 
cases  of  discrepancy  to  ascertain  the  true  reading  by  careful 
re-examination. 

Few  persons  are  aware  what  sacrifices  of  time,  labor, 
money,  and  health,  were  required  for  the  work  thus  briefly 
described.  Of  pecuniary  remuneration  or  even  reimburse- 
ment  there   was   no  hope.      The   price  of  Dr.  Tregelles's 


178  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

proposed  edition  (three  guineas)  was  such  as  to  preclude 
an  extensive  sale,  and  the  number  of  subscribers  was 
very  limited.  The  work  of  collating  an  ancient  MS.  de- 
mands, even  under  favorable  circumstances,  the  closest  at- 
tention and  unbounded  patience.  Not  to  speak  of  palimp- 
sests, as  R  and  Z,  the  difficulties  presented  by  such  a 
MS.  as  D  of  the  Pauline  Epistles  (Codex  Claromon- 
tanus),  with  its  numberless  alterations  by  many  later  hands, 
all  requiring  to  be  carefully  discriminated,  can  hardly  be 
estimated.  In  the  case  of  the  very  important  cursive  MS. 
numbered  33  in  the  Gospels,  13  in  the  Acts,  17  in  the 
Pauline  Epistles,  which  has  been  grievously  injured  by 
damp.  Dr.  Tregellcs  remarks :  — 

In  the  Book  of  Acts,  the  leaves  were  so  firmly  stuck  together  that 
when  they  were  separated  the  ink  had  adhered  rather  to  the  opposite  page 
than  to  its  own ;  so  that  in  many  leaves  the  MS.  can  only  be  read  by  ob- 
serving how  the  ink  has  set  off{-^s  would  be  said  of  a  printed  book),  and 
thus  reading  the  Greek  words  backward.  I  thus  obtained  the  reading  of 
ever}-  line  from  many  pages  where  nothing  could  be  seen  on  the  page 
itself.  In  some  places  where  part  of  a  leaf  is  wholly  gone,  from  decay, 
the  writing  which  was  once  on  it  can  be  read  from  the  set  off. —  Ac- 
count of  the  Printed  Text  0/ the  Greek  Xew  Testament,  p.  162. 

No  wonder  that  Dr.  Tregelles  should  speak  of  this  MS.  as 
wearisome  to  his  eyes  and  **  exhaustive  of  every  faculty  of 
attention." 

One  great  object  of  Dr.  Tregelles  in  visiting  Rome,  in 
1845,  was  to  obtain  the  privilege  of  collating  the  famous 
Vatican  MS.  No.  1239  (B).  His  earnest  efforts,  however, 
were  unsuccessful.  He  was  tantalized  by  being  often  per- 
mitted to  look  at  it,  but  was  not  allowed  to  transcribe  any- 
thing ;  and,  if  he  looked  too  long,  the  two  prclati,  he  tells 
us,  would  snatch  the  book  out  of  his  hand.  He  was  de- 
prived, of  course,  of  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  and  paper  ;  but  it  is 
said  that  he  contrived  to  note  some  important  readings  on 
his  nails. 

The  only  MS.  edited  by  Dr.  Tregelles  was  the  Codex 
Zacynthius,  a  palimpsest  of   great  value,  belonging   to  the 


THE   LATE   DR.    TREGELLES  1 79 

Library  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  in  London, 
and  containing  about  three  hundred  and  forty-two  verses  of 
the  Gospel  of  Luke.     This  was  published  in   1861. 

In  the  extent  of  his  contributions  to  our  stock  of  critical 
material,   Dr.  Tregelles  was  far  surpassed   by  Tischendorf, 
who,  in  successive  journeys  to  the  East,  secured  rich  MS. 
treasures,    crowning    all    with   the   great   discovery   of   the 
Codex   Sinaiticus.     Tischendorf*s   editions   of   the   texts   of 
Biblical   MSS.  published   by  him  for  the  first   time,  or  for 
the  first  time  accurately,  comprise  no  less  than  seventeen 
large  quarto  and  five  folio  volumes,  not  counting  the  Anec- 
dota   Sacra   et  Profana   and   the    Notitia   Codicis  Smaitici. 
But  Dr.  Tregelles  did  much  more  than  Tischendorf  to  illus- 
trate and  enforce  the  principles  on  which  a  critical  edition 
of  the  Greek  Testament  should  be  based,  and  to  establish, 
by  what  he  called  "comparative  criticism,"  the  right  of  a 
few  of  the  oldest  MSS.  to  outweigh  a  vast  numerical  ma- 
jority of  later  authorities.     He  did  far  more  than  any  other 
writer    to  overcome    the   blind   and  unreasoning   prejudice 
which  existed  in  England  in  favor  of  the  textus  reccptiis,  and 
which  prized  the  inaccurate  and  uncritical  edition  of  Scholz 
on  account  of  its  demerits.     The  change  of  opinion  on  this 
subject  in  conservative  England  within  the  last  thirty  years 
is  marvellous,  amounting  almost  to  a  revolution.     The  lan- 
guage indulged  in  by  Bloomfield  in  the  preface  to  his  Greek 
Testament,  about  the  "temerity"  of  Griesbach,  and  "his 
perpetual  and,  for  the  most  part,  needless  cancellings  and 
alterations  of   all   kinds,"   would   now   sound  very  strange, 
unless   perhaps  from  Dr.  Burgon   or   some   kindred    spirit. 
Though  the  treatises  of  Prof.  Porter  and  Dr.  Davidson,  the 
works  of  the  Rev.  T.  S.  Green,  the  articles  of  Prof.  Westcott 
and  Mr.  Hort,  and  the  later  editions  of  Alford's  Greek  Testa- 
ment  have  contributed  to  this  result,  yet  to  Dr.  Tregelles 
the  credit  of  effecting  the  change  is  pre-eminently  due.     His 
views  were  presented  partly  in  his  Book  of  Revelation,  etc., 
already   mentioned,    partly   in   valuable    articles   in    Kitto's 
Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  but    most  fully  in    his    work 
entitled  An  Account  of  the  Printed  Text  of  the  Greek  New 


• 


l8o  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Testament,  with  Remarks  on  iti  Revision  upon  Critical 
Principles  (London,  1854),  and  his  Introduction  to  the  Text- 
ual Criticism  of  the  Neio  Testament ,  published,  in  1856, 
as  part  of  Vol.  IV.  of  Home's  Introduction,  etc.,  tenth 
edition.  These  two  volumes  are  far  from  being  superseded 
by  the  later  and  valuable  Introduction  of  Dr.  Scrivener, 
who  represents  a  different  school  of  criticism,  fighting  gal- 
lantly for  the  rights  of  the  cursive  MSS.,  to  our  better 
knowledge  of  which  he  has  contributed  so  much.  But  the 
two  last  works  of  Dr.  Scrivener,  compared  with  his  earlier 
writings,  especially  with  his  Supplement  to  the  Authorized 
Version  of  the  New  Testament,  published  in  1845,  will  show 
how  great  progress  even  he  has  made  under  the  influences 
to  which  I  have  referred.  The  reaction  in  favor  of  the 
few  very  ancient  MSS.  has,  indeed,  gone  so  far  that  there 
seems  to  be  a  tendency  in  certain  quarters  greatly  to  over- 
estimate the  absolute  authority  of  some  of  the  oldest  wit- 
nesses to  the  te.xt,  and  to  regard  a  reading  supported  by 
the  Vatican  MS.  (B),  with  one  or  two  of  its  usual  allies, 
as  something  to  be  defended  at  all  hazards.  There  is  also 
a  disposition  to  put  aside  all  considerations  of  internal  evi- 
dence, and  to  rest  in  what  may  be  termed  a  purely  diplo- 
matic text.  Such  a  procedure  will,  undoubtedly,  save  an 
editor  a  deal  of  troublesome  thinking,  and  a  lovely  appear- 
ance of  consistency  may  bj  preserved  ;  but  in  every  critical 
question  wc  are  bound  to  inquire  what  hypothesis  will  best 
explain  all  the  phenomena.  Every  consideration  which  may 
bear  on  the  matter  should  be  fairly  weighed.  To  shut  one's 
eyes  to  internal  evidence,  or  any  other  evidence,  is  simply 
arbitrary. 

After  long  delays,  the  First  Part  of  Dr.  Tregelles's  edition 
of  the  Greek  Testament,  containing  the  Gospels  of  Matthew 
and  Mark,  was  issued  in  1857;  Part  II.  (Luke  and  John)  in 
1861.  Soon  after  the  completion  of  this  part,  the  over- 
tasked editor  was  visited  by  a  stroke  of  paralysis,  and  was 
for  a  long  time  unable  to  resume  his  work.  Parts  III.-V., 
however,  were  issued  in  1865,  1869,  1870;  and  Part  VL 
(Revelation),  as  has  already  been  mentioned,  in   1872. 


THE   LATE   DR.   TREGELLES  l8l 

The  preparations  for  this  edition  have  been  in  part  de- 
scribed above.  It  should  be  added  that  special  pains  was 
taken  to  exhibit  accurately  the  readings  of  the  most  impor- 
tant ancient  versions.  For  the  ^Ethiopic,  Dr.  Tregelles  had 
the  assistance  of  Mr.  Prevost,  of  the  British  Museum,  and, 
for  the  Armenian,  of  Dr.  Rieu.  The  quotations  of  the  ear- 
lier Christian  Fathers  were  also  carefully  given  from  per- 
sonal examination.  The  edition  is  beautifully  and  accurately 
printed,  and  the  clearness  of  arrangement  leaves  little  or 
nothing  to  be  desired.  It  has  one  decided  advantage  over 
that  of  Tischendorf :  —  several  grades  of  probability  in  the 
case  of  different  readings  are  indicated,  a  reading  nearly 
equal  in  value  to  that  in  the  text  being  placed  in  the  mar- 
gin, etc. 

In  the  Gospels,  Dr.  Tregelles  had  not  the  benefit  of  the 
Sinaitic  MS.,  or  the  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Vatican 
which  we  now  possess  through  the  labors  of  Tischendorf, 
Vercellone,  and  Cozza.  In  some  other  respects,  his  critical 
apparatus  was  less  complete  than  that  used  for  the  last 
edition  of  Tischendorf,  who,  throughout  the  long-protracted 
issue  of  his  eleven  Lieferung:n  (1864-72),  enjoyed  the 
great  advantage  of  having  the  successive  parts  of  Dr. 
Tregelles's  edition  published  in  advance  of  his  own. 

It  is  understood  that  Dr.  Tregelles,  before  the  complete 
deprivation  of  strength  which  marked  the  later  period  of 
his  illness,  dictated  notes  for  the  Prolegomena  of  his  Greek 
Testament,  which,  it  is  hoped,  may  erelong  be  published.* 

This  great  work  of  Dr.  Tregelles  will  not  meet  all  the 
demands  of  the  critical  student.  It  ignores  a  considerable 
portion,  though  not  often  a  decisive  portion,  of  the  evidence 
for  the  various  readings ;  but  it  is  by  far  the  most  impor- 
tant original  contribution  which  England  has  made  in  the 
present  century  to  the  establishment  of  a  pure  text  of  the 
Greek  Testament.  It  is  a  monument  of  the  most  conscien- 
tious, disinterested,  and  arduous  labor,  prosecuted  with 
'indomitable  perseverance  and  zeal,  under  discouraging  cir- 

•  [They  appeared  (enlarged  by  extracts  from  the  writings  of  Dr.  TrcKelles)  together  wnth  a 
copious  coilection  of  "Addenda  and  Corrigenda,"  edited  by  Dr.  Hort,  in  1879,  as  Part  VII.  of 
the  Greek  Testament.] 


l82  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

cumstances,  for  a  high  end.  The  author  has  earned  a  title 
to  the  warmest  gratitude  of  all  who  are  interested  in  the 
study  of  the  New  Testament. 

We  can  only  glance  at  the  other  publications  of  Dr.  Tre- 
gelles.  The  most  important  of  these  is,  perhaps,  his  edi- 
tion of  the  famous  Muratorian  Cation^  the  earliest  catalogue 
of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  of  which  he  published 
a  fac -simile,  with  copious  notes  and  critical  discussions, 
Oxford,  1867,  4to.  Other  writings  of  his  are:  Remarks  on 
the  Prophetic  Visions  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  (1847),  with 
notes,  and  a  Defence  of  its  Authenticity^  also  issued  sepa- 
rately (1852)  ;  Historic  Evidence  of  the  Antfiorship  and 
Transmission  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament  (1852), 
a  lecture;  also,  elaborate  articles  in  YJxXXo' s»  Journal  of  Scured 
Literature  and  the  Cambridge  Journal  of  Classical  and  Sa- 
cred Philology^  some  of  which,  as  those  on  "The  Original 
Language  of  Matthew's  Gospel"  and  "The  Jansenists,"  were 
also  published  independently.  He  contributed  to  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  the  ^/W^  valuable  articles  on  the  "Ancient  Ver- 
sions'*; and,  judging  from  internal  evidence,  the  general  arti- 
cles "  Manuscripts  "  and  "  Palimpsest  "  in  Cassell's  Bible 
Dictionaryy  and  the  articles  on  particular  MSS.,  as  Alexan- 
drian, Augicnsis,  Bezae  Codex,  Claromontanus,  Sinaiticus, 
Vaticanus,  etc.,  in  that  work,  are  from  his  pen. 

Dr.  Tregelles  was  a  man  of  great  simplicity  of  character 
and  deep  religious  feeling,  a  devout  believer  in  the  plenary 
verbal  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  and  in  the  doctrines 
usually  denominated  evangelical.  For  any  form  of  **  ration- 
alism "  or  any  deviation  from  the  doctrines  which  he  re- 
garded as  fundamental,  he  had  no  toleration.  In  translat- 
ing the  Hebrew  Lexicon  of  Gesenius,  he  accordingly  deemed 
it  his  duty  to  insert  many  notes  of  warning  against  what  he 
regarded  as  perverse  and  dangerous  explanations  of  particu- 
lar passages  by  that  eminent  scholar  ;  and,  when  the  second 
volume  of  Home's  ItitrodiictioUy  edited  by  Dr.  Davidson, 
was  issued,  he  published  a  solemn  protest  against  its  her- 
esies. Whether  or  not  his  zeal  was  always  enlightened 
need  not   be  discussed.     It  was  honest,  and  not  prompted 


THE   LATE   DR.    TREGELLES  183 

by  malevolence.  His  denunciations  were  uttered  more  in 
sorrow  than  in  anger. 

The  great  merits  and  sacrifices  of  this  self-denying 
scholar  were  not  wholly  unappreciated,  though  they  surely 
deserved  a  wider  and  warmer  recognition  than  they  ever 
received.  In  1850,  the  University  of  St.  Andrew's  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  ;  and,  during 
the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  received  from  the  civil  list  a 
pension  amounting  to  ;£200  per  annum.  He  was  invited 
to  become  a  member  of  the  British  committee  for  the  revi- 
sion of  the  authorized  English  version  of  the  Bible,  though 
the  failure  of  his  health  prevented  him  from  taking  part  in 
the  work. 

Dr.  Tregelles  leaves  behind  him  a  widow,  the  sympathiz- 
ing sharer  of  his  labors,  but  no  children.  Rare,  indeed,  are 
the  examples  of  such  patient,  unwearied,  self-sacrificing  devo- 
tion to  a  noble  object  as  his  life  presents;  and  ever  honored 
be  his  memory  1 


VII. 
GERHARD  VON   MASTRICHT. 

[From  the  Unitarian  Review  for  August,  1884.] 

[  The  extreme  thoroughness  and  conscientiousness  of  Dr. 
Ezra  Abbot,  in  even  the  smallest  matters  that  came  under 
his  investigation,  are  in  need  of  no  illustration  to  those  who 
were  well  acquainted  with  him.  But  those  who  know  of 
that  strong  characteristic  only  by  hearsay  will  be  glad  of 
an  actual  example.  The  following  one  is  quite  to  the  point, 
and,  besides  showing  the  trouble  he  habitually  took  to  help 
his  correspondents,  is  worthy  of  permanent  record  for  its 
intrinsic  interest. 

About  a  year  ago,  the  writer's  correspondence  with  him 
—  always  pretty  frequent — had  to  do  with  certain  doubtful 
places  in  Dr.  Eduard  Rcuss's  Bibliothcca  N,  T.  Graeciy  and 
the  correction  of  certain  errors  therein.  Among  them  was 
the  name  by  which  Reuss  designated  the  editor  of  a  Greek 
Testament  who  is  denoted  on  the  title-page  by  the  letters 
"G.  D.  T.  M.  D."  Every  one  conversant  with  the  subject 
knows  that  the  letters  stand  for  *'  Gcrhardus  dc  Trajccto 
Mosac  Doctor'' \  and  the  question  was  whether  the  '^ dc 
Trajccto  Mosac''  was  a  translation  from  the  Dutch  or  Ger- 
man, and  what  was  the  shape  of  the  name  as  the  man  used 
it  himself.  Rcuss  had  indexed  the  name  (in  the  genitive) 
simply  as  ''Gcrhardi."  Other  late  writers,  the  present 
writer  among  the  number,  knowing  that  the  place  "  Trajec- 
turn  Mosac''  was  the  Dutch  Macstrichty  had  taken  the  name 
to  be  "  Gerardus  (or  Gerard)  van  Maestricht." 

Dr.  Abbot's  final  comment  was  as  follows :  — 

More  than  a  dozen  years  ago,  having  charge  of  the  cataloguing  depart- 
ment in  the  library  of  Harvard  College,  I  had  occasion  to  investigate  the 
]jroper  form  of  the  name,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  Ger- 
hard von  Mastricht.     I  have  now  renewed  the   investigation  with  the 


GERHARD  VON   MASTRICHT  185 

same  result.  The  mistake  (found  in  a  very  few  recent  writers)  of  giving 
the  surname  as  Maestricht^  or  of  translating  the  **  Gerhardus  {or  Gerar- 
dus)  de  Trajecto  Mosae  "  by  "  Gerhard  (or  Gerard)  von  {or  van)  Maes- 
tricht,"  is  easily  explained  by  the  fact  that  Maestricht  is  the  old  Dutch 
form  of  the  name  of  the  place,  and  also  the  form  commonly  found  in 
English  Gazetteers,  and  would  therefore  be  naturally  supposed  to  repre- 
sent the  Trajectum  Mosae.  But  this  natural  inference  is  false  in  the 
p  esent  case,  and  founded  on  ignorance  of  the  history  of  the  name. 

The  grandfather  of  Gerhard  von  Mastricht  was  a  Dutchman,  residing 
in  Maestricht  His  family  name  was  5^ Coning  (Paquot),  or  Sconing 
(Mor^ri);  his  Christian  name  was  Cornelius  (that  is,  his  name  answered 
to  the  English  *  Cornelius  King').  Being  an  ardent  Protestant,  fear  of 
the  terrible  Duke  of  Alva  compelled  him  to  flee  from  his  native  city  to 
Cologne,  where  he  dropped  his  Dutch  surname,  assuming  in  its  stead 
that  ot  7fon  Mastricht  (Mastricht  be  ng  the  common  German  form  for  the 
n^me  of  the  city).  This  name  was  borne  by  his  son,  Thomas  von  Mas- 
tricht, and  by  his  grandsons,  Gerhard  and  Peter  von  Mastricht.  The 
latter,  after  preaching  for  some  years  at  Gliickstadt,  became  Professor  of 
Hebrew  at  Frankfurt  on  the  Oder,  then  (1669)  Professor  of  Theology  at 
Duisburg,  and  finally  (1677)  Professor  of  Theology  at  Utrecht,  where  he 
died  in  1706.  While  at  Utrecht,  he  published  his  most  important 
works,  particularly  his  Theoretico-practica  Thcologia^  under  the  name 
of  Petrus  van  Mastricht.  In  most  catalogues  and  biographical  dic- 
tionaries, he  accordingly  appears  under  the  name  van  Mastricht,  as  he 
naturally  during  his  residence  at  Utrecht  changed  the  German  von  to 
van.  But  in  none  of  the  authorities  have  I  ever  found  his  surname 
given  as  M^z^rstricht ;  all  the  Dutch  biographies  and  bibliographies, 
Kok,  Van  der  Aa,  Kobus,  Abkoude  and  Arrenburg,  call  him  Petrus 
van  Mastricht.  This  alone  makes  it  improbable  that  his  brother  ever 
used  the  form  Maastricht 

But  the  case  of  Gerhard  is  much  stronger.  He  never  resided  in 
Holland ;  he  was  always  a  German, —  born  at  Cologne,  Professor  at 
Duisburg  (1669),  and  afterward  (1687-1721)  Syndic  of  Bremen.  There 
IS  not,  I  think,  the  slightest  reason  for  believing  that  he  ever  spelled 
his  name  Mastricht,  and  very  little  for  supposing  that  he  ever  used  van 
for  von^  though  the  fact  that  his  brother  commonly  goes  by  the  name 
of  van  Mastricht  has  naturally  led  many  to  assume  that  his  surname 
corresponded.  (For  the  facts  stated  above,  see  Paquot,  Mt^m.  pour  ser- 
vir  d  rhist,  lit,  des  dix-sept  provinces  des  Pays-Bas^  tome  i.  (Louvain, 
1 76^,  fol.)  p.  649  f . ) 

The  earliest  authority  for  Maastricht  that  I  have  yet  found  is 
Home's  Biblical  Bibliography,  appended  to  his  Introduction.  The 
only  other  writers  in  which  I  have  seen  it  are  Tregelles  {Printed  Text, 
pp.  73-75X  who  doubtless  followed  Home,  Westcott  (art.  New  Testa- 
ment, in  Smith's  Diet.  0/  the  BiblCy  iii.  2134,  note  a,  American  edition^. 


l86  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

who  also  probably  copisd  Home  or  Tregelles,  and  Reuss  (Die  Gcsch, 
rf.  heiliscn  Schrifttn  N.  T..  jte  Ausg.  (1874),  §  407.  end,  where  I  con- 
ceive that  the  "v.  Maestricht"  is  simply  his  translation  of  the  de  Tra- 
jiclo  Masae).  He  appears  to  have  imagined  that  Maesiricht  was  the 
birthplace  or  former  residence  of  our  Gerhard,  for  he  calls  him  a  Bel- 
gian {Bibliolh.,  p.  133],  which  he  was  not  and  never  was.  He  even 
treats  his  name  as  if  it  were  a  medieval  one,  like  Adani  of  Dremen  or 
Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  or  Peter  of  Clugny,  putting  him  in  his  Index 
under  Gerhard,  which  is  as  absurd  as  il  would  be  to  put  Edniond  de 
PressensiJ's  name  in  an  index  under  Edmoniinr  Alexander  von  Hum- 
boldt's under  Alexander,  In  short,  he  appears  to  have  known  so  little 
about  the  man  that  liis  aulhority  is  worthless.  Gerhard,  in  fact,  is 
much  Uss  known  than  his  brother  Peter;  his  name  does  not  appear 
in  the  Biographie  uiti'verselU  or  its  SuppUmenl,  or  in  the  NowuelU 
Biographie  giit^ralt  (Hoefer),  or  in  the  great  Diclionnairt  iiniversellt 
of  Larousse,  where  you  find  almost  everything. 

Scrivener  is  equivocal,  giving  "Gerhard  fi  Maslricht"  {Inlrod.  2d 
ed.,  p.  177)  and  "Gerhard  Ji  Mastricht"  (p.  403,  and  so  in  his  Index). 
Davidson,  Bibl.  Crit.  ii.,  12Z,  has  "Gerhard  of  Mastricht,"  copying 
Marsh's  translation  of  Michaelis,  but  in  his  Index  he  has  "Gerhard 
of  Maestricht." 

The  authorities  on  the  other  aide  a,re  overwhelming  in  number,  age, 
and  weight.  All  the  man's  contemporaries,  all  in  fact  who  have  written 
of  him  within  a  hund'ed  years  of  his  lime,  agree,  so  far  as  I  can  ascer- 
tain, in  giving  his  surname  as  Afaslricht.  (Il  is  possible  that  there 
is  some  exception  in  Dutch  books ;  but  I  have  found  none,) 

Jac.  Hasieus,  in  the  BibUotheca  historico-^hiiolo^eo-lheologiat  pub- 
lished at  Bkemek  in  i;i8.  Class  I.  Fasc.  v.  p.  69],  while  Von  Maslricht 
was  living,  speaks  of  him  in  terms  of  the  highest  eulogy,  and  gives  his 
name  as  "Gerh.  von  Mastricht."  Lilienthal,  Theologische  Bibtiatluc 
(1741),  p.  77,  gives  the  title  of  the  Ca'alogue  of  his  Library  as  follows: 
"CataloguB  Bihlinihecae  Gerh.  von  Maslricht,  Syndic!  Bremensis,  Li- 
brorum  in  quavis  facuitate  insignium.  .  ,  .  Brem.  1719.  8."  In  the 
titles  of  two  of  his  books,  published  at  Duisburg  in  1670  and  1677.  as 
given  by  Paquot,  his  name  appears  as  "Gerh.  von  Maslricht";  in  that 
of  another,  Traj.  ad  Rhen,  1714.  as  "Gerardus  von  Maslricht."  So 
in  the  lilies  cited  in  P^rennis,  Diet,  de  bibliog.  entholigue  (1858).  I. 
col.  86  and  III.  col.  90.  the  surname  appears  as  "von  Mastricht." 
Accordingly,  in  the  BibUotheca  realis  juridica  of  Lipenius  (1736),  pp. 
233,  242,  306,  his  works  appear  under  the  name  "  Gerardus  von  Mas- 
trichl,"  or  "Gerh.  von  Mastricht"  in  the  Index,  and  so  in  Schott's 
Supplement  to  this  work  (1775),  p.  63.  So  in  the  General  Catalogue 
of  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  in  the  Calalogus  dissertationum  aiademi- 
carum  belonging  to  that  Library,  his  writings  are  entered  under  the 
heading  "Maslricht,  Gerh.  von,"  while  those  of  his  brother 


GERHARD   VON   MASTRICHT  187 

under  "  Mastricht,  Petrus  van."  The  same  is  true  of  the  excellent 
Catalogue  of  the  Advocates'  Library^  Edinburgh^  vol.  v.  (1877).  In  the 
Cat.  .  .  .  van  godgeleerde  Werken  on  sale  by  Frederick  Muller  at 
Amsterdam  (1857X  No.  3625,  the  Hist,  juris  ecclesiastici  appears  under 
the  heading  "Mastricht,  G.  von,"  while  his  brother's  writings  stand 
under  "Mastricht,  P.  van."  C  J.  Stewart's  Catalogue  of  Bibles  and 
Biblical  Literature^  London,  1849,  No.  503,  has  "Mastricht  (G.  von) 
de  Canone  Scripturae. .  .  .  Bremae,  1722,  Sm.  8vo."  In  all  probability 
he  has  given  the  name  the  form  which  he  found  on  the  title-page. 

Probably  in  no  catalogue  in  the  world  is  so  much  pains  taken  to 
secure  accuracy  in  the  representation  of  names  as  in  the  Manuscript 
Catalogue  of  the  British  Museum,  select  portions  of  which  are  now 
in  course  of  publication.  The  portion  extending  from  D  to  Dal,  in 
explaining  the  initialism  "  G.  D.  T.  M.  D.,"  gives  the  name  as  "  G.  von 
Mastricht" 

In  the  notice  of  his  death,  in  the  Bibliotheca  hist.-phiL-theoL  Bremen, 
1721,  iv.  1091,  his  name  appears  as  **Gerhardus  a  Mastricht." 

I  cannot  speak  from  personal  inspection  of  the  title-pages  of  the 
juridical  or  theological  writings  of  this  author;  it  is  doubtful  whether 
any  of  them  are  to  be  found  in  the  libraries  in  this  country;  but  such 
an  agreement  in  the  copying  of  the  titles  which  contain  his  name  in  the 
works  referred  to  above,  corroborated  by  the  form  under  which  they  are 
entered  in  the  best  catalogues,  leaves  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  in  the 
titles  themselves  the  surname  appears  as  "  Von  Mastricht." 

This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  in  nearly  all  of  the 
numerous  biographical  and  bibliographical  works  which  I  have  con- 
sulted the  surname  is  given  as  Mastricht;  generally  with  von^  less  fre- 
quently, but  often,  with  van^  and  in  Latin  works  often  with  a  or  de^  as 
the  translation  of  the  prefix. 

So  in  the  great  general  biographical  or  bibliographical  works,  as 
Zcdler's  Univ,  Lex,  vol.  xix.  (1739),  Georgi  (1742),  Jocher  (1751),  Mordri, 
Saxius*s  Onomasticon  (1785),  Heinsius  (181 2),  Rotermund,  Fortsetsung 
su  Jocher'' s  Gelehrten-Lex,  vol.  iv.  (1813),  Ebert,  Graesse.  Rotermund's 
authority  is  the  more  weighty,  as  he  published  an  elaborate  work  on  the 
literati  of  Bremen. 

So  in  many  special  bibliographical  or  biographical  or  miscellaneous 
works;  as  Acta  Eruditorum^  1709,  p.  35;  J.  A.  Fabricius,  Bibl.  Graeca 
(torn,  iv.,  p.  845,  ed.  Harles);  Joh.  Fabricius,  Hist,  Bibl.  Fabric.  (1724), 
vi.  374;  Reimman  (1731);  Bibliothique  raisonn^e^  etc.  1735,  xv.  29;  Baum- 
garten,  Nachrichten,  u.s.w.  iv.  207;  Francke,  Cat.  Biblioth.  Bunav. 
(1750)*  J-  *2;  Knoch  (1754);  Paquot  (1765);  Koecher,  Analecta  (1766); 
Bauer,  Biblioth.  libb.  rar.  (1771);  Goeze,  Verzeichniss  {\777)\  Kok,  Vader- 
landsch  Woordenboeky  vol.  xxi.  (1790);  and  Van  der  Aa,  Biog.  Woorden- 
boek  der  Nederlanden,  vol.  xii.  (Kok  and  Van  der  Aa  have  no  article 
upon  him,  as  he  was  not  a  Dutchman ;  but  they  mention  him  in  treating 
of  his  brother.) 


l88  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

So  in  the  special  bibliographies  of  theological  literature  or  some  of 
its  branches;  as  Buddaeus,  Isa^oj^e  (1730),  Walch  (1757-65),  Masch's  Le 
Long  (1778X  Rosenmiiller  (1797),  Noesselt  (4th  ed.,  1800),  G.  W.  Meyer 
(1805),  Simon  (18 13),  Winer  (3d  ed.,  1838-40),  Danz  (1843),  P<5renn&s 
(1858). 

So  various  writers  on  textual  criticism;  as  Bengel  (1734)  and  Wet- 
stein  (1735  ^^^  '750»  who  call  him  "  Gerardus  k  Mastricht";  C.  B. 
Michaelis  {De  varr.  iectt,,  1749).  Rumpaeus  (2d  ed.,  1757),  Doedcs,  Tekst- 
kritiek  (1844).     Griesbach  (1777)  has  *•  Mastrichtius." 

So  among  the  *•  Introductions"  to  the  N.  T. ;  C  G.  Hofmann  in  his 
edition  of  Pri tins  (1737  and  1764),  and  Kapp  in  his  notes  to  the  same; 
J.  D.  Michaelis  (4th  ed.,  1787),  Haenlein  (2d  ed.,  1802X  J.  E.  C.  Schmidt 
(1805),  Bertholdt  (181 2),  Marsh  (Lect.  vii.),  Hug  (4th  ed.,  1847),  Eich- 
horn  (vol.  v.,  1827),  Schott  (1830),  De  Wette  (6th  ed.,  i860),  Guericke 
(3d  ed.,  1868).  He  does  not  appear  to  be  mentioned  by  Bleek  or  Hil- 
genfeld. 

I  fear  I  have  been  tedious ;  but,  having  looked  up  the  matter  as  well 
as  I  could  conveniently  in  my  physical  weakness,  I  thought  I  would  give 
you  the  benefit  of  my  memoranda.  I  have  cited,  I  believe,  about  sixt>' 
authorities  for  Afastricht  as  the  form  of  the  surname.  There  is,  I  think, 
no  evidence  on  the  other  side  of  any  weight,  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
our  Gerhard,  a  German,  ever  wrote  his  name  Gerardus  or  Gerard  van 
Maestricht^  much  less  "  Gerhard  van  Maestricht,"  which  is  mixing  up 
German  and  Dutch.  It  is  a  small  matter;  but  were  I  in  your  place, 
unless  you  have  the  man's  autograph  or  something  as  decisive  on  the 
other  side,  I  should  request  the  printers  to  change  van  to  von^  and  to 
strike  out  the  ^  in  il/tz^j/r/^///.  i.  h.  h.] 


VIII. 
BUTTMANN'S   GREEK  TESTAMENT.* 

[From  the  Bibliotktca  Sacra  for  October,  1858.] 

This  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  forms  a  part  of  the 
popular  collection  of  ancient  Greek  and  Latin  authors  pub- 
lished by  Teubner  of  Leipzig.  Like  the  other  volumes  in 
the  series,  it  is  neatly  printed,  and  sold  at  a  moderate  price. 
Its  editor,  Philip  Buttmann,  the  son  of  the  distinguished 
philologist  of  the  same  name,  was  associated  with  Lachmann 
in  the  preparation  of  his  larger  edition  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment :  he  arranged  the  authorities  for  the  various  readings 
of  the  Greek  text.  The  edition  which  he  now  presents  to 
the  public  purports  to  be  based  on  the  celebrated  Codex 
Vaticanus  No.  1209,  except  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  the  Epistles  to  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Phile- 
mon, and  the  Apocalypse,  in  which  portions  of  the  New 
Testament  that  MS.  is  unfortunately  mutilated.  Here  its 
place  is  supplied  by  the  Alexandrine.  Buttmann  professes 
to  give,  in  the  margin,  all  the  variations  from  his  own  text 
which  are  found  in  the  Vatican  MS.,  the  Elzevir  edition  of 
1624,  or  the  "Received  Text,"  Griesbach's  larger  edition 
(Vol.  I.  ed.  Schulz,  1827;  Vol.  H.,  1806),  Lachmann's  larger 
edition  (1842-50),  and  Tischendorf's  edition  of  1854,  included 
in  his  Novum  Testatnentuvt  Triglottuni,  but  also  issued 
separately. 

One  serious  defect  in  the  present  work,  considered  as  a 
manual  for  common  use,  is  the  absence  of  all  references  to 
the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  or  to  parallel  pas- 

*  Nowm  TestamttUvm  Graece.  Ad  fidem  potissimvm  Codicis  V.iiican!  B  recensvit,  varias 
lectiones  Codicis  B,  Textrs  Recepti,  Editionvm  Griesbachii  Lachinanni  Tischendoriii  integras 
adiedt  Phiuppvs  Bvttmann.  Lipsiae  evonptibus  et  typis  B.  J.  Tevbueri.  1856  Small  8vo. 
pp.  viii.,  543* 


190  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

sages  in  the  New.  Some  may  also  regret  that  it  has  no 
analysis  of  the  contents  of  the  different  books,  in  the  form 
of  running  titles  or  headings  of  chapters.  But,  if  the  prom- 
ises of  the  title-page  and  preface  were  fulfilled,  it  would 
still  be  a  convenient  and  useful  book,  supplying  an  impor- 
tant desideratum.  No  other  edition  gives  a  complete  view 
of  the  critical  results  arrived  at  in  respect  to  the  text  by 
Griesbach,  Lachmann,  and  Tischendorf,  the  three  editors 
whose  judgment  is  now  most  highly  respected  by  scholars. 

The  editions  of  Hahn  (1840)  and  Thcilc  (stereotyped  in 
1844),  ^^^  ^^^  edition  of  the  New  Testament  in  Stier 
and  Theile's  Polyglottcn-Bibcl  (stereotyped  in  1846),  profess, 
indeed,  to  exhibit  the  various  readings  of  the  principal 
recent  editors  of  the  Greek  Testament ;  but  they  do  this 
very  imperfectly.  In  giving  the  readings  of  Griesbach,  they 
take  no  notice  of  those  which  he  marks  2ls  probably  spurious, 
or  of  those  which  he  designates  as  equal  in  authority  to  the 
reading  of  the  text.  Hahn  preceded  Tischendorf ;  and  he 
professedly  exhibits  a  selection  only  from  the  readings  of 
Lachmann,  taken  of  course  from  his  first  edition  of  1831. 
He  is,  moreover,  inaccurate,  incorrectly  representing  the 
critical  judgment  of  Knapp  alone  in  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  instances. 

Theile  intentionally  passes  over  the  minuter  variations ; 
and  both  his  Greek  Testament  and  the  Polyglotten-Bibcl 
were  published  too  soon  to  enable  him  to  use  the  second 
volume  of  Lachmann's  larger  edition,  or  the  second  Leipzig 
edition  of  Tischendorf  (1849),  ^^^  most  important,  so  far  as 
the  criticism  of  the  text  is  concerned,  since  the  time  of  Gries- 
bach. (The  first  edition  of  Tischendorf,  published  in  1841, 
is  comparatively  of  little  value.)  The  Greek  portion  of 
Theile's  Novum  Testament ?nn  Tetriiglottou  (1855)  is  merely 
taken  from  the  stereotype  plates  of  the  Polyglotten-Bibel. 

Tischendorf's  edition  of  1849  gi^'es  the  various  readings 
of  Griesbach,  Scholz,  and  Lachmann,  with  those  of  the 
Elzevir  edition  of  1624  and  Stephens's  of  1550;  but  he 
neglects  the  readings  which  Lachmann  places  in  the  margin 
as  equal  in  value  to  those  of  the  text ;  and  Griesbach's  are 


BUTTMAXXS   GREEK   TESTAMENT  I9I 

taken  from  his  larger  edition,  instead  of  the  manual  edition 
of  1805,  which  generally  represents  his  later  conclusions. 

Bagster's  Large-print  Greek  Testament  (London,  185 1 ) 
contains  only  **  selected  various  readings  from  Griesbach, 
Scholz,  Lachmann,  and  Tischendorf,"  though  the  selection 
is  copious,  and  made  with  care  and  judgment. 

Buttmann  speaks  in  his  preface  of  the  difficulty  of  mak- 
ing a  selection  of  this  kind,  and  thinks  it  better  to  let  the 
student  decide  for  himself  as  to  the  comparative  importance 
of  particular  differences  in  the  text.  He  accordingly  pro- 
fesses to  give  all  the  various  readings  of  the  authorities 
named  in  his  title-page,  "even  the  most  trivial**  {et  levissi- 
mas).  Where  Griesbach  and  Lachmann  regard  two  read- 
ings of  the  same  passage  as  possessing  equal  claims  to 
reception,  he  indicates  the  fact  by  citing  their  authority  for 
both.  Such  are  his  promises  ;  and  the  value  of  his  work 
must  chiefly  depend  on  the  fidelity  with  which  they  are 
performed.  Few  critics  will  doubt  that  he  overestimates 
the  authority  of  the  Vatican  MS.,  regarding  it  as  equal,  if 
not  superior,  to  that  of  all  the  rest  of  our  MSS.  of  the  New 
Testament  united.  He  even  ventures,  in  one  instance  (2 
Pet.  iii.  10),  to  alter  the  text  by  conjecture,  changing  -«  into 
fl.  because,  otherwise,  the  reading  of  this  MS.  would  be 
without  meaning.  Still,  the  Vatican  MS.  is  undoubtedly 
the  oldest  and  best  which  has  come  down  to  us  ;  and,  if 
Buttminn  has  relied  upon  it  too  exclusively,  the  error  is 
not  of  much  consequence,  if  he  sets  before  us  the  text  of 
Griesbach,  Lachmann,  and  Tischendorf  in  connection  with 
his  own. 

Such  being  the  case,  we  regret  to  say  that  all  which 
would  give  value  to  this  edition  is  wanting.  No  reliance 
can  be  placed  on  Buttmann*s  account  of  the  various  read- 
ings of  anyone  of  the  authorities  cited.  His  carelessness 
is  extraordinary.  We  have  gone  over  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew,  comparing  the  representations  of  Buttmann  with 
the  authorities  to  which  he  refers;  and  it  appears  that  he 
has  committed  more  than  Jive  hnnJrcd  errors  in  that  Gos- 
pel   alone.     These    mistakes   may   be   divided   as   follows : 


192  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

errors  respecting  the  readings  of  the  Received  Text  (the 
Elzevir  edition  of  1624),  136;  errors  respecting  those  of 
Griesbach*s  edition,  250;  respecting  those  of  Lachmann's 
edition,  47;  respecting  those  of  Tischendorf's  edition,  60; 
errors  respecting  the  readings  of  the  Vatican  MS.,  not  less 
than  47,  and  probably  many  more ;  in  all,  540.  It  did  not 
seem  worth  while  to  pursue  the  inquiry  further  ;  but,  at  this 
rate,  the  number  of  mistakes  in  the  whole  volume  would  be 
not  less  than  four  thousand. 

It  is  true  that  many  of  the  errors  which  we  have  noted 
relate  to  minute  differences  in  the  text,  of  little  intrinsic  im- 
portance ;  but  Buttmann,  it  will  be  remembered,  professes  to 
give  all  the  various  readings  of  the  authorities  mentioned. 
It  may  be  of  no  consequence  whether  Boo;,  or  b^hJ*,  or  Bo/f  be 
the  original  reading  in  Matt.  i.  5 ;  but  it  is  of  some  impor- 
tance as  a  test  of  Buttmann's  care  as  an  editor,  to  know  that 
he  ascribes  to  Griesbach,  Tischendorf,  and  the  Received 
Text  one  of  these  forms,  when  they  actually  have  another. 

A  complete  list  of  the  errors  referred  to  (in  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew  alone)  would  occupy  a  number  of  pages.  The  fol- 
lowing examples  may  suffice. 

I.  The  Elzevir  edition  of  1624  reads,  Matt.  i.  5,  Bw:,  not  B.>or; 

iii.  15,  f'-f  TTfwr  airufy  not  t.irrti'  arri'f),  1 6,  kuI  ;ia:Tria\^(i(;,  nOt  fia:Tri(j&(tg 
'V;    iv.    11,  -()nn/}/i'^m',  nOt   'ponrY/.xinv  (sO  ix.   28;    xiii.  36;     \\\\    1$)  \ 

V.  27,  *'/>/Vi'v,  not  hm^'^n  (so  vv.  33,  i^,  43)  ;  same  verse,  adds 
zdtr  h.)\>in-r  aftcf  '/>/'^ '"''/ ;  30,  i^^v^^fj  t'c  }hvv(iv,  noX,  t/f>.  .J/-. ;  vii.  22, 

TTit'noiinlnniin-,  not  ^-ii'>■:n^r^  rannv  (similarly  xi.    I3;    XV.   j)  \    viii.  2(), 

'it/G'>i'  v'lf  not  '•'  simply;  ix.  5,  ''iofuji-<if,  not  aQ-ti'Tai;  x.  41,  >vv''*■"«^ 
not  /',iC\Tai  (so  elsewhere);  xi.  2^,  hmvav^  not  f/Kin-v]  xii.  44, 

Gicapijuii'di;    not     Kill  C'c.-^     XUl.      0,    tKaviKiriayjT/^    TiOt     ^Knryaruu^;      I4, 

at'  air-ur^  not  f'/-..r  simply  ;  52,  t'm;  not  ^-O'"^;  xiv.  6,  ^jWi-on-,  not 

>fjv////i(,>i-;     27,     "'li'-':,     not    "if.V    (so    Xxi.     3)  ;     XViii.     4,     rurrai-ucg, 

not  -fy  i\  xxiil.  14,  I-om  r^u  after  ^^^•"'^a/.>' ;  xxvi.  70  reads  ^'irrwi-, 

not  al-riji.'  -rni-7(.>.-  .    XXvll.   47,  lor^rur,  nOt  trrz/Korwr.       In   all    but  four 

of  the  places  (Matt.  v.  2J  ]  viii.  29;  xlii.  14;  x.wi.  70),  the 
mistakes  above  specified  apply  equally  to  the  account  of 
Grlesbach's  readini^^s.  We  will  therefore  give  only  a  few 
additional  examples  from  him. 


buttmann's  greek  testament  193 

2.  Griesbach   reads,   Matt.  i.  6,  io/jofiC)m,  not  -ovra;  ii.   n, 

elSov,  not  evpov;   vi.  32,  tm^nT^ly  nOt  CT^vrow/y;   vill.  3 1,  aT(J<TretP.ov ///ztif, 

not  eTrirpe^ifov  r/juuv  aTrcP.i^dv;  ix.  8,  he  marks  €<;>o,3^&ffuav  as  equal  in 
authority  to  k^avfiaaav,  xiii.  i6  reads  axom,  not  aKovovatv;  marks 
xviii.  1 1  and  xxiii.  14  as  probably  to  be  omitted. 

3.  Lachmann  reads,  Matt.  iv.  11,  TrpoafA^ov^  not  -^av;  vii.  25, 
rrpocirraiaav,  not  TrpoceKtffav ;  2/,  irpuakpprj^av,  in  the  margin,  as  equal 
in  authority  to  npoatKo^av  in  the  text ;  xiii.  6,  tKavfxaria^r/,  not 

eKavfuiru&Tj]   xiv.    1 9,  rjvTiAyrfoev^  not  evX6yr/<jEv\   XViii.    1 6,  /^^rd  ffoD   after 

'Ji^,  not  after  ^apd?ui-ie;  xxi.  3,  evi^cwf,  not  eui^^f;  xxiii.  19,  brackets 

ftupOl  KOI. 

4.  Tischendorf  reads.  Matt.  ii.  22,  em  Tf/g  'lovdamc,  not  ryg  'lovd. ; 

iv.  23,  TTtpvfjyev,  not  tt.  6 'I^ffouf ;  xi.  l6,  eripoic,  nOt  eTalpoig;  xiii.  48, 
ay77,  not  ayyeZa;  52,  eln-ev,  nOt  ^ye^;  xvi.  8,  £?A,3ETe^  nOt  ^;tere;  28, 
eiffiv,  not  bTielaiv;  xvii.  4,  TToiijau,  nOt  -<Tw//ei/;  Xviii.  I,  wp(i,  not  W^P<?\ 
xxi.    18,  CTravayayuv,  nOt  f Travaywi; ;   xxiii.  4,  OmitS  Kal  SjalidaraKTa. 

5.  The  Vatican  MS.  reads,  Matt.  i.  12,  yew^,  not  eytwriaev 
(twice) ;    ii.    13,   adds   ^k  rriv  x^p^^  abruv   after  avTijv;    iii.    16, 

rrvevfta  Qeov,    nOt    t^   Jrvevfia   tov  Qsov-    iv.    23,    OmitS    o  'lijaovg    after 

irept^ev;  vii.  1 9,  reads  Trdv,  not  ^dv  oily  (Lachmann  is  wrong) ; 
xii.  47,  omits  the  whole  verse;  31,  auTov oi  avvSoviot^  not  oia.ab.; 

XXii.  45»  avTov  Kvptov  KoXel,  nOt  «a^<  a'vTdvKvptov;  XXV.  6,  eyevero^  nOt 
yiyovtv ;   XXVi.  56*  adds  avrov  after  fM^v^ai, 

These  specimens  may  be  sufficient  to  determine  the  char- 
acter of  the  work;  but  one  or  two  points  require  further 
elucidation.  We  refer  to  the  use  which  the  editor  professes 
to  make  of  the  Vatican  MS.,  and  to  the  extraordinary  num- 
ber of  errors  which  he  has  committed  in  regard  to  the  read- 
ings of  Griesbach. 

It  is  on  the  Vatican  MS.  that  Buttmann  professedly  founds 
his  text ;  but  he  nowhere  informs  his  readers  how  imperfect 
our  knowledge  of  that  MS.  is.  We  have,  indeed,  three  col- 
lations of  it:  one  by  Bartolocci,  in  1669;  another  by  an  Ital- 
ian named  Mico,  made  for  the  use  of  Bentley,  about  1720; 
and  a  third  by  Birch,  toward  the  end  of  the  last  century. 
The  two  last  have  been  published ;  a  transcript  of  the  first 
is  preserved  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Paris.  These  col- 
lations give  us  the  reading  of  the  MS.  in  a  great  many  pas 


194  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

siges;  but  it  would  be  the  height  of  rashness  to  attempt 
from  them  to  publish  its  text.  Sometimes  they  all  disagree ; 
sometimes  two  of  them  differ,  while  the  third  is  silent ;  and 
a  comparison  of  them  demonstrates  that  much  has  been 
overlooked  by  the  author  of  each.  Important  readings, 
which  they  have  all  neglected  to  notice,  have  been  observed 
by  Tischendorf  and  Tregelies,  who  have  both  had  the  priv- 
ilege of  inspecting  (not  of  collating)  the  MS.  for  a  short 
time.  The  text  which  Buttmann  gives  as  that  of  the  Codex 
Vaticanus  rests,  in  many  places,  only  on  the  unsafe  founda- 
tion of  the  silence  of  the  collators. 

But  this  is  not  all.  Buttmann  has  not  even  taken  pains 
to  examine  any  one  of  the  collations  personally  ;  but  derives 
the  readings  of  the  MS.  merely  from  Lachmann*s  edition, 
except  that  he  has  made  considerable  use  of  an  article  by 
Tischendorf,  in  the  Theol.  Stndien  tmd  Kritikcn  for  1847, 
p.  129  £f.  Tischendorf,  in  his  edition  of  1849,  P-  xlvi.,  points 
out  a  number  of  errors  committed  by  Lachmann  in  respect 
to  the  readings  of  this  MS. ;  but  these  errors  are  repeated 
by  Buttmann.  He  also  mentions  (p.  Iviii.)  two  noticeable 
readings  communicated  by  Dr.  Tregelies ;  but  this  informa- 
tion is  also  lost  upon*  our  editor.  Other  mistakes  of  Butt- 
mann might  have  been  corrected  by  examining  the  collation 
made  for  Bentley,  printed  by  Ford  in  1799,  in  his  Appendix 
to  Woide's  edition  of  \\i(t  Codex  Alexanirinns  ;  others  still, 
from  the  article  by  Tischendorf,  to  which  he  refers. 

Discreditable  as  this  negligence  is,  it  is  morje  excusable 
than  the  misrepresentations  of  Griesbach's  critical  judg- 
ment which  constitute  so  large  a  part  of  the  errors  which 
we  have  noticed.  Buttmann  does  not  seem  to  have  even 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  meaning  of  the  signs 
which  Griesbach  uses  to  denote  the  comparative  value  of 
different  readings.  In  the  first  place,  Griesbach  is  repre- 
sented as  receiving,  without  question,  the  readings  which  he 
marks  2i^  probably  spurious y  prefixing  the  sign  =.  There  are 
not  far  from  five  hundred  cases  of  this  kind  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament, some  of  them  of  much  importance.  The  passage 
concerning  the  woman  taken  in    adultery  (John  vii.  53  to 


buttmann's  greek  testament  195 

viii.  1 1)  is  a  striking  instance.  In  the  Gospel  of  Matthew 
there  are  forty-five  examples  of  this  error  on  the  part  of 
Buttmann. 

There  is  another  class  of  readings,  to  which  Griesbach 
prefixes  a  peculiar  mark  (•*),  denoting  that  they  are  worthy 
of  consideration,  but  inferior  to  those  received  into  the  text. 
Buttmann  habitually  confounds  this  with  another  mark  (r), 
which  signifies  that  the  reading  to  which  it  is  prefixed  is 
equal  or  perhaps  preferable  to  the  received  lection.  Com- 
pare, for  example,  his  edition  with  that  of  Griesbach  in 
Matt.  i.  18,  19;  ii.  8,  9,  17,  etc.  He  has  fallen  into  this  mis- 
take, in  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  thirty-nine  times. 

There  is  another  smaller  class  of  readings  which  Gries- 
bach introduces  into  the  text  with  the  sign  +  prefixed. 
These  are  given  by  Buttmann  as  readings  which  Griesbach 
adopts  as  genuine ;  whereas  this  sign,  as  explained  by  him, 
denotes  an  addition  for  which  there  is  some  evidence  deserv- 
ing attention,  but  which  is  probably  not  genuine.  See  his 
Prolegomoia  (Schulz's  ed.),  p.  Ixxxvii.  There  are  ten  ex- 
amples of  this  error  in  the*  Gospel  of  Matthew ;  see,  e.g., 
Matt.  XXVI.  9,  33,  35,  38. 

One  other  remark  may  be  made  in  this  connection.  Gries- 
bach's  readings  should  have  been  taken  from  his  manual  edi- 
tion, printed  at  Leipzig  in  1805.  Where  this  differs  from 
his  larger  edition,  it  generally  represents  his  maturer  judg- 
ment. The  first  volume  of  the  larger  edition  was  published 
in  1796 ;  and,  though  the  second  volume  bsars  the  date  1806, 
it  appears  by  the  preface  that  far  the  greater  part  of  it  had 
been  printed  several  years  before.  The  differences  between 
the  two  editions,  in  respect  to  the  text,  are  not  very  numer 
ous ;  but  some  of  them  are  important.  For  example,  the 
last  twelve  verses  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  to  which  Gries- 
bach affixes  no  mark  of  doubt  in  his  larger  edition  of  1796, 
are  designated  as  probably  spurious  in  the  manual  edition  of 
1805  :  and  he  argues  at  length  against  their  genuineness  in 
Part  II.  of  his  Commentarius  CriticuSy  published  in  18 11.  It 
is  obviously  not  doing  him  justice,  to  quote  his  authority, 
in  such  a  case,  in  support  of  the  reading  of  the  Received 
Text. 


196  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  point  out  misprints  in  a  work 
of  the  character  of  the  present.  One  or  two  of  the  grosser 
instances  which  we  have  observed  may  be  mentioned,  as 
fiera  for  fiearov,  p.  246,  line  three  from  the  bottom  ;  and  roprfuii.wc 
for  TTjpovfdvnv^,  p.  342,  line  eight;  and  also  in  line  two  of  the 
margin. 

It  is  unpleasant  to  be  compelled  thus  to  expose  the  faults 
of  a  work  the  editor  of  which  bears  so  honored  a  name,  and 
which  forms  part  of  a  series  that  has  been  received  with  gen- 
eral favor.  These  very  circumstances,  however,  being  likely 
to  give  it  a  circulation  to  which  it  is  not  entitled,  make  it  a 
more  imperative  duty  to  warn  the  unwary  student  against 
its  false  pretensions. 


IX. 

WESTCOTT  AND   HORT'S   EDITION   OF  THE 

GREEK  TESTAMENT.* 

[From  the  Sunday  School  Timos  for  Nov.  5,  1881.] 

This  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  will  mark  an  epoch 
in  the  history  of  New  Testament  criticism.  Dr.  Schaff 
accepts  its  text  enthusiastically  as  **  the  oldest  and  purest " 
which  has  yet  been  published.  Many  in  England,  and  still 
more,  probably,  in  Germany,  will  heartily  welcome  it  as  a 
work  bearing  everywhere  the  stamp  of  independent,  origi- 
nal research,  and  the  most  painstaking  care.  But,  in  some 
quarters,  it  cannot  fail  to  encounter  deadly  hostility,  and 
before  its  conclusions  arc  generally  adopted  there  will  be 
much  discussion.  Though  the  work  will  now  be  more 
fairly  judged  than  if  it  had  been  published  twenty  years 
ago,  the  charge  of  extreme  rashness  will  doubtless  be 
brought  against  the  editors  by  such  critics  as  Dean  Burgon 
and  the  Rev.  J.  B.  McClellan;  and  Dr.  Scrivener,  who  had 
the  use  of  their  "provisional"  text,  has  already,  in  the 
second  edition  of  his  Introduction  (1874),  strongly  expressed 
his  dissent  from  many  of  their  conclusions.  Even  scholars 
who  have  become  emancipated  from  the  superstitious  wor- 
ship of  the  so-called  "  Received  Text,"  and  who  are  ready  to 
decide  critical  questions  on  purely  critical  principles,  and 
not  by  their  "infallible  instincts,"  may  be  startled  at  the 
boldness  of  the  editors  in  the  use  of  the  pruning-knife, 
which  in  their  hands  cuts  deeper  than  even  in  those  of 
Tischendorf  and  Tregelles.     Westcott  and  Hort,  for  exam- 


•  Tko  Ntw  Testament  in  th*  Original  Greek  :  the  Text  revised  by  Brooke  Fobs  Westcott, 
D.D.,Cauion  of  Peterborough,  and  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity,  Cambridze,  and  Fenton  John 
ADthooy  HoftfD.D.,  Hnlsean  Professor  of  Divinity,  Cambiidge.  American  Edition,  with  an 
lotroduction  bjr  Philtp  Schaff,  D.D.,  LL.D.  Crown  8vo  pp.  xc,  5S0  New  York:  Harper  & 
Brothere.    Pnce  $3.00 


198  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

pie,  regard  as  later  additions  to  the  text  not  only  the  last 
twelve  verses  of  Mark,  the  account  of  the  descent  of  the 
angel  into  the  pool  of  Bethesda  (or  *'  Bethzatha,"  as  they 
read),  and  the  story  of  the  woman  taken  in  adultery  (John 
vii.  53  to  viii.  11),  but  the  passages  noted  in  the  margin  of 
the  Revised  Version  at  Matt.  xvi.  2,  3  ;  Luke  xxii.  19,  20, 
43,  44;  xxiii.  34;  xxiv.  3,  6,  12,  36,  40,  51,  52;  and  John 
iii.  13,  as  "omitted  by  some  [or  "many"]  ancient  authori- 
ties.** Other  readings  of  theirs  will  seem  to  many,  at  first 
sight  at  least,  very  questionable. 

But  the  last  charge  which  can  be  justly  brought  against 
the  editors  is  that  of  rashness.  They  may  have  erred  in 
judgment,  but  they  have  come  to  their  conclusions  with 
great  deliberation.  The  history  of  the  work  entitles  it,  not, 
indeed,  to  immediate,  unquestioning  acceptance  as  final  in 
its  decisions,  but  to  the  most  respectful  consideration.  It 
"was  projected  and  commenced  in  1853,  and  the  work  has 
never  been  laid  more  than  partially  aside  in  the  interval, 
though  it  has  suffered  many  delays  and  interruptions.  The 
mode  of  procedure  adopted  by  the  editors  from  the  first  was 
to  work  out  their  results  independently  of  each  other,  to 
hold  no  counsel  together  except  upon  results  already  pro- 
visionally obtained,  and  to  discuss  on  paper  the  compara- 
tively few  points  of  initial  difference  until  either  agreement 
or  final  difference  was  reached.**  (Circular  of  the  pub- 
lishers.) To  this,  it  may  be  added  that  a  large  part  of  the 
text,  the  Gospels  at  least,  appears  to  have  been  in  type  for 
more  than  ten  years,  during  which  period  it  has  been  re- 
vised and  re-revised  with  great  care,  as  deeper  investigations 
have  led  the  editors  to  modify  here  and  there  their  earlier 
decisions.  As  to  the  character  of  the  editors,  none  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  Professor  Westcott 
and  Dr.  Hort  will  question  their  eminent  intellectual  and 
moral  qualifications  for  the  task  they  have  undertaken, — 
the  great  moral  qualification,  in  studies  such  as  these, 
being  the  single  aim  to  ascertain  the  truth. 

It  is  important,  however,  to  observe  that  the  present 
volume  exhibits  only  the  results  of  their  critical  investiga- 


WESTCOTT   AND    HORT*S   GREEK    TESTAMENT  1 99 

tions.  It  takes  no  notice  of  the  text  of  any  previous  edi- 
tion, so  that  there  is  nothing  to  show  the  extent  of  its 
divergence  from  the  so-called  "  Received  Text,**  or  of  its 
agreement  with  the  great  critical  editions  of  Tischendorf 
and  Tregelles,  with  which,  notwithstanding  many  differ- 
ences, it  does  agree  in  the  main.  There  is  no  discussion 
of  any  reading,  no  statement  of  the  authorities  (MSS.,  etc.) 
which,  in  any  questionable  case,  support  the  text.  Alterna- 
tive readings,  indeed,  are  given,  where  the  editors  regard 
the  true  reading  as  more  or  less  uncertain ;  also,  certain 
noteworthy  rejected  readings  appear  in  the  text  in  double 
brackets,  or  in  the  margin  with  certain  marks ;  and  at  the 
end  of  the  volume  there  is  a  list  of  still  other  rejected 
readings  "which  have  been  thought  worthy  of  notice  in  the 
appendix  [to  the  second  volume]  on  account  of  some  special 
interest  attaching  to  them.**  This  list  also  includes  a  few 
passages  in  which  the  editors  (or  one  of  them)  suspect 
**some  primitive  error,**  and  propose  conjectural  emenda- 
tions. But  it  is  a  mere  list.  There  is  also  a  very  con- 
densed sketch  (pp.  541-562)  of  the  conclusions  of  the  editors 
in  regard  to  the  true  principbs  of  criticism,  the  history  of 
the  text,  the  grouping  of  our  chief  documentary  authorities 
in  accordance  with  their  peculiar  characteristics,  and  the 
determination  of  the  relative  value  of  the  several  documents 
and  groups  of  documents,  in  estimating  which  "  the  history 
and  genealogy  of  textual  transmission  have  been  taken  as 
the  necessary  foundation.**  To  this  is  subjoined  a  most 
appetizing  and  tantalizing  summary  of  the  contents  of  their 
elaborate  "  Critical  Introduction,**  which,  with  an  appendix, 
containing  notes  on  select  readings,  notes  on  orthography, 
and  a  list  of  passages  of  the  Old  Testament  quoted  or 
alluded  to,  forms  the  second  or  accompanying  volume  of 
their  work.  This  was  announced  more  than  a  month  ago  in 
the  Academy  and  elsewhere  as  to  appear  immediately,  but 
does  not  seem  as  yet  to  have  found  its  way  across  the 
Atlantic. 

It  is  this  critical  "Introduction**  which  will  give  the  edi- 
tion of  Westcott  and  Hort  its  distinctive  value,  and  which, 


200  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

whether  all  their  conclusions  prove  firmly  established  or  not,- 
will  be  most  heartily  welcomed  by  scholars,  and  cannot  fail 
to  contribute  greatly  to  the  advancement  of  New  Testament 
criticism.  They  have  undertaken  a  very  difficult  and  deli- 
cate task;  but  their  method  is  the  true  one.  Some  pioneer- 
ing had  been  done  by  Griesbach  and  others ;  but  no  such 
comprehensive  and  scientific  investigation  of  the  character 
and  relative  value  of  our  external  authorities  for  settling  the 
text  has  been  hitherto  attempted.  It  is  on  this  introduction 
that  the  whole  structure  of  the  editors  rests ;  and  any 
criticism  of  particular  readings  which  they  have  adopted, 
should,  in  fairness,  be  reserved  till  the  facts  and  reasonings 
on  which  their  system  of  criticism  is  founded,  have  been 
carefully  studied  and  weighed. 

To  describe  the  four  types  of  text,  **  the  Western,*'  "  the 
Alexandrian,"  "  the  Neutral,"  and  "  the  Syrian  "  (earlier  and 
later),  which  they  find  represented  in  our  critical  documents, 
would  require  more  space  than  can  here  be  allowed.  It 
may  be  enough  to  say  that  the  text  which  they  designate 
as  "neutral,"  and  regard  as  in  general  approximating  most 
closely  to  the  original  autographs,  is  represented  in  its 
greatest  purity  by  the  Vatican  MS.  (B),  to  which  they  assign 
superlative  value;  the  Sinaitic  (K)  being,  in  their  judgment, 
next  in  importance,  but  far  less  pure.  But  "with  certain 
limited  classes  of  exceptions,  the  readings  of  K  and  B  com- 
bined may  safely  be  accepted  as  genuine  in  the  absence  of 
specially  strong  internal  evidence  to  the  contrary,  and  can 
never  be  safely  rejected  altogether"  (p.  557).  Nay,  every 
combination  of  B  with  one  other  primary  MS.,  as  in  the 
Gospels  L,  C,  or  T,  "  is  found  to  have  a  large  proportion 
of  readings,  which  on  the  closest  scrutiny  have  the  ring  of 
genuineness,  and  hardly  any  that  look  suspicious  after  full 
consideration."  "Even  when  B  stands  alone,  its  readings 
must  never  be  lightly  rejected"  {Ibid.).  This  estimate  dif- 
fers somewhat  from  that  of  Professor  T.  R.  Birks  of  Cam- 
bridge, who  conceives  himself  to  have  proved  by  mathemat- 
ical calculations  "  that  on  the  hypothesis  most  favourable 
to  the  early  manuscripts,  and  specially  to  the  Vatican,  its 


WESTCOTT   AND    HORT'S   GREEK   TESTAMENT  20I 

weight  is  exactly  that  of  two  manuscripts  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  while  the  Sinaitic  weighs  only  one-third  more  than 
an  average  manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century."  {Essay  on 
the  Right  Estimation  of  Manuscript  Evidence  in  the  Text  of 
the  New  Testament,  London,  1878,  p.  66.) 

The  present  volume  is  issued  in  such  a  form  that  it  may 
be  used  independently  of  the  second  ;  and  it  is  apparently 
supposed  that  there  will  be  some  or  many  theological  stu- 
dents whose  want  of  a  convenient  manual  edition  will  be 
met  by  this  volume  alone.  It  certainly  is  one  which  every 
theological  student  may  well  desire  to  possess,  and  should 
possess  if  possible ;  but  the  question  may  arise  how  far  it 
will  serve  as  his  only  edition.  If  he  is  ready  to  accept  the 
conclusions  of  the  editors  without  further  inquiry  or  exami- 
nation of  evidence,  and  without  comparison  with  those  of 
other  critics,  and  if  he  does  not  care  to  have  a  text  furnished 
with  references  to  parallel  or  illustrative  passages,  or  to  the 
quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  this  volume  may  be 
perfectly  satisfactory.  It  is  b^audfully  printed,  though  the 
type  is  not  large ;  the  lines  are  well  leaded  ;  its  form  is  con- 
venient; and  it  may  be  read  with  great  delight.  Indeed, 
there  is  no  other  existing  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament 
in  which  so  much  is  done  to  aid  the  mind  of  the  reader  by 
the  form  in  which  the  matter  is  presented  to  the  eye.  The 
great  natural  divisions  of  the  larger  boolvs  are  marked  by  a 
wide  space,  and  by  the  printing  of  the  initial  words  in  capi- 
tals; the  minor  subdivisions,  but  such  as  comprise  many 
paragraphs,  are  separated  by  a  smaller  space ;  the  para- 
graphs, when  they  include  a  series  of  connected  topics,  as, 
for  example.  Matt.  v.  17-48,  are  broken  up  by  short  but 
well-marked  spaces  into  sub-paragraphs,  as  in  Herbert  Spen- 
cer's writings, —  a  most  excellent  device,  worthy  of  general 
introduction.  "  Uncial  type  "  is  employed  for  quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament,  and  also  to  mark  phrases  bor- 
rowed from  it;  rhythmical  passages,  like  Luke  i.  46-55,  6^- 
79,  as  well  as  poetical  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament, 
are  printed  in  a  metrical  form.  The  chapters  and  verses 
are  numbered  only  in  the  margin.     This  sonutimes  leaves 


202  V.RITICAL    ESSAYS 

uncertainty  as  to  the  beginning  of  a  verse,  in  which  case 
the  doubt  should  have  been  removed  by  a  little  mark  of 
separation.  For  one  who  wishes  to  give  himself  to  the 
continuous  reading  of  the  Greek  text  with  the  least  possible 
distraction,  this  edition  has  no  rival.  Harper  &  Brothers 
have  rendered  a  great  service  to  students  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment by  their  republication  of  it,  from  duplicate  plates,  at 
a  moderate  price.  In  a  second  issue  the  few  misprints  — 
such  as  wMwi'  for  '>^»'  at  the  end  of  line  three  on  page  23,  and 
(probably)  ''Posteriority''  for  ''Priority,''  page  567,  in  the 
titles  of  the  subsections  to  Section  I.  of  Chapter  II. —  will 
doubtless  be  corrected. 

But  no  intelligent  scholar,  even  though  he  may  have 
other  editions  which  will  supply  some  of  the  deficiencies 
that  have  been  mentioned,  will  be  fully  contented  with  the 
first  volume  alone.  The  second  volume  is  really  the  basis 
of  the  first,  and  its  necessary  explanation  ;  it  is  that  by 
which  the  value  of  the  editors*  work  must  be  measured.  It 
is  therefore  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  the  enterprising 
American  publishers  will  issue  it  as  soon  as  possible  in  the 
same  style  as  the  first.     It  is  no  ephemeral  production. 

A  few  words  on  Dr.  Schaff's  Introduction.  After  a  brief 
but  highly  commendatory  notice  of  the  edition  and  the 
editors,  we  have,  presented  in  a  lively,  popular  style,  an 
introduction,  not  so  much  to  this  particular  edition  as  to  the 
elements  of  textual  criticism.  It  describes,  in  an  interest- 
ing manner,  the  chief  authorities  for  settling  the  te.xt, — 
the  most  important  ancient  MSS.,  the  principal  ancient  ver- 
sions, and  the  quotations  by  the  early  Christian  Fathers  ; 
treats  of  the  various  readings,  their  origin,  number,  impor- 
tance, and  the  principles  of  criticism  ;  and  gives  a  good 
account  of  the  most  important  printed  editions  of  the  Greek 
text,  ranged  under  three  "periods."  The  ancient  MSS.  are 
illustrated  by  fiv^e  fac-similes.  In  general,  the  information 
given  is  well  brought  down  to  the  present  time,  and  many 
minor  errors  of  Scrivener  and  other  writers  are  corrected. 
The  account  of  ancient  MSS.,  versions,  etc.,  will  not  greatly 
facilitate  the  use  of  this  volume,  as   these  documents  are 


WESTCOTT  AND    HORX'S   GREEK   TESTAMENT  203 

never  cited  in  it  for  or  against  any  particular  reading.  Oc- 
casional oversights  may  be  found ;  for  example,  on  page 
xlviii.,  Bernhardt's  edition  of  the  Gothic  version  is  said  to  be 
** provided/*  like  that  of  Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  "with  a  com- 
plete apparatus."  That  is  emphatically  true  of  the  latter ; 
but  the  former  lacks  the  important  accompaniments  of  a 
grammar  and  lexicon.  On  the  same  pa^^e,  in  speaking  of 
the  edition  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark  in  Gothic,  with  a  gram- 
matical commentary  by  Dr.  R.  Miillcr  and  Dr.  H.  Hoeppe 
(1881),  *'Muller"  is  misprinted  "Miller.*'  It  should  be 
added  that  the  little  work  referred  to  is  not  only  inaccu- 
rately printed,  but  that  the  grammatical  notes  are  disfigured 
by  extraordinary  mistakes.  In  treating  of  the  Peshito  or 
Peshitto  Syriac,  it  would  have  been  well,  perhaps,  to  have 
mentioned  the  edition  of  Leusden  and  Schaaf,  since,  with 
all  its  faults,  it  is  so  helpful  to  the  student  through  the 
copious  Lexicon  (almost  Concordance)  which  accompanies 
it,  and  its  Latin  translation. 


X. 


THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  GREEK  TEXT. 

[Originaily  printed  in  the  "  Bible  Revision  Number**  of  the  Suiuiay  School  World  lor 

October,  1878.] 

It  is  an  unquestionable  fact  that  the  Greek  text  of  the 
New  Testament  from  which  our  common  English  version 
was  made  contains  many  hundreds  of  errors  which  have  af- 
fected the  translation  ;  and  that  in  some  cases  whole  verses, 
or  even  longer  passages,  in  the  common  English  Bible,  are 
spurious.  This  fact  alone  is  sufficient  to  justify  the  demand 
for  such  a  revision  of  the  common  version  as  shall  remove 
these  corruptions.  Why,  when  so  much  pains  is  taken  to 
obtain  as  correct  a  text  as  possible  of  ancient  classical 
authors, —  of  Homer,  Plato,  or  Thucydides, —  should  we  be 
content  with  a  text  of  the  New  Testament  formed  from  a 
few  modern  MSS.  in  the  infancy  of  criticism,  when  our 
means  of  improving  it  arc  now  increased  a  hundred-fold.^ 
Why  should  the  mere  mistakes  of  transcribers  still  be  im- 
posed upon  unlearned  readers  as  the  words  of  evangelists 
and  apostles,  or  even  of  our  Lord  himself.^ 

The  statements  that  have  just  been  made  require  illustra- 
tion and  explanation,  in  order  that  the  importance  of  these 
errors  of  the  Received  Text  may  not  be  exaggerated  on  the 
one  hand  or  underestimated  on  the  other.  We  will  con- 
sider, then  :  — 

1.  T/w  nature  and  extent  of  the  differences  of  text  in  the 
Greek  MSS.  of  the  Neiv  Testament.  The  MSS.  of  the 
New  Testament,  like  those  of  all  other  ancient  writings, 
differ  from  one  another  in  some  readings  of  considerable 
interest  and  importance,  and  in  a  multitude  of  unimportant 
particulars,  such  as  the  spelling  of  certain  words ;  the  order 
of  the  words;   the   addition   or   omission   of  particles   not 


THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   GREEK   TEXT  205 

affecting,  or  only  slightly  affecting,  the  sense ;  the  insertion 
of  words  that  would  otherwise  be  understood ;  the  sub- 
stitution of  a  word  or  phrase  for  another  synonymous  with 
it ;  the  use  of  different  tenses  of  the  same  verb,  or  different 
cases  of  the  same  noun,  where  the  variation  is  immaterial ; 
and  other  points  of  no  more  consequence.  The  various 
readings  which  are  comparatively  important  as  affecting  the 
sense  consist  for  the  most  part :  (i)  of  the  substitution  of 
one  word  for  another  that  closely  resembles  it  in  spelling  or 
in  pronunciation  ;  (2)  the  omission  of  a  clause  or  longer 
passage  from  homozoteleuton, —  that  is,  the  fact  that  it  ends 
with  the  same  word  or  the  same  series  of  syllables  as  the 
one  preceding  it ;  and  (3)  the  addition  to  the  text  of  words 
which  were  originally  written  as  a  marginal  note  or  gloss, 
or  are  supplied  from  a  parallel  passage.  Ancient  scribes, 
like  mcklern  printers,  when  very  knowing,  have  often  made 
mistakes  while  they  thought  they  were  correcting  them ; 
but  there  is  little  or  no  ground  for  believing  that  the  text 
of  the  New  Testament  has  suffered  in  any  place  from 
wilful  corruption. 

The  state  of  the  case  will  be  made  plainer  by  specific 
examples.  The  great  majority  of  questions  about  the 
readings,  so  far  as  they  affect  the  translation,  are  such  as 
these :  whether  we  should  read  **  Jesus  Christ "  or  "  Christ 
Jesus";  "the  disciples"  or  "his  disciples";  "and"  for 
"but"  or  "now,"  and  vice  versa;  "Jesus  said"  or  "he 
said";  "he  said"  or  "he  saith"  or  "he  answered  and  said"  ; 
whether  we  should  add  or  omit  "and"  or  "but"  or  "for" 
or  "therefore,"  the  sense  not  being  affected;  whether  we 
should  read  "God"  or  "Lord"  or  "  Christ,"  in  such  phrases 
as  "the  word  of  God."  or  **of  the  Lord,"  or  "of  Christ,"— 
these  three  words  differing,  as  abbreviated  in  the  Greek 
MSS.,  by  only  a  single  letter.  Of  the  more  important 
various  readings,  much  the  larger  part  consists  of  spurious 
additions  to  the  text,  not  fraudulent,  but  originally  written 
as  marginal  or  interlinear  notes,  and  afterwards  taken  into 
the  text  by  a  very  common  and  natural  mistake.  Most  of 
these  occur  in  the  Gospels.     For  instance,  "bless  them  that 


206  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

curse  you,  do  good  to  them  that  hate  you,"  is  probably  not 
genuine  in  Matt.  v.  44,  but  was  borrowed  from  the  parallel 
passage  in  Luke  vi.  27,  28.  So  the  words  **to  repentance" 
are  wanting  in  the  best  MSS.  in  Matt  ix.  13  and  Mark  ii. 
17,  but  were  introduced  into  later  copies  from  Luke  v.  32. 
For  an  example  of  omission  from  ho^nceoteleuton,  we  may 
refer  to  i  John  ii.  23,  where  in  our  English  Bibles  the  last 
clause  of  the  verse  is  printed  in  italics  as  of  doubtful  gen- 
uineness. It  is  unquestionably  genuine ;  how  it  was  acci- 
dentally omitted  in  some  MSS.  will  be  seen  if  we  under- 
stand that  in  the  original  the  order  of  the  words  is  as 
follows:  "he  that  acknowledgeth  the  Son  hath  also  the 
Father,*'  the  ending  being  the  same  as  that  of  the  preceding 
clause.  The  copyist,  glancing  at  the  ending  of  the  second 
clause,  supposed  he  had  written  it.  when  in  fact  he  had 
only  written  the  first.  For  an  example  of  the  s2ibstitution  of 
a  word  for  another  resembling  it  in  spelling,  we  may  take 
Rev.  i.  5,  where  for  '^wxsJied  us"  (Ao/Vmi/r.)  the  best  MSS. 
read  ** loosed'*  or  ''released  us*'  Qvaavn),  For  another,  see 
the  margin  of  the  common  version.  Acts  xiii.  18. 

I  will  now  give  as  full  an  account  as  is  possible  within 
moderate  limits  of  the  more  important  and  remarkable 
various  readings,  that  every  one  may  see  for  himself  to  how 
much  they  amount. 

The  longer  passages  of  which  the  genuineness  is  more  or 
less  questionable  are  the  doxology  in  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
Matt,  vi.  13;  Matt.  xvi.  2,  3,  from  ''when"  to  "times'* 
(most  critics  retain  the  words) ;  xvii.  21;  xviii.  11;  xx.  16, 
last  part  (genuine  in  xxii.  14);  xxi.  44;  xxiii.  14;  xxvii.  35 
(from  "that  it  might  be  fulfilled"  to  "lots");  Mark  vi.  11, 
last  sentence;  vii.  16;  ix.  44,  46;  xi.  26;  xv.  28;  xvi.  9-20 
(a  peculiar  and  rather  difficult  question) ;  Luke  ix.  55,  56, 
from  "and  said"  to  "save  them";  xvii.  36;  xxii.  43,  44 
(most  critics  retain  the  passage) ;  xxiii.  17,  34,  first  sentence 
(most  critics  retain  it);  xxiv.  12,  40;  John  v.  3,  4,  from 
"waiting"  to  "he  had"  (most  critics  reject  this);  vii.  53 
to  viii.  II  (also  rejected  by  most  critics);  x.\i.  25  (retained 
by  most  critics);  Acts  viii.  37;  ix.  5,  6,  from  "it  is  hard" 


THE   NEW   TESTAMENT  GREEK   TEXT  207 

to  "unto  him"  (has  no  MS.  authority:  compare  xxvi.  14; 
xxii.  10);  XV.  34;  xxiv.  6-8,  from  "and  would"  to  '*unto 
thee " ;  xxviii.  29 ;  Rom.  xi.  6,  second  sentence ;  xvi.  24 ; 
I  John  V.  7,  8,  from  "in  heaven"  to  "in  earth,"  inclusive 
(the  famous  text  of  the  Three  Heavenly  Witnesses,  now 
rejected  by  common  consent  of  scholars  as  an  interpolation). 
Most  of  the  questionable  additions  in  the  Gospels,  it  will 
be  seen  on  examination,  are  from  parallel  passages,  where 
the  words  are  genuine;  the  doxolo^y  in  the  Lord's  Prayer 
probably  came  in  from  the  ancient  liturgies  (compare  i 
Chron.  xxix.  11);  the  passage  about  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery,  and  some  other  additions,  especially  Luke  ix.  55, 
56,  xxiii.  34  (if  this  is  not  genuine),  are  from  early  and 
probably  authentic  tradition. 

Of  questions  relating  to  particular  words  or  phrases,  the 
following  are  some  of  the  more  interesting  and  important : 
whether  we  should  read  in  Matt.  i.  25  "a  son"  or  "her 
first-born  son"  (compare  Luke  ii.  7);  vi.  i,  "alms"  or 
"righteousness";  xi.  19,  "children"  or  "works";  xix.  16, 
17,  "Good  Teacher,"  and  "callest  thou  me  good,"  or 
"Teacher,"  and  "askest  thou  me  concerning  what  is  good  "  ; 
Mark  i.  2,  "in  the  prophets"  or  "in  Isaiah  the  prophet"  ; 
ix.  23,  "If  thou  canst  believe,"  or  simply,  "If  thou  canst!" 
Luke  ii.  14,  "good  will  to  (^r  among)  men"  or  "among 
men  of  good  will"  (the  latter  expression  meaning,  probably, 
"men  to  whom  God  hath  shown  favor")  ;  iv.  44,  "Galilee" 
or  "Judaea";  xiv.  5,  "an  ass  or  an  ox"  or  "a  son  or  an 
ox";  xxiii.  15,  "I  sent  you  to  him"  or  "he  sent  him  back 
to  us";  xxiv.  51,  omit  "and  was  carried  up  into  heaven"; 
John  i.  18,  read  "the  only  begotten  Son"  or  "only  begotten 
God"  (the  words  for  "Son"  and  "God"  differ  in  but  a 
single  letter  in  the  old  MSS.) ;  iii.  13,  omit  "which  is  in 
heaven  "  (most  critics  retain  the  clause)  ;  vii.  8,  read  "  not 
.  .  .  yet"  or  "not";  xiv.  14,  '*ask  anything  in  my  name" 
or  "  ask  of  me  anything  in  my  name " ;  Acts  xi.  20, 
"Greeks"  or  "Hellenists";  xvi.  7,  "the  Spirit"  or  "the 
Spirit  of  Jesus";  xx.  28,  "the  church  of  God"  or  "the 
church  of  the  Lord"  ;  Rom.  xiv.  10,  "  the  judgment  seat  of 


2o8  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

Christ "  or  "  the  judgment  seat  of  God  "  ;  i  Cor.  x.  9,  **  tempt 
Christ"  or  "tempt  the  Lord";  xiii.  3,  **tobe  burned"  or 
"that  I  may  glory";  xv.  47,  omit  "the  Lord";  Eph.  iii.  9, 
omit  "by  Jesus  Christ"  ;  v.  9,  read  "the  fruit  of  the  Spirit " 
or  "the  fruit  of  the  light"  ;  Col.  ii.  2,  "the  mystery  of  God" 
or  "  the  mystery  of  God,  Christ "  (compare  i.  27 :  there  are 
several  other  readings);  i  Tim.  iii.  16,  "God  was  manifest" 
or  "who  (or  "He  who")  was  manifest"  (manifested)  ;  i  Pet. 
iii.  15,  "ths  Lird  God"  or  "the  Lord  Christ,"  or  rather 
"Christ  as  L^rd";  Jude  25,  "the  only  wise  God  our 
Saviour"  or  "the  only  God  our  Saviour,  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord";  Rev.  i.  8,  "the  Lord"  or  "the  Lord 
God " ;  xxii.  14,  "  that  do  his  commandments  "  or  "  that 
wash  their  robes." 

I  have  sufficiently  illustrated  the  nature  of  the  differences 
in  the  text  of  the  New  Testament  MSS.  :  we  will  now  con- 
sider their  e.xtent  and  importance.  The  number  of  the 
"various  readings"  frightens  som*  innocent  people,  and 
figures  largely  in  the  writings  of  the  more  ignorant  dis- 
believers in  Christianity.  "  One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
various  readings"!  Must  not  these  render  the  text  of  the 
New  Testament  wholly  uncertain,  and  thus  destroy  the 
foundation  of  our  faith  } 

The  true  state  of  the  case  is  something  like  this.  Of  the 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  various  readings,  more  or 
less,  of  the  text  of  the  Greek  New  Testament,  we  may,  as 
Mr.  Norton  has  remarked,  dismiss  nineteen-twentieths  from 
consideration  at  once,  as  being  obviously  of  such  a  charac- 
ter, or  supported  by  so  little  authority,  that  no  critic  would 
regard  them  as  having  any  claim  to  reception.  This  leaves, 
we  will  say,  seven  thousand  ^vq  hundred.  But  of  these, 
again,  it  will  appear,  on  examination,  that  nineteen  out  of 
twenty  are  of  no  sort  of  consequence  as  affecting  the  sense ; 
they  relate  to  questions  of  orthography,  or  grammatical 
construction,  or  the  order  of  words,  or  such  other  matters 
as  have  been  mentioned  above,  in  speaking  of  unimportant 
variations.  They  concern  only  the  form  of  expression,  not 
the  essential  meaning.     This  reduces   the   number   to  per- 


THE   NEW   TESTAMENT   GREEK    TEXT  209 

haps  four  hundred  which  involve  a  difference  of  meaning, 
often  very  slight,  or  the  omission  or  addition  of  a  few  words, 
sufficient  to  render  them  objects  of  some  curiosity  and  inter- 
est, while  a  few  exceptional  cases  among  them  may  rela- 
tively be  called  important.  But  our  critical  helps  are  now 
so  abundant  that  in  a  very  large  majority  of  these  more 
important  questions  of  reading  we  are  able  to  determine 
the  true  text  with  a  good  degree  of  confidence.  What  re- 
mains doubtful  we  can  afEord  to  leave  doubtful.  In  the 
text  of  all  ancient  writings,  there  are  passages  in  which  the 
text  cannot  be  settled  with  certainty ;  and  the  same  is  true 
of  the  interpretation. 

I  have  referred  above  to  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  cases  in 
which  the  genuineness  of  a  whole  verse  or  more  is  question- 
able ;  and  I  have  given  the  most  remarkable  of  the  other 
readings  of  interest  which  present  rival  claims  to  acceptance. 
Their  importance  may  be  somewhat  differently  estimated 
by  dififerent  persons.  But  it  may  be  safely  said  that  no 
Christian  doctrine  or  duty  rests  on  those  portions  of  the 
text  which  are  affected  by  differences  in  the  MSS. ;  still 
less  is  anything  essential  in  Christianity  touched  by  the 
various  readings.  They  do,  to  be  sure,  affect  the  bearing 
of  a  few  passages  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity ;  but  the 
truth  or  falsity  of  the  doctrine  by  no  means  depends  upon 
the  reading  of  those  passages. 

The  number  of  the  various  readings  which  have  been 
collected  from  more  than  five  hundred  MSS.,  more  than  a 
dozen  ancient  versions,  and  from  the  quotations  in  the  writ- 
ings of  more  than  a  hundred  Christian  Fathers,  only  attests 
the  exuberance  of  our  critical  resources  which  enable  us  now 
to  settle  the  true  text  of  the  New  Testament  with  a  confi- 
dence and  precision  which  are  wholly  unattainable  in  the 
case  of  the  text  of  any  Greek  or  Latin  classical  author.  I 
say,  enable  us  now  to  do  this;  for,  in  the  time  of  our  trans- 
lators of  161 1,  only  a  small  fraction  of  our  present  critical 
helps  was  available.     This  leads  us  to  consider  :  — 

2.  714^  imperfection  of  the  Greek  text  on  ivhieh  our  common 
English  version  of  the  New  Testament  is  fonnded.     The  prin- 


2IO  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

cipal  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament  which  influenced, 
directly  or  indirectly,  the  text  of  the  common  version  are 
those  of  Erasmus,  five  in  number  (1516-35);  Robert  Ste- 
phens (Estienne,  Stephanus),  of  Paris  and  Geneva,  four 
editions  (1546-51);  Beza,  four  editions  in  folio  (1565-98), 
and  five  smaller  editions  (1565-1604);  and  the  Compluten- 
sian  Polyglott  (15 14,  published  in  1522).  Without  enter- 
ing into  minute  details,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  all  these 
editions  were  founded  on  a  small  number  of  inferior  and 
comparatively  modern  MSS.,  very  imperfectly  collated  ;  and 
that  they  consequently  contain  a  multitude  of  errors,  which 
a  comparison  with  older  and  better  copies  has  since  enabled 
us  to  discover  and  correct.  It  is  true  that  Erasmus  had  one 
valuable  MS.  of  the  Gospels,  and  Stephens  two  (D  and  L) ; 
Beza  had  also  D  of  the  Gospels  and  Acts,  and  D  (the  Cler- 
mont MS.)  of  the  Pauline  Epistles ;  but  they  made  scarcely 
any  use  of  them.  The  text  of  the  common  version  appears 
to  agree  more  nearly  with  that  of  the  later  editions  of  Beza 
than  with  any  other  ;  but  Beza  followed  very  closely  Robert 
Stephens's  edition  of  1550,  and  Stephens's  again  was  little 
more  than  a  reprint  of  the  fourth  edition  of  Erasmus  (1527). 
Erasmus  used  as  the  basis  of  his  text  an  inferior  MS.  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  except  in  the  Rev^elation,  where  he  had 
only  an  inaccurate  transcript  of  a  mutilated  MS.  (wanting 
the  last  six  verses)  of  little  value,  the  real  and  supposed 
defects  of  which  he  supplied  by  translating  from  the  Latin 
Vulgate  into  Greek.  Besides  this,  he  had  in  all,  for  his 
later  editions,  three  MSS.  of  the  Gospels,  and  four  oT  the 
Acts  and  Epistles;  the  text  of  the  Aldine  edition  of  15 18, 
and  of  the  Complutensian  Polyglott.  In  select  passages,  he 
had  also  collations  of  some  other  MSS.  The  result  of  the 
whole  is  that  in  a  considerable  number  of  cases,  not,  to  be 
sure,  of  great  importance,  the  reading  of  the  common  Eng- 
lish version  is  supported  by  iw  known  Greek  MS.  whatever, 
but  rests  on  an  error  of  Erasmus  or  Beza  {e.g..  Acts  ix.  5,  6; 
Rom.  vii.  6;  i  Pet.  iii.  20;  Rev.  i.  9,  11  ;  ii.  3,  20,  24;  iii. 
2  ;  V.  10,  14;  XV.  3;  xvi.  5  ;  xvii.  8,  16;  xviii.  2,  etc.);  and 
it  is  safe  to  say  that  in  more  than   a   thousand  instances 


THE   NEW  TESTAMENT   GREEK   TEXT  211 

fidelity  to  the  true  text  now  ascertained  requires  a  change 
in  the  common  version,  though  in  most  cases  the  change 
would   be   slight.      But   granting    that    not    many   of    the 
changes  required  can  be  called  important,  in  the  case  of 
writings  so  precious  as  those  of  the  New  Testament  every 
one  must  feel  a  strong  desire  to  have  the  text  freed  as  far 
as  possible  from  later  accretions,  and  restored  to  its  primi- 
tive purity.     Such  being  the  need,  we  will  next  consider :  — 
3.    Our  present  resources  for  settling  the  text.     Our  MS. 
materials  for  the   correction   of   the  text  are  far  superior, 
both  in  point  of  number  and  antiquity,  to  those  which  we 
possess  in  the  case  of  any  ancient  Greek  classical  author, 
with  the  exception,  as  regards  antiquity,  of  a  few  fragments, 
as    those   of    Philodemus,   preserved    in   the    Herculanean 
papyri.     The   cases  are  very  few   in   which   any  MSS.  of 
Greek  classical   authors   have   been   found   older  than  the 
ninth  or  tenth  century.     The  oldest  MS.  of  ^Eschylus  and 
Sophocles,  that  from  which  all  the  others  are  believed  to 
have  been  copied,  directly  or  indirectly,  is  of  the  tenth  or 
eleventh  century ;   the  oldest   MS.  of   Euripides  is  of  the 
twelfth.     For  the  New  Testament,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
have    MSS.   more   or   less   complete,   written    in   uncial   or 
capital  letters,  and  ranging  from  the  fourth  to  the  tenth 
century,  of  the   Gospels  twenty-eight,  besides  twenty-nine 
small   fragments ;   of  the  Acts  and  Catholic    Epistles   ten, 
besides  six  small  fragments ;  of  the  Pauline  Epistles  eleven, 
besides  nine  small  fragments  ;  and  of  the  Revelation  five. 
All  of  these  have  been  most  thoroughly  collated,  and  the 
text  of   the  most   important  of   them   has  been  published. 
One  of  these  MSS.,  the  Sinaitic.  containing  the  whole  of  the 
New  Testament,  and   another,  the  Vatican  (B),  containing 
much  the  larger  part  of  it,  were  written  as  early,  probably, 
as  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century ;  two  others,  the  Alex- 
andrine (A)  and  the  Ephraem  (C),  belong  to  about  the  middle 
of  the  fifth ;  of  which  date  are  two  more  (Q  and  T),  contain- 
ing considerable  portions  of  the  Gospels.     A  very  remark- 
able MS.  of  the  Gospels  and  Acts,  the  Cambridge  MS.  or 
Codex  Bezae,  belongs  to  the  sixth  century,  as  do  E  of  the 


212  CRMICAL    ESSAYS 

Acts  and  D  of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  also  N,  P,  R,  Z,  of  the 
Gospels  and  H  of  the  Epistles  (fragmentary).  I  pass  by 
a  number  of  small  but  valuable  fragments  of  the  fifth  and 
sixth  centuries.  As  to  the  cursive  MSS.,  ranging  from  the 
tenth  century  to  the  sixteenth,  we  have  of  the  Gospels  more 
than  six  hundred ;  of  the  Acts  over  two  hundred ;  of  the 
Pauline  Epistles  nearly  three  hundred ;  of  the  Revelation 
more  than  one  hundred, —  not  reckoning  the  Lectionaries  or 
MSS.  containing  the  lessons  from  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and 
Epistles  read  in  the  service  of  the  church,  of  which  there 
are  more  than  four  hundred.  Of  these  cursive  MSS.  it  is 
true  that  the  great  majority  are  of  comparatively  small 
value;  and  many  have  been  imperfectly  collated  or  only 
inspected.  Some  twenty  or  thirty  of  them,  however,  are 
of  exceptional  value  —  a  few  of  very  great  value  —  for  their 
agreement  with  the  most  ancient  authorities. 

But  this  is  only  a  part  of  our  critical  materials.  The 
translations  of  the  New  Testament,  made  at  an  early  date 
for  the  benefit  of  Christian  converts  ignorant  of  Greek,  and 
the  very  numerous  quotations  by  a  series  of  writers  from 
the  second  century  onwards,  represent  the  text  current  in 
widely  separated  regions  of  the  Christian  world,  and  are 
often  of  the  highest  importance  in  determining  questions 
of  reading.  Many  of  these  authorities  go  back  to  a  date 
one  or  two  centuries  earlier  than  our  oldest  MSS.  Of  the 
ancient  versions,  the  Old  Latin  and  the  Curetonian  Syriac 
belong  to  the  second  century  ;  the  two  Egyptian  versions, 
the  Coptic  or  Memphitic  and  the  Sahidic  or  Thebaic,  prob- 
ably to  the  earlier  part  of  the  third  ;  the  Peshito  Syriac  in 
its  present  form  perhaps  to  the  beginning  of  the  fourth; 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  same  century,  we  have  the  Gothic 
and  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  perhaps  the  Aethiopic ;  in  the 
fifth  century,  the  Armenian  and  the  Jerusalem  Syriac ;  and, 
in  the  sixth,  the  Philoxenian  Syriac,  revised  by  Thomas  of 
Harkel,  a.d.  6i6:  to  say  nothing  of  several  later  versions. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  thoroughly 
critical  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament  have  been  pub- 
lished by  such  scholars  as  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Tischen- 


THE   NEW   TESTAMENT  GREEK   TEXT  213 

dorf,  and  Tregelles,  in  which  the  rich  materials  collected 
by  generations  of  scholars  have  been  used  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  text ;  we  have  learned  how  to  estimate  the 
comparative  value  of  our  authorities ;  the  principles  of  text- 
ual criticism  have  been  in  a  good  measure  settled  ;  the  more 
important  questions  in  regard  to  the  text  have  been  dis- 
cussed, and  there  has  been  a  steadily  growing  agreement  of 
the  ablest  critics  in  regard  to  them. 

With   this  view  of   what  has  been  done  in  the  way  of 
preparation,  we  will  consider,  finally  :  — 

4.  The  ground  for  expecting  a  great  imt)rovevient  in  the  text 
from  the  work  nozu  undertaken  by  the  British  and  American 
Revision  Committees.  On  this  little  needs  now  to  be  said. 
We  have  seen  that  the  text  from  which  the  common  Eng- 
lish version  was  made  contains  many  known  errors,  and 
that  our  present  means  of  correcting  it  are  ample.  The 
work  of  revision  is  in  the  hands  of  a  body  of  the  best  Chris- 
tian scholars  in  England  and  America,  and  their  duty  to 
the  Christian  public  is  plain.  The  composition  of  the  Com- 
mittees, and  the  rules  which  they  follow,  are  such  that  we 
may  be  sure  that  changes  will  not  be  made  rashly ;  on  the 
other  hand,  we  may  be  confident  that  the  work  will  be  done 
honestly  and  faithfully.  When  an  important  reading  is 
clearly  a  mistake  of  copyists,  it  will  be  fearlessly  discarded ; 
when  it  is  doubtful,  the  doubtfulness  will  be  noted  in  the 
margin ;  and  the  common  English  reader  will  at  last  have 
the  benefit  of  the  devoted  labors  of  such  scholars  as  Mill, 
Bengel,  Wetstein,  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Tischcndorf,  and 
Tregelles,  who  have  contributed  so  much  to  the  restoration 
of  the  text  of  the  New  Testament  to  its  original  purity.  On 
the  English  Committee  itself  there  are  at  least  three  men 
who  deserve  to  be  ranked  with  those  I  have  named  :  Pro- 
fessor Westcott  and  Dr.  Hort,  two  of  the  best  scholars  that 
England  has  produced,  who  have  given  more  than  twenty 
years  to  the  preparation  of  a  critical  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament ;  and  Dr.  Scrivener,  whose  labors  in  the  colla- 
tion and  publication  of  important  MSS.  have  earned  the 
gratitude  of  all   Biblical   scholars.     Professor    Lightfoot    is 


214  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

another  scholar  of  the  highest  eminence  who  has  given 
much  attention  to  the  subject  of  textual  criticism.  We 
may  rely  upon  it  that  such  men  as  these,  and  such  men 
as  constitute  the  American  Committee,  whom  I  need  not 
name,  will  not  act  hastily  in  a  matter  like  this,  and  will  not, 
on  the  other  hand,  "handle  the  word  of  God  deceitfully,*'  or 
suffer  it  to  be  adulterated  through  a  weak  and  short-sighted 
timidity. 

One  remark  may  be  added.  All  statements  about  the 
action  of  the  Revision  Committee  in  regard  to  any  particu- 
lar passage  are  wholly  premature  and  unauthorized,  for  this 
reason,  if  for  no  other,  that  their  work  is  not  yet  ended. 
When  the  result  of  their  labors  shall  be  published,  it  will 
be  strange  if  it  does  not  meet  with  some  ignorant  and 
bigoted  criticism ;  but  I  feel  sure  that  all  intelligent  and 
fair-minded  scholars  will  emphatically  indorse  the  judgment 
of  Dr.  Wcstcott,  expressed  in  the  Preface  to  the  second 
edition  of  his  History  of  the  English  Bible  (1872),  "that  in 
no  parallel  case  have  the  readings  of  the  original  texts  to 
be  translated  been  discussed  and  determined  with  equal 
care,  thorouu;hness,  and  candor." 

As  regards  the  text  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  MSS.  col- 
lated in  the  last  century  by  Kennicott  and  De'  Rossi  all 
fall  within  the  Masoretic  period,  and  present  for  the  most 
part  only  trivial  variations.  In  general,  our  means  of  cor- 
recting the  Hebrew  text  followed  by  our  translators  are 
very  far  inferior  to  those  which  we  possess  in  the  case  of 
the  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament,  and  but  few  changes 
on  this  ground  are  to  be  expected  in  the  revised  translation 
of  the  canonical  books. 


XI. 


THE  GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW  REVISION. 

[Originally  printed  as  three  articles  io  the  Sunday  School  Times  for  May  28,  June  4,  and 

June  II,  1881.] 

A  VERY  important  part  of  the  work  of  the  new  revision 
has  consisted  in  the  settlement  of  the  Greek  text  to  be 
followed  in  the  translation.  This  was  a  duty  which  could 
not  be  evaded.  To  undertake  to  correct  merely  the  mis- 
translations in  the  common  English  version,  without  refer- 
ence to  the  question  of  the  genuineness  of  the  text,  would 
be  equivalent  to  saying  that,  while  the  mistakes  of  transla- 
tors must  be  rectified,  those  of  transcribers  and  editors 
should  be  regarded  as  sacred.  It  would  be  deliberately  im- 
posing on  the  Christian  public  hundreds  of  readings  which 
all  intelligent  scholars,  on  the  ground  of  decisive  evidence, 
now  agree  in  rejecting  as  spurious. 

That  there  should  be  many  mistakes  in  our  MSS.  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament,  as  there  are  in  all  other  MSS.  of 
ancient  authors,  and  that  a  portion  of  these  mistakes  should 
be  capable  of  correction  only  by  the  comparison  of  many 
different  copies,  was  inevitable  in  the  nature  of  things, 
unless  a  perpatual  miracle  should  be  wrought.  That  such 
a  miracle  has  not  been  wrought  is  shown  by  the  multitude 
of  "various  readings"  which  a  comparison  of  copies  has 
actually  brought  to  light,  the  number  of  which  was  roughly 
reckoned  at  thirty  thousand  in  the  days  of  Mill  (1707),  and 
may  now  be  estimated  at  not  fewer  than  one  hundred 
thousand. 

This  host  of  various  readings  may  startle  one  who  is 
not  acquainted  with  the  subject,  and  he  may  imagine  that 
the  whole  text  of  the  New  Testament  is  thus  rendered 
uncertain.     But  a  careful  analysis  will  show  that  nineteen- 


2l6  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

twentieths  of  these  are  of  no  more  consequence  than  the 
palpable  errata  in  the  first  proof  of  a  modern  printer ;  they 
have  so  little  authority,  or  are  so  manifestly  false,  that  they 
may  be  at  once  dismissed  from  consideration.  Of  those 
which  remain,  probably  nine-tenths  are  of  no  importance  as 
regards  the  sense;  the  diffeiences  either  cannot  be  repre- 
sented in  a  translation,  or  affect  the  form  of  expression 
merely,  not  the  essential  meaning  of  the  sentence.  Though 
the  corrections  made  by  the  revisers  in  the  Greek  text  of 
the  New  Testament  followed  by  our  translators  probably  ex- 
ceed two  thousand,  hardly  one-tenth  of  them,  perhaps  not 
one-twentieth,  will  be  noticed  by  the  ordinary  reader.  Of 
the  small  residue,  many  are  indeed  of  sufficient  interest  and 
importance  to  constitute  one  of  the  strongest  reasons  for 
making  a  new  revision,  which  should  no  longer  suffer  the 
known  errors  of  copyists  to  take  the  place  of  the  words 
of  the  evangelists  and  apostles.  But  the  chief  value  of 
the  work  accomplished  by  the  self-denying  scholars  who 
have  spent  so  much  tim^  an  J  labor  in  the  search  for  MSS., 
and  in  their  collation  or  publication,  docs  not  consist,  after 
all,  in  the  corrections  of  the  text  which  have  resulted  from 
their  researches.  These  corrections  may  affect  a  few  of 
the  passi'^es  w'.iich  have  been  relied  on  for  the  support  of 
certain  doctrines,  but  not  to  such  an  extent  as  essentially 
to  alter  the  state  of  the  question.  Still  less  is  any  ques- 
tion of  Christian  duty  touched  by  the  multitude  of  various 
readings.  The  greatest  service  which  the  scholars  who 
have  devoted  themselves  to  critical  studies  and  the  collec- 
tion of  critical  materials  have  rendered,  has  been  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  fact  that,  on  the  whole,  the  New  Testament 
writings  have  come  down  to  us  in  a  text  remarkably  free 
from  important  corruptions,  even  in  the  late  and  inferior 
MSS.  on  which  the  so-called  "  Received  Text  "  was  founded ; 
while  the  helps  which  we  now  possess  for  restoring  it  to 
its  primitive  purity  far  exceed  those  which  we  enjoy  in  the 
case  of  any  important  classical  author  whose  works  have 
come  down  to  us.  The  multitude  of  **  various  readin<rs." 
which  to  the  thoughtless  or  ignorant  seems  so  alarming,  is 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW    REVISION  217 

simply  the  result  of  the  extraordinary  richness  and  variety 
of  our  critical  resources. 

At  this  point,  it  may  be  well  to  illustrate,  by  a  brief  state- 
ment, the  difference  between   the  position  of  the  present 
revisers  and    King   James's   translators  two   hundred    and 
seventy  years  ago,  as  regards  a  critical   knowledge  of  the 
Greek   text   of    the   New   Testament.     The   translators   or 
revisers   of    1611    followed   strictly  no   one   edition   of   the 
Greek  Testament,  though  their  revision  seems  to  agree  more 
closely,  on  the  whole,  with  Bezas  later  editions  (1588  and 
1598)    than   with   any  other.     But    Beza's  various   editions 
(1565-98,  folio,    1 565-1604,   8vo)   were    founded   miinly  on 
Robert  Stephens's  editions  of    1550  and    1551.     For  those 
editions  Stephens  had  a  very  imperfect  collation  of  fifteen 
MSS.  from  the  Royal   Library  at  Paris,  and  of  the  Complu- 
tensian  Polyglott,  whose  readings  were  given  in  his  margin. 
Of  his  MSS.,  ten  contained  the  Gospels,  eight  the  Acts  and 
Epistles,  and  two  the  Apocalypse.     Two  of  these  MSS.  of 
the  Gospels  were  valuable  (D  and   L),   but  he  made  very 
little  use  of  them ;  indeed,  the  MS.  readings  given  in  his 
margin   seem  in   general    to   have  served    rather  for  show 
than  for  use.     Scrivener  has  noted  one   hundred  and  nine- 
teen places  in  which  his  text  is  in  opposition  to  all  of  them. 
His  text  is,  in  fact,  substantially  formed  from  the  last  edi- 
tions of  Erasmus  (1527-35),  which  differ  very  slightly  from 
each  other.     Now  what  was  Erasmus's  critical  apparatus.^ 
In  the  Gospels,  he  had.  all  told,  three  MSS., —  one  of  the 
tenth  century,  and  a  good  one,  but  which  he  hardly  ever  fol- 
lowed, because  its  text  seemed  so  peculiar  that  he  was  afraid 
of  it.     He  used  as  the  basis  of  his  text  in  the  Gospels  an 
inferior  MS.  of   the   fifteenth    century.     In   the    Acts   and 
Catholic  Epistles,  he  had  four  modern  MSS.  ;  in  the  Pauline 
Epistles,  five;    in  the    Revelation,  only  one,  an   inaccurate 
copy  of  which  was  used    by  the    printer.     This   MS.   was 
mutilated,  lacking  the  last  six  verses  of   the  book,   which 
Erasmus  supplied  by  translating  back  from  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate into  pretty  bad  Greek.     This  was   not  all.     In  other 
passages  he  took  the  liberty  of  correcting  or  supplementing 


2l8  CRITICAL   BSSAVS 

his  text  from  the  Latin  Vulgate,  Beza  occasionally  took  a 
similar  liberty ;  and  the  result  is,  that  in  a  considerable 
number  of  cases,  not,  indeed,  in  giineral,  of  much  impor- 
tance, the  reading  of  the  common  English  version  is  sup- 
porUd  by  no  known  Greek  MS.,  but  rests  on  an  error  of 
Erasmus  or  Beza  (for  example,  Acts  ix.  5,  6;  Rom.  vii.  6; 
2  Cor.  i.  6 ;  I  Pec.  iii.  20 ;  Rev.  i.  9,  11;  ii.  3,  20,  24 ;  iii.  2 ; 
V.  10,  14;  XV.  3  ;  xvi.  5  ;  xvii.  8,  16;  xviii.  2,  etc.).  Such  is 
the  foundation  of  the  text  on  which  the  so-called  Authorized 
Version  was  based. 

It  is  impossible,  without  entering  itito  tedious  detail,  to 
give  an  adequate  idea  of  the  immense  accession  to  our 
critical  resources  which  has  resulted  from  the  lifelong  labors 
of  generations  of  scholars  since  our  common  version  was 
made.  I  will  merely  allude  to  Mill's  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament  (1707)  on  which  he  spent  thirty  years,  mainly  in 
collecting  materials;  to  Bengcl  (1734).  who  did  much  to 
establish  correct  principles  of  criticism ;  to  Wetstein,  whose 
magnificent  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  (1751-52),  in 
two  folio  volumes,  represents  the  arduous  labor  of  forty 
years,  and  who  added  greatly  to  our  knowledge  of  MSS. 
and  the  quotations  of  the  Christian  Fathers ;  and  to  the 
extensive  collations  of  MSS.  by  Alter,  Birch,  with  his  asso- 
ciates, and  Matthtci,  the  latter  of  whom  alone  carefully  exam- 
ined more  than  one  hundred.  Above  all  his  predecessors, 
Griesbach  stands  pre-eminent.  He  not  only  added  much 
to  the  mitcrials  alreidy  collected,  but  was  the  first  to  turn 
them  to  proper  account  in  the  correction  of  the  Received 
Text,  and  in  critical  tact  has  perhaps  been  excelled  by  none 
of  chose  who  have  succeeded  him.  After  Griesbach.  who 
links  the  last  Co  the  present  century,  we  may  name  the 
Roman  Catholic  Scholz,  a  poor  critic,  but  who  brought  to 
light  and  partially  c^^ated  many  hundreds  of  MSS,  before 
undescribed;  Lachmann,  the  eminent  classical  scholar. 
whose  original  genius  gave  a  new  impulse  to  textual  criti- 
cism; Scrivener,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  excellent 
editions  of  two  important  uncial  MSS,  (the  Codex  Bezae  or 
Cambridge  MS.  of  the  Gospels  and  the  Acts,  and  the  Codex 
Augiensis  of  the  Pauline  Epistles),  and  for  the  careful  col- 


THE   GOSPELS    IN    THE   NEW   REVISION  219 

lation  of  about  seventy  cursive  MSS.  ;  and,  above  all,  Tisch- 
endorf  and  Tregelles,  whose  indefatigable  labors  have  made 
an  epoch  in  the  history  of  New  Testament  criticism.  To 
describe  these  labors  here  in  detail  is  utterly  out  of  the 
question.  It  may  suffice  to  say  that,  for  the  purpose  of 
enlarging  and  perfecting  our  critical  apparatus,  Tischendorf 
visited  nearly  all  the  principal  libraries  of  Europe,  collating 
or  copying  for  publication  the  most  important  MSS.  of  the 
New  Testament,  whose  text  had  not  before  been  printed. 
Besides  this,  he  took  three  journeys  to  the  East,  bringing 
home  rich  MS.  treasures,  and  crowning  all  with  the  mag- 
nificent discovery  of  the  Sinai  MS.  of  the  fourth  century, 
containing  the  New  Testament  absolutely  complete.  He 
spent  more  than  eight  years  in  these  travels  and  collations. 
His  editions  of  the  texts  of  Biblical  MSS.  published  by  him 
for  the  first  time,  or  for  the  first  time  accurately,  comprise 
no  less  than  seventeen  large  quarto  and  five  folio  volumes, 
not  counting  the  Anccdota  Sacra  et  Profana  and  the  Notitia 
editionis  Codicis  Sinaiticiy  two  quarto  volumes  containing 
descriptions  or  collations  of  many  n^w  MSS.  Many  of  his 
collations  or  copies  of  important  MSS.  still  remain  unpub- 
lished, though  used  in  his  last  critical  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament.  Between  the  years  1840  and  1873,  he  issued 
as  many  as  twenty-four  editions  of  the  Greek  New  Testa- 
ment, including  the  reimpressions  of  his  stereotyped  editio 
acadctnica.  Only  four  of  these  editions,  however,  those  of 
1841,  1849,  1859,  and  1869-72,  are  independently  important 
as  marking  great  advances  in  the  acquisition  of  new  mate- 
rials. The  mere  catalogue  of  Tischendorf's  publications, 
prepared  by  Dr.  Gregory  for  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra  (Janu- 
ary, 1876),  most  of  them  relating  to  Biblical  criticism,  covers 
more  than  ten  octavo  pages.* 

Dr.  Tregelles,  like  Tischendorf,  visited  many  of  the  prin- 
cipal European  libraries,  making  three  journeys  to  the  Con- 
tinent for  this  purpose,  and  collated  with  extreme  care  the 
most  important  uncial  MSS.  and  a  number  of  very  valuable 
cursives.     He  compared  his  collations  with  those  of  Tischen- 

[*See  also  Dr.  Gregory's  Prolegom;:na  to  Tischendorf's  Editio  Octava  Critica  Maior^ 
pp.  7-M-l 


2  20  CRITICAL   ESSA\^ 

dorf,  and,  in  case  of  any  discrepancy,  settled  the  question 
by  a  re-examination  of  the  MS.  The  only  new  MS.  which 
he  published  was  the  Codex  Zacynthius,  a  palimpsest  of 
great  value  belonging  to  the  Library  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  and  containing  about  a  third  of  the 
Gospel  of  Luke.  He  issued  but  one  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament  (1857-72),  and  was  disabled  by  paralysis  from 
personally  completing  the  Prolegomena  or  Introduction  to 
this,  and  from  supplying  the  needful  corrections  and  addi- 
tions. His  accuracy  in  the  statement  of  his  authorities,  and 
the  new  material  incorporated  in  the  notes,  give  the  work 
great  value,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  matter  is  very  lucid. 
But  though  not  to  be  compared  with  Tischendorf  in  the 
extent  of  his  contributions  to  our  stock  of  critical  material. 
Dr.  Tregelles  did  far  more  than  his  rival  to  illustrate  and 
enforce  the  principles  on  which  a  critical  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament  should  bj  based,  and  to  establish,  by  what 
he  called  "comparative  criticism.'*  the  right  of  a  few  of  the 
oldest  MSS.,  in  many  cases,  to  outweigh  a  vast  numerical 
majority  of  later  authorities.  He  did  far  more,  probably, 
than  any  other  writer,  to  overcome  the  blind  and  unreason- 
ing prejuiice  which  so  long  existed  in  England  in  favor  of 
the  so-called  *'  Received  Text." 

A  rough  account  of  the  number  of  Greek  MSS.  of  the 
New  Testament  now  known  will  give  some  idea  of  the  vast 
enlargement  of  our  critical  materials  since  the  time  when 
the  common  English  version  was  made.  We  have  now  for 
the  Gospels  sixty  uncials  (reckoning  the  six  Psalters,  etc., 
which  contain  the  hymns  in  Luke  i.  46-55,  68-79,  i'-  29-32), 
ranging  from  the  fourth  century  to  the  tenth,  and  more  than 
six  hundred  cursives,  dating  from  the  tenth  century  to  the 
sixteenth;  for  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  seventeen 
uncials  an  I  ov^er  two  hundred  cursives;  for  the  Pauline 
Epistles,  twenty  uncials  and  over  two  hundred  and  eighty 
cursives ;  for  the  Revelation,  five  uncials  and  about  one 
hundred  cursives.  To  these  are  to  be  added  over  three 
hundred  and  forty  Evangelistaries  and  about  eighty  Praxa- 
postoli ;   that   is,    MSS.  containing   the   Lessons   from   the 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW    REVISION  221 

Gospels  and  the  Acts  and  Epistles  read  in  the  service  of 
the  church.  This  very  rough  statement,  however,  requires 
much  qualification  to  prevent  a  false  impression,  as  more 
than  half  of  the  uncials  are  mere  fragments,  though  very 
valuable  fragments,  and  most  of  the  others  are  more  or  less 
mutilated  ;  while  a  large  majority  of  the  cursives  have  been 
but  partially  collated,  or  only  inspected.  But  all  of  the 
uncials,  incomparably  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  appara- 
tus, have  been  thoroughly  collated  (with  the  exception  of 
the  recently  discovered  Codex  Rossanensis) ;  indeed,  the 
whole  text  of  the  most  valuable  among  them  has  been 
published.* 

There  is  another  very  important  class  of  our  critical  docu- 
ments which  can  be  noticed  only  in  the  briefest  manner. 
The  translations  of  the  New  Testament  into  different  lan- 
guages, made  at  aft  early  date  for  the  benefit  of  Christian 
converts  ignorant  of  Greek, —  the  ancient  versions  as  they 
are  commonly  termed, —  represent  the  text  current  in  widely 
separated  regions  of  the  Christian  world,  and  are  often  of 
the  highest  importance  in  settling  questions  of  textual  criti- 
cism. Two  of  these  versions,  the  Old  Latin  and  the  Cure- 
tonian  Syriac,  belong  to  the  second  century ;  two,  the  Mem- 
phitic  or  Coptic,  and  the  Thebaic  or  Sahidic,  to  the  earlier 
part  of  the  third  ;  four  more,  the  Peshito  Syriac  in  its  pres- 
ent form,  the  Gothic,  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  the  Aethiopic 
(perhaps)  to  the  fourth ;  two,  the  Armenian  and  the  Jeru- 
salem Syriac,  to  the  fifth ;  and  there  are  several  other  later 
versions  of  considerable  importance,  as  the  Philoxenian  or 
Harclean  Syriac  and  the  Slavonic.  The  earlier  editors  of 
the  Greek  Testament  knew  none  of  these  except  the  Vul- 
gate and  the  Peshito,  and  the  former  only  in  a  very  corrupt 
text.  They  made  little  use  of  either  of  them,  except  occa- 
sionally to  corrupt  the  Greek  text  from  the  more  familiar 
Vulgate.     The   Curetonian    Syriac   is   a   recent   discovery ; 

[*See  SdufiTs  Com^nian  to  the  Greek  Testament  and  English  yerswn,  p.  toi  sq.,  and 
the  Prolegomeoa  to  Tlschendorfs  eighth  edition,  p.  338.  It  may  be  added  that  a  collation  of  the 
Gospdsof  Matthew  and  Mark,  as  g^ven  in  the  Codex  Rossanensis,  has  been  published  in  Geb- 
hardt  and  Hamack*s  Texte  und  Untersuchungen^  u.  s.  w.  Bd.  I.  Heft  4;  compare  Professor 
Sanday**  Essay  in  Stttdia  BMica  (Oxford,  1885),  pp.  103-iia  ;  and  p.  33S  below.  J 


222  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

and  the  value  of  this  and  of  the  other  early  versions  in  text- 
ual criticism  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  Our  knowledge 
of  the  Old  Latin  version  or  versions  has  been  very  greatly 
extended  by  the  labors  of  scholars  in  the  present  century  in 
connection  with  the  discovery  of  new  MSS. 

A  third  and  also  very  important  class  of  our  authorities 
is  the  numerous  quotations  of  the  New  Testament  by  early 
Christian  writers,  many  of  them  one  or  two  centuries  earlier 
than  the  date  of  our  oldest  MSS.  In  respect  to  these, 
though  Mill,  Bengel,  Wetstein,  Sabatier,  Griesbach,  Mat- 
tha^i,  and  others,  had  made  extensive  collections,  our  criti- 
cal apparatus  has  been  greatly  augmented  by  the  labors  of 
Tischendorf  and  Tregelles. 

The  most  valuable  result  of  these  vast  accessions  to  our 
critical  apparatus  has  been  indirect  rather  than  direct.  It 
has  enabled  us  to  trace  the  outlines  of  the  history  of  the 
text ;  to  determine,  approximately,  the  relative  value  of  our 
different  authorities  and  their  distinguishing  characteristics ; 
it  has  enabled  us  to  establish  on  a  solid  foundation  certain 
principles  of  criticism^  which  serve  as  a  guide  through  the 
labyrinth  of  conflicting  testimonies. 

A  careful  study  of  the  occasions  of  error  in  copying  is  an 
important  preparation  for  the  decision  of  many  questions  in 
textual  criticism.  The  way  in  which  the  oldest  MSS.  were 
generally  written,  with  no  spaces  between  the  words  except 
at  the  end  of  a  long  paragraph  (where  a  space  about  half 
the  width  of  a  capital  letter  is  often  left  in  the  Vatican  MS.), 
no  distinction  of  the  beginning  of  sentences  by  larger 
initial  letters,  with  very  few  points,  perhaps  none  for  a 
whole  page,  and  no  accents  or  breathings,  greatly  increased 
the  liability  to  mistakes  in  transcription.  How  easy  it  is  to 
make  such  mistakes,  even  under  favorable  circumstances,  is 
well  known  to  every  proof-reader.  Many  of  the  occasions  of 
error  in  copying  MSS. —  mistakes  of  the  eye,  the  ear,  and 
of  memory  —  affect  in  a  similar  manner  the  work  of  the 
printer ;  so  that  the  critical  examination  of  typographical 
errors  throws  no  little  light  on  some  of  the  problems  pre- 
sented   by   the   variations   in    ancient    MSS.      The   proper 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE    NEW    REVISION  223 

comparison,  indeed,  would  be  between  the  errors  in  a  MS. 
and  those  in  the  compositor's  first  proof ;  but  it  may  not 
be  without  interest  to  illustrate  by  examples  some  of  the 
occasions  of  error  common  to  MSS.  and  printed  books. 

In  the  year  1833  there  was  published  at  Oxford  an 
'•  Exact  Reprint "  of  what  was  then  supposed  to  be  the  first 
edition  of  the  common  English  version  of  the  Bible,  printed 
in  161 1.  (Two  editions  were  actually  printed  that  year; 
and  which  of  these  is  the  one  represented  in  the  *'  Exact 
Reprint"  is  still  in  dispute.*)  To  this  is  prefixed  a  collation 
of  the  text  with  that  of  one  of  the  editions  of  1613.  The 
variations  noted  (about  412  in  all),  which  do  not  include 
mere  differences  in  spelling,  occupy  seven  or  eight  pages 
quarto.  From  these  I  select  a  few  illustrations  of  different 
classes  of  mistakes. 

The  first  is  an  example  of  omission  occasioned  by  what  is 
called  IiomocoteleutoHy  that  is,  the  "like  ending"  of  succes- 
sive words  or  clauses.  In  the  edition  of  1611,  John  xx.  25 
reads  thus:  "Except  I  shall  see  in  his  hands  the  print 
of  the  nailes,  and  put  my  finger  into  the  print  of  the  nailes, 
and  thrust  my  hand  into  his  side,"  etc.  Here,  in  the  edi- 
tion of  1613,  the  words  "and  put  my  finger  into  the  print 
of  the  nailes"  are  omitted.  The  compositor  having  set  up 
the  first  clause  of  the  verse,  ending  with  "  the  print  of  the 
nailes,"  glances  back  to  his  text,  and,  seeing  the  second 
"print  of  the  nailes,"  supposes  that  is  what  he  has  just  put 
in  type,  and  goes  on  with  the  "and  thrust,"  unconsciously 
omitting  the  second  clause.  This  kind  of  mistake  occurs 
very  frequently  in  MSS.  In  the  edition  of  161 3,  clauses 
were  also  accidentally  omitted  on  account  of  the  recurrence 
of  the  same  word  in  i  Kings  iii.  15,  Hab.  ii.  5,  Matt.  xiii. 
8  and  xvi.  11,  and  two  whole  verses  (vv.  13,  14)  were 
dropped  in  the  sixteenth  chapter  of  Ecclcsiasticus,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  verses  12  and  14  each  end  with  the  phrase 
"according  to  his  workes."  In  Blayney's  edition  of  1769, 
intended  to  be  a  standard,  seventeen  words  were  inadver- 
tently omitted  in  Rev.  xviii.  22,  on  account  of  the  recur- 
rence of  the  word  "more."     In  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  omissions 

•iSavieatt{AiUkorixed Edition  r/  the  Eng.  Bible,  Cambr.  18S4,  p  5  ff.i  th.nks  th.-  second  \ 


324  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

from  this  cause  are  very  numerous;  some  of  the  most 
remarkable  will  be  found  at  Matt.  xxvi.  62,  63  ;  Mark  x.  35, 
37 ;  Luke  x.  32 ;  John  xix.  20,  21 ;  Acts  xiv.  20,  21 ;  Eph.  ii. 
7 ;  Rev.  iv.  3.  In  the  Alexandrian  MS.,  four  whole  verses 
(i  Cor.  vi.  3-6)  are  omitted  on  account  of  the  like  ending  of 
the  last  word  in  verse  2  and  the  last  in  verse  6.  In  i  John 
ii.  23,  in  our  common  English  version  the  last  clause  is 
printed  in  italics  as  spurious,  or  of  doubtful  genuineness. 
It  is  unquestionably  genuine ;  its  accidental  omission  in 
many  MSS.  being  occasioned  by  the  fact  that  in  the  orig- 
inal it  ends  with  the  same  words  as  the  first  clause. 

The  omission  of  a  small  word  where  the  sense  is  not 
materially  affected  is  very  common  in  the  English  Bible  of 
161 3  referred  to  above  as  compared  with  the  edition  of 
161 1  ;  and  it  also  occurs  in  some  places  where  the  sense 
is  essentially  changed  by  it ;  for  example,  2  Tim.  iv.  16, 
where  we  read,  **  I  pray  God  that  it  may  be  laid  to  their 
charge,"  instead  of  "may  not  be  laid.**  In  other  passages, 
as  Lev.  xvii.  14;  Neh.  x.  31  ;  Ezek.  xxiv.  7;  i  Cor.  xi.  17, 
this  important  little  word  not  is  found  in  one  of  these  edi- 
tions and  not  in  the  other.  In  an  edition  of  the  English 
Bible  printed  in  1632  ['31  ?],  as  is  well  known,  the  word  not 
was  omitted  from  the  seventh  commandment ;  and  another 
edition  reads  in  i  Cor.  vi.  9,  "  Know  ye  not  that  the  unright- 
eous shall  inherit  the  kingdom  of  God  > " 

We  have  seen  how  the  recurrence  of  the  same  word,  or 
of  the  same  ending  of  a  word,  may  occasion  an  omission. 
It  may  also  occasion  the  unconscious  repetition  of  a  clause 
or  sentence.  We  have  a  very  curious  example  of  this  in 
Exod.  xiv.  10  in  the  English  Bible  of  161 1  according  to  the 
Oxford  "  Exact  Reprint,"  where  twenty-one  words  were  re- 
peated by  accident,  thus  :  — 

1611.  1613. 

And  when  Pharaoh  drew  nigh,  the  And  when  Pharaoh  drew  nigh,  the 

children  of  Israel  lift  vp  their  eyes,  and  children  of   Israel   lift  vp  their  eves, 

behold,  the  Egyptians  marched  after  and   behold,  the   Egyptians  marched 

them,  and  they  were  sore  afraid :  and  after  them,  and  thev  were  sore  afraid : 

the  children  of  Israel  lift  vp  their  eyes,  and   the  children  of   Israel  cried  out 

and  beholds,  the  Egyptian -»  marched  vntotheLjrd. 
after  them,  and  thev  were  sore  afraid  ; 
and  ihe  chiklren  of   Israel  cried   out 
vnto  the  Lord. 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW   REVISION  225 

Here  we  perceive  that  the  cause  of  the  error,  not  surprising 
in  a  first  proof,  but  strangely  uncorrected,  was  the  recur- 
rence of  the  words  "the  children  of  Israel"  in  two  successive 
parts  of  a  long  sentence.  The  sleepy  compositor,  having 
set  up  the  verse  as  far  as  the  second  *' children  of  Israel" 
(inclusive),  looked  back  to  his  text,  and  seeing  the  first 
"children  of  Israel,'*  which  he  supposed  was  what  he  had 
just  put  in  type,  went  on  with  the  words  following. 

There  are  several  remarkable  examples  of  such  repetition 
in  the  Vatican  MS. ;  one  in  Rom.  iv.  4,  5,  another  in  2  Cor. 
iii.  14,  15;  in  each  case  the  origin  of  the  error  will  appear 
on  consulting  the  Greek.  It  is  fortunate  on  one  account 
that  these  mistakes  were  made,  as  it  is  only  in  such  dupli- 
cated passages  that  the  beautiful  original  writing  has  pre- 
ser\^ed  its  primitive  form,  a  later  hand  having  elsewhere 
retouched  the  letters  and  added  accents  and  breathings. 
There  is  a  more  extraordinary  case  of  this  kind  in  the 
Sinaitic  MS.,  i  Thess.  ii.  13,  14,  where  twenty-five  words 
are  repeated  on  account  of  the  recurrence  of  rov  deov,  **  of 
God."  This  mistake  was,  however,  corrected  by  the  con- 
temporary reviser  of  the  MS.  In  a  few  other  instances,  as 
Luke  xvii.  16,  Eph.  vi.  3,  a  verse  has  been  carelessly  repeated 
in  the  Codex  Sinaiticus. 

An  unconscious  substitution  of  one  word  for  another 
equivalent  in  meaning  often  occurs  in  copying,  and  even  in 
printing.  In  such  cases,  a  familiar  or  easy  form  of  expres- 
sion usually  takes  the  place  of  one  which  is  harsh  or  unusual. 
Thus,  in  Gen.  xxvii.  44,  the  edition  of  161 1  reads,  correctly, 
"until  thy  brother's  furie  tume  away"  ;  the  edition  of  161 3 
substitutes  ** passe  away";  Prov.  xiv.  15,  "The  simple 
belecvetli  every  word"  (1611)  becomes  "The  simple  beleev: 
every  word"  (1613);  Mark  xii.  13,  "And  they  scud  vnto 
him  certaine  of  the  Pharisees,"  reads  in  the  edition  of  161 3 
"  they  sent^^  etc.  Here  the  original  settles  the  true  reading 
of  the  English  version ;  were  it  otherwise,  the  maxim,  "The 
more  difficult  reading  is  to  be  preferred,"  would  lead  to  the 
same  result. 

More  extraordinary    substitutions    sometimes    occur,   in 


2  26  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

which  a  word  suggested  to  the  mind  of  the  transcriber  or 
printer  by  the  preceding  context  is  unconsciously  set  in  the 
place  of  the  true  word.  This  may  be  the  origin  of  a  mis- 
print which  has  usurped  the  place  of  the  true  reading  in  all 
copies  of  our  common  English  version;  namely,  "the  pro- 
fession of  owe  faith,''  in  Heb.  x.  23,  for  "the  profession  of 
our  hope''  The  Greek  word  here  represented  by  "faith" 
is  everywhere  else  in  the  New  Testament  rendered  "  hope,'* 
and  has  no  other  meaning.  It  is  so  rendered  in  Heb.  x. 
23,  in  all  the  earlier  English  versions.  It  is  incredible  that 
our  translators,  in  opposition  to  the  original,  deliberately 
changed  the  "hope"  of  their  predecessors  to  "faith.**  As 
a  misprint,  which  would  easily  escape  correction,  it  may 
have  originated  in  the  expression  "assurance  of  faith  **  in  the 
preceding  verse,  putting  the  thought  of  "  faith  **  into  the 
mind  of  the  type-setter,  and  thus  making  it  natural  for  him  to 
substitute  the  common  expression,  "profession  of  faith,"  for 
the  unusual  one,  "profession  of  hope."  This  may  also  have 
been  facilitated  by  the  occurrence  of  the  word  "faithful  **  in 
the  following  clause.  We  have  a  somewhat  similar  substitu- 
tion in  the  edition  of  1613  of  ''shincd  through  darkenesse'* 
for  "  walked  through  darkenesse  *'  in  Job  xxix.  3,  the  word 
"shined"  occurring  in  the  preceding  clause.  In  John  x.  25, 
"  I  told  you,  and  ye  believed  not,*'  "  believed  *'  is  doubtless 
a  printer's  mistake,  very  natural  after  "told,**  for  "believe.** 
The  verb  is  in  the  present  tense  in  the  Greek,  with  no  vari- 
ous reading,  and  all  the  earlier  English  versions  read  "  be- 
lieve.'* It  cannot  be  reasonably  supposed  that  our  trans- 
lators deliberately  altered  this  correct  rendering,  while,  as  an 
unintentional  change  after  a  past  tense,  it  would  be  more 
likely  to  occur  than  "sent"  for  "send"  and  "said**  for 
"say,"  which  we  find  in  the  Bible  of  1613  at  Mark  xii.  13,  14. 
We  find  occasional  examples  of  the  unconscious  addition 
of  words  not  belonging  to  the  text,  but  merely  suggested  by 
the  context.  In  Gen.  xv.  24,  in  the  edition  of  161 1,  we  read 
"  that  which  the  yong  men  have  eaten,  and  the  portion  of 
the  men  that  went  with  mee."  The  edition  of  1613  reads 
"  the  portion  of  the  olde  vciQ,\\  that  went  with  mee.*'     There 


THE  GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW    REVISION  227 

is  no  authority  for  **olde";  the  mention  of  the  j^//;/^  men 
suggested  by  contrast  the  idea  of  old  men,  and  thus  the  in- 
sertion was  innocently  made.  Perhaps  such  is  the  origin  in 
the  Greek  text  of  the  addition  "openly"  in  Matt.  vi.  4,  6, 
18,  rightly  rejected  by  the  Revisers  as  spurious.  In  Matt. 
XXV.  6,  the  true  text  reads,  "  Behold,  the  bridegroom ! "  the 
addition  **cometh,"  found  in  the  great  mass  of  the  later  MSS., 
was  not  probably  a  deliberate  interpolation,  but  what  the 
mind  supplied  was  unconsciously  added  to  the  text. 

These  illustrations  from  the  English  Bible  of  some  occa- 
sions of  error  in  copying  have  been  carried  much  further 
than  was  intended,  and  many  things  which  they  suggest 
must  be  passed  over.  An  examination  of  the  whole  list  of 
differences  between  the  editions  of  161 1  and  1613  would 
show  the  great  value  of  such  a  comparison  for  the  correction 
of  the  errors  of  both.  In  the  case  of  variations  that  affect 
the  sense,  the  mere  comparison,  without  reference  to  the  orig- 
inal Hebrew  or  Greek,  would  in  most  cases  at  once  deter- 
mine the  true  reading.  The  addition  of  another  independent 
early  copy,  though  it  would  add  to  the  number  of  variations, 
would  settle  most  of  the  remaining  questions.  Indeed,  the 
grosser  errors  would  at  once  suggest  their  own  correction. 
The  analogy  between  the  early  printed  editions  of  Kin^^ 
James's  version  as  compared  with  modern  copies,  and  the 
oldest  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  as  compared  with  those 
from  six  to  twelve  hundred  years  later,  obviously  fails  in 
many  important  respects ;  but,  as  no  one  would  dispute 
the  pre-eminent  value  of  these  editions  in  an  investigation 
of  the  text  of  our  translators,  notwithstanding  their  gross 
misprints,  the  pre-eminent  value  of  our  oldest  MSS.  is 
not  destroyed  by  the  fact  that  they  each  contain  many 
errors  of  the  scribe.  The  carelessness  of  the  copyist  im- 
I>airs  the  value  of  a  MS.  where  its  testimony  is  single,  and 
especially  when  the  apparent  error  is  one  to  which  he 
is  proved  to  have  been  prone ;  but  a  comparison  with 
other  MSS.,  or  often  the  nature  of  the  error  itself,  will 
enable  us  to  correct  with  confidence  these  transcriptional 
mistakes,   and   thus   reach  a  text  incomparably  purer  than 


228  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

that  presented  by  the  great  mass  of  late  MSS.  Such 
arguments  as  writers  like  Mr.  Burgon  use  against  the 
authority  of  the  Sinaitic  and  Vatican  MSS.,  even  if  not 
founded  on  false  premises,  as  they  are  to  a  large  extent, 
would  simply  destroy  the  authority  of  all  our  MSS.,  and  a 
fortiori  that  of  the  ancient  versions  and  the  quotations  found 
in  early  Christian  writers.  We  may  learn  much  from  an 
honest  witness,  even  if  he  is  not  infallible ;  and  there  can 
be  no  possible  doubt  that  the  New  Testament  scribes  were 
in  general  honest. 

In  considering  the  principles  of  criticism  which  have  gov- 
erned the  Revisers  in  determining  the  Greek  text,  it  will  be 
better  to  begin  with  concrete  examples  which  serve  to  illus- 
trate them  than  to  state  them  baldly  beforehand  in  an 
abstract  form. 

An  instructive  example  for  our  purpose  will  be  found  in 
the  quotations  from  Isa.  xxix.  13  in  Matt.  xv.  8.  This 
reads  in  the  Revised  Version,  "  This  people  honoureth  me 
with  their  lips,  but  their  heart  is  far  from  me " ;  in  the 
Common  Version,  "This  people  drawcth  nigh  to  me  with 
their  mouthy  and  honoureth  me  with  their  lips,  but  their 
heart,"  etc.,  the  latter  agreeing  with  the  Septuagint  in  the 
addition  of  the  words  here  italicized.  The  shorter  reading 
is  supported  by  five  uncial  MSS.,  }^  and  B, —  that  is,  the 
Sinaitic  and  Vatican  (of  the  fourth  century), —  D  (the  Codex 
Bezae)  and  T*"  (sixth  century),  and  L,  of  the  eighth  century, 
and  two  cursives,  33  (eleventh  century)  and  124  (twelfth 
century) ;  by  the  Old  Latin  version  or  versions  (except  the 
MS.  f,  that  is.  Codex  Brixianus)  and  the  Vulgate,  the  Cure- 
tonian  and  Peshito  Syriac,  the  Memphitic,  Aethiopic,  Arme- 
nian, and  Persic  versions;  by  the  quotations  of  the  Gnostic 
Ptolemy  in  the  second  century,  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
Origen  repeatedly,  who  expressly  remarks  upon  the  reading, 
Eusebius,  Basil  the  Great  (or  Pseudo-Basil),  Chrysostom, 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  of  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  and  the 
Latin  Fathers  generally.  Clement  of  Rome  (first  century) 
quotes  the  passage  in  the  shorter  form,  and  so  it  is  quote:! 
in  the  spurious  Second  Epistle  (or  Homily)  to   the  Corin- 


THE   GOSPELS    IN   THE   NEW   REVISION  229 

thians  ascribed  to  him  (second  century).  On  the  other  side 
are  fourteen  uncials ;  namely,  C,  the  Ephraem  palimpsest  of 
the  fifth  century,  E  of  the  eighth  century,  and  the  rest  of 
the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  with  several  hundreds  of  cur- 
sives, from  the  tenth  to  the  sixteenth  centuries  ;  the  Latin 
MS.  f,  representing  a  late  revision  of  the  Old  Latin,  and 
the  Harclean  Syriac  version,  of  the  seventh  century. 

We  observe  first  that,  if  the  disputed  clause  be  genu- 
ine, its  omission  must  have  been  the  result  either  of  accident 
or  of  design.  But  it  cannot  have  been  omitted  by  accident 
from  authorities  so  numerous,  so  independent,  and  so  wide- 
spread, representing  all  the  principal  regions  of  the  Christian 
world.  There  is  no  homoeotcleiiton  here.  Nor  is  there  the 
slightest  probability  that  it  was  omitted  by  design.  Should 
it  be  suggested  that  it  was  omitted  to  make  the  contrast 
of  the  second  and  third  clauses  more  forcible,  it  may  be 
replied  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  scribes  dealt 
in  any  such  way  with  their  MSS.,  or,  rather,  abundant 
evidence  that  such  was  not  their  habit.  Their  work  was 
mechanical ;  and  they  had  some  respect  for  the  Scriptures. 
Internal  evidence  is  thus  fatal  to  the  clause ;  and  we  cannot 
fail  to  be  struck  at  once  with  the  immense  preponderance  of 
the  afuicnt  evidence,  of  all  sorts,  against  it. 

But  how  can  we  explain  the  addition  ">  Very  easily :  it 
came  in  from  the  Septuagint  version.  In  the  case  of  pas- 
sages from  the  Old  Testament  quoted  in  the  New,  where 
they  are  often  cited  freely,  or  abridged,  it  was  customary  to 
note  in  the  margin  the  differences  between  their  text  in  the 
Septuagint  and  in  the  New  Testament.  In  a  similar  man- 
ner, the  report  of  Christ's  sayings  or  doings  in  one  Gospel 
was  often  supplemented  by  marginal  or  interlinear  notes 
derived  from  the  parallel  passages  in  one  or  more  of  the 
other  Gospels.  Glosses,  or  interpretations  of  difficult  words, 
were  often  given  in  the  margin.  Words  or  clauses  acci- 
dentally omitted  by  the  scribe  were  also  placed  there. 
Owing  to  this  last  circumstance,  it  frequently  happened 
that,  in  copying  MSS.  containing  these  various  marginal 
notes  and  glosses,  the  scribe  either  added  them  to  his  text, 


230  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

supposing  them  to  have  been  accidentally  left  out  by  the 
former  copyist,  or  substituted  them  for  the  true  text,  sup- 
posing them  to  be  a  correction.  This  has  been  a  main 
source  of  corruption  in  the  later  MSS.  of  the  Gospels,  as 
will  be  seen  hereafter.  Taking  all  these  things  into  con- 
sideration, we  may  conclude  with  absolute  confidence  that 
the  shorter  reading  here  is  the  true  one. 

The  case  is  equally  clear  in  the  quotation  from  Isa.  Ixi.  i 
in  Luke  iv.  18,  19,  where  the  words  "to  heal  the  broken- 
hearted" are  omitted  by  the  Revisers.  They  are  wanting 
in  the  uncial  MSS.  H,  B,  D,  L,  and  the  Codex  Zacynthius 
(eighth  century),  in  the  cursives  13,  33,  69,  in  most  MSS.  of 
the  Old  Latin  vers'on  or  versions  and  the  best  of  the 
Vulgate,  also  in  the  Memphitic,  Aethiopic,  and  Armenian  ^ 
versions,  and  in  the  quotations  of  Origen,  Eusebius,  Atha- 
nasius,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria.  The  omission  of  the 
clause  cannot  be  explained  as  the  result  either  of  accident 
or  design  :  it  came  in  from  the  Septuagint.  So  in  Matt.  ii. 
18,  the  words  "lamentation  and"  before  "weeping  and 
great  mourning,"  in  the  quotation  from  Jer.  xxxi.  (Sept. 
x.xxviii.)  15  are  rightly  omitted  in  the  new  version  on  the 
authority  of  Jt,  B,  Z  (the  Dublin  palimpsest,  sixth  century), 
the  cursives  i,  22,  the  Old  Latin,  Vulgate,  Memphitic,  The- 
baic, Peshito  Syriac,  and  Jerusalem  Syriac  versions,  and  the 
quotation  of  Justin  Martyr  (second  century).  The  omission 
here  cannot  be  explained  as  the  result  either  of  accident  or 
design  ;  and  the  combination  of  very  ancient  evidence  against 
it,  representing  all  quarters  of  the  Christian  world,  is  abso- 
lutely decisive.  It  was  introduced,  as  in  the  other  cases, 
from  the  Septuagint  version.  Other  instances  of  the  ampli- 
fication of  passages  quoted  from  the  Old  Testament  will  be 
found  in  the  "  Received  Text "  in  Rom.  xiii.  9  and  Heb.  xii. 
20,  where  the  clauses  **  thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness " 
and  **  or  thrust  through  with  a  dart "  are  omitted  by  the 
Revisers.  Heb.  ii.  7  may  be  another  case.  See  the  Re- 
visers' margin. 

Looking  back  now  at  the  documentary  evidence  in  the 
three  passages   examined,  we   see  the   great   mass  of  the 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW    REVISION  23 1 

cursive  MSS.  and  all  the  later  uncials  agreeing  in  readings 
which  are  certainly  false.  It  becomes  evident,  then,  that 
our  MSS.  must  be  weighed,  not  counted.  These  are  only 
a  few  out  of  a  vast  multitude  of  examples  in  which  the 
force  of  evidence,  internal  and  external,  compels  us  to  accept 
a  reading  supported  by  a  very  small  number  of  our  oldest 
MSS.  in  opposition  to  the  great  horde  of  later  authorities. 
This  is  particularly  the  case  in  questions  of  omission  or 
addition. 

We  have  seen  the  manner  in  which  abridged  quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Gospels  are  supplemented 
in  the  later  MSS.  and  the  Received  Text  from  the  Septua- 
gint.  We  shall  now  notice  some  examples  of  the  way  in 
which  the  text  of  one  Gospel  has  been  interpolated  by  the 
addition  of  words  or  clauses  which  belong  to  another,  or  in 
which  its  language  has  been  assimilated  to  that  used  in  the 
parallel  passages. 

In  Matt.  XX.  22,  the  common  version  reads :  "  Are  ye 
able  to  drink  of  the  cup  that  I  shall  drink  of  [and  to  be 
baptized  with  the  baptism  that  I  am  baptized  with]  .^'' and 
in  verse  23,  "Ye  shall  indeed  drink  of  my  cup  [and  be 
baptized  with  the  baptism  that  I  am  baptized  with]."  The 
clauses  here  bracketed  are  wanting  in  J«{,  B,  D,  L,  Z,  in 
the  cursives  i  and  22  (in  verse  23  in  six  others  besides 
these),  in  most  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin  version  or 
versions,  the  Vulgate,  the  Curetonian  Syriac,  the  Memphi- 
tic,  Thebaic,  Aethiopic,  and  Persic  versions,  and  in  the  quota- 
tions of  Origen,  Epiphanius,  John  of  Damascus,  and  the 
Latin  Fathers  generally.  Origen  (in  the  early  part  of  the 
third  century)  expressly  notes  the  fact  that  they  were  found 
in  Mark,  but  not  in  Matthew.  In  Mark  x.  38,  39,  none  of 
the  MSS.  or  versions  omit  them.  But,  in  Matthew.  C  alone 
contains  them,  among  our  MSS.  of  the  oldest  class  ;  they 
are  found  in  thirteen  of  the  later  uncials  (all  but  one  of 
them  belonging  to  the  ninth  or  tenth  century),  in  the  great 
mass  of  cursives,  in  three  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin,  in  the 
Peshito,  Harclean  Syriac,  and  Armenian  versions,  and  in 
the  quotations  of  Chrysostom  and  Basil  of  Seleucia.  (Most 
of  these  authorities  read  "or"  for  "and"  in  verse  22.) 


232  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Now,  if  these  clauses  belonged  originally  to  the  text,  they 
must  have  been  omitted  by  accident  or  by  design.  They 
could  not  have  been  omitted  accidentally  in  so  many  and  so 
independent  very  early  authorities,  including  all,  so  far  as 
we  know,  that  represent  the  second  and  third  centuries. 
In  the  23d  verse,  the  last  word  in  the  Greek  indeed  agrees 
in  the  last  four  letters  with  the  word  which  ends  the  pre- 
ceding clause ;  but  there  is  no  such  occasion  for  accidental 
omission  in  verse  22.  Nor  can  we  discover  any  motive  for 
intentional  omission  of  the  clauses.  On  the  other  hand, 
their  insertion  is  readily  explained  by  their  existence  in 
Mark.  We  conclude  then,  with  confidence,  that  the  clauses 
in  question  did  not  belong  to  the  original  text. 

Among  the  numerous  examples  in  which  the  text  followed 
in  the  common  version  has  received  similar  additions  from 
the  parallel  passages  are  —  Matt.  i.  25,  where  for  *'her  first- 
born son"  the  oldest  authorities  read  simply  "a  son,**  the 
fuller  form  coming  from  Luke  ii.  7,  where  all  the  MSS.  have 
it ;  Matt.  v.  44,  where  "  bless  them  that  curse  you,  do  good 
to  them  that  hate  you,**  and  "  despitefully  use  you  and,**  are 
from  Luke  vi.  27,  28 ;  Matt.  viii.  29,  where  "Jesus**  is  from 
Mark  v.  7  and  Luke  viii.  28;  Maft.  ix.  13  and  Mark  ii.  17, 
where  the  words  *'to  repentance"  are  from  Luke  v.  32; 
Matt.  xvi.  3,  where  ''  O  ye  hypocrites  "  is  from  Luke  xii.  56. 
In  Matt.  xvii.  21,  the  whole  verse,  probably,  was  introduced 
from  Mapk  ix.  29,  and  Matt,  xviii.  11  from  Luke  xix.  10. 
In  Matt.  xix.  16.  17,  the  Revisers'  text  omits  "good**  before 
"  Master,"  and  reads,  "  Why  askest  thou  me  concerning  that 
which  is  good  .^  One  there  is  who  is  good,**  instead  of, 
**  Why  callest  thou  me  good  ?  there  is  none  good  but  one, 
that  is,  God,"  the  rea.lings  of  the  Received  Text  being  found 
without  any  important  variation  in  the  parallel  passages, 
Mark  x.  17,  18,  Luke  xviii.  iS,  19.  Here  the  readings 
adopted  in  the  new  revision  have  in  their  favor  a  great 
preponderance  of  the  mos/  ajicicnt  testimony  of  MSS.,  ver- 
sions, and  Fathers,  while  their  origin  in  accident  seems 
impossible ;  and  the  only  apparent  motive  for  deliberate 
alteration,  the  avoiding  of  a  theological  difficulty,  would  be 


THE  GOSPELS    IN   THE   NEW   REVISION  233 

equally  strong  in  the  case  of  the  parallel  passages  m  Mark 
and  Luke,  where  there  is  no  trace  of  an  attempt  to  remove 
it  in  that  way.  The  judgment  of  the  Revisers  is  accord- 
ingly supported  by  that  of  a  great  majority  of  the  better 
critics,  as  Mill,  Bengel,  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Tischendorf, 
Tregelles,  Alford,  Green,  Westcott  and  Hort,  Porter,  Da- 
vidson, Scrivener,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Weiss,  Keil,  etc.  In 
Matt.  xix.  20,  the  words  "from  my  youth  up*' are  derived 
from  Mark  x.  20  and  Luke  xviii.  21;  "or  wife"  in  Matt. 
xix.  29  and  Mark  x.  29,  from  Luke  xviii.  29 ;  the  verse 
Matt,  xxiii.  14  is  from  Mark  xii.  40  and  Luke  xx.  47  ;  Matt, 
xxvii.  35,  "  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  "  to  the  end,  from  John 
xix.  24.  In  this  last  case,  the  question  might  arise  whether 
the  omission  was  not  accidental,  on  account  of  the  recur- 
rence of  the  word  "lots";  but  the  authorities  against  the 
sentence  are  so  numerous  and  weighty,  including  all  our 
uncial  MSS.  but  one,  a  host  of  cursives,  most  of  the  ancient 
versions,  and  the  commentators  among  the  Christian 
Fathers,  that  this  explanation  must  be  dismissed. 

In  Mark  iii.  5  and  Luke  vi.  10,  "whole,  as  the  other," 
comes  from  Matt.  xii.  13  ;  in  Mark  vi.  11,  "Verily  I  say  unto 
you,"  etc.,  to  the  end  of  the  verse,  from  Matt.  x.  15  ;  Mark 
vii.  16,  "  If  any  man  have  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear,"  may 
be  from  Mark  iv.  23,  though  substantially  the  same  words 
occur  also  in  Matt.  xi.  15  ;  xiii.  9,  43 ;  Mark  iv.  9;  Luke  viii. 
8;  xiv.  35.  They  appear  as  an  unquestionable  interpolation 
in  many  MSS.  in  Luke  xii.  21  and  xxi.  4.  Mark  xi.  26  is 
probably  from  Matt.  vi.  15,  though  the  omission  might  pos- 
sibly be  occasioned  by  the  like  ending  of  the  preceding 
verse.     Mark  xv.  28  is  from  Luke  xxii.  37. 

In  Luke  iv.  2,  "afterward"  ;  4,  "by  every  word  of  God"; 
5,  "  into  a  high  mountain  "  ;  8,  "  get  thee  behind  me,  Satan, 
for"  etc.,  are  from  Matt.  iv.  2,  4,  8,  10,  and  xvi.  23; 
Luke  v.  38,  "and  both  are  preserved,"  from  Matt.  ix.  17; 
Luke  viii.  48,  "be  of  good  comfort,"  is  from  Matt.  ix.  22; 
Luke  viii.  54,  "put  them  all  out,  and"  is  from  Mark  v.  40. 
In  Luke  xi.  2,  4,  the  words  or  clauses  in  the  Lord's  Prayer 
in  the  common  version  which  are  omitted  in  the  revision  are 


234  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

borrowed  from  Matt.  vi.  9,  10,  13.  We  have  tie  express 
testimony  of  Origen  that  they  were  wanting  in  the  MSS.  of 
Luke  in  his  day.  In  Luke  xi.  44,  "  scribes  and  Pharisees, 
hypocrites,"  is  from  Matt,  xxiii.  27 ;  "desolate,**  in  Luke  xiii. 
35,  from  Matt,  xxiii.  38  ;  and  the  verse  Luke  xvii.  36  comes 
doubtless  from  Matt.  xxiv.  40.  Homceotelcuton  might  indeed 
operate  here,  but  all  the  uncial  MSS.  except  two  omit  the 
verse.  Our  translators  of  16 11  note  in  their  margin  that  it 
is  "wanting  in  most  of  the  Greek  copies.**  They  followed 
Beza  against  Erasmus  and  Stephens. 

In  John  vi.  69,  the  true  reading  is,  with  little  doubt,  "thou 
art  the  Holy  One  of  God,**  instead  of,  "  thou  art  the  Christ, 
the  Son  of  the  living  God,**  which  comes  from  Matt.  xvi.  16. 

The  text  has  often  been  amplified  from  the  context,  or 
from  other  parts  of  the  same  Gospel.  In  many  cases  this 
might  be  done  by  a  transcriber  unconsciously.  So  in  Matt, 
i.  6,  "the  king**  has  been  added  to  the  second  "David**  from 
the  preceding  clause;  the  subject  "Jesus,"  for  example,  is 
supplied  in  Matt.  iv.  12,  18,  viii.  3,  5,  7,  and  often  elsewhere; 
"by  them  of  old  time**  (more  properly  "/^  them,*'  etc.)  in 
Matt.  V.  27  is  added  from  verse  21;  "among  the  people" 
in  Matt.  ix.  35  comes  from  iv.  23  ;  "first"  before  "come,** 
Matt.  xvii.  1 1,  is  from  verse  10,  or  perhaps  from  Mark  ix.  12  ; 
"idle,"  Matt.  xx.  6,  comes  from  verse  3,  and  the  last  two 
clauses  of  verse  7  from  verse  4,  slightly  modified ;  "  for  many 
be  called,  but  few  chosen,"  in  Matt.  xx.  16,  is  from  Matt.  xxii. 
14.  In  Matt,  xxviii.  9  (8),  "And  as  they  went  to  tell  his 
disciples "  seems  to  have  been  added  from  the  preceding 
verses ;  but  accidental  omission  from  homceoteleuton  is  pos- 
sible. Mark  vii.  8,  "as  the  washing  of  pots  and  cups,  and 
many  other  such  like  things  ye  do,*'  is  from  verses  4  and  13; 
the  verses  Mark  ix.  44,  46,  are  from  verse  48,  and  the  last 
clause  of  verse  45  from  verse  43  ;  "  whatsoever  he  saith,'* 
Mark  xi.  23,  is  from  the  beginning  of  the  verse.  In  Luke  i. 
28,  "  blessed  art  thou  among  women  **  is  from  verse  42 ;  in 
Luke  ii.  40,  "  in  spirit  *'  comes  from  i.  80 ;  "  to  Jerusalem," 
Luke  ii.  42,  from  verse  41  ;  Luke  vi.  45,  "  mm  "  and  "  treas- 
ure of  his  heart "  after  "evil "  are  from  the  first  part  of  the 


THE   GuSPELS    I 


23s 


verse ;  m  John  i,  27,  the  amplified  form  of  the  Received  Text 
is  from  verse  15. 

Marginal  notes  or  glosses  have  often  been  taken  into  the 
text.  Many  of  the  supplements  already  mentioned  were 
probably  first  written  in  the  margin.  Examples  of  glosses 
or  marginal  notes  added  to  the  text,  or  substituted  for  the 
true  reading,  are  Matt.  v.  23  (probably),  "  without  a  cause  "  ; 
vi.  I,  "alms"  (see  verse  2)  for  "righteousness";  Matt.  xxv. 
13,  "wherein  the  Son  of  man  coraeth"  ;  Mark  vii.  2,  "they 
found  fault  "  (inserted  to  remove  a  supposed  difficulty  in  the 
construction) ;  Mark  vii.  5,  "  unwashen  "  for  "  defiled  "  (liter- 
aUy,  common)  hands  ;  Luke  x.  35,  "  when  he  departed  "  ;  xi. 
54,  "  and  seeking  "  and  "  that  they  might  accuse  him  "  (com- 
pare Matt.  xii.  10,  Mark  iii.  2)  ;  Luke  xxii.  64,  "struck  him 
on  the  face,  and  "  ;  Luke  xxiii.  17,  the  whole  verse ;  John  v, 
16,  "and  sought  to  slay  him  "  ;  viii,  59,  "going  through  the 
midst  of  them,  and  so  passed  by"  (compare  Luke  iv.  30); 
xi.  41,  "  from  the  place  where  the  dead  was  laid," 

The  spurious  additions  to  the  text  which  we  have  thus 
far  considered  are  in  one  point  of  view  of  little  importance, 
as  nearly  all  of  them  either  grow  out  of  the  context  by  a 
natural  or  necessary  inferenci!,  or  are  unquestionably  gen- 
uine in  the  Gospel  from  which  they  are  derived.  From 
another  point  of  view,  however,  they  are  pernicious.  This 
assimilation  of  the  parallel  passages  of  the  Gospels  by  later 
copyists  is  very  misleading  to  one  who  is  carefully  studying 
their  relation  to  one  another:  it  makes  them  appear  much 
less  independent  than  they  really  are.  The  Revisers  have 
greatly  aided  the  English  reader  who  wishes  to  compare 
the  different  Gospels  intelligently:  first,  by  the  purification 
of  their  text ;  and,  secondly,  by  the  pains  which  they  have 
taken  to  translate  the  same  Greek  words  and  phrases,  when 
they  are  found  in  parallel  passages  of  the  Gospels,  in  the 
same  way.  The  common  version  is  surprisingly  faulty  in 
this  respect,  often  leading  the  English  reader  to  suppose 
there  is  a  difference  in  the  original  where  there  is  really  an 
agreement,  or  an  agreement  where  there  is  a  difference. 

But  though  the  great  majority  of   the  later  additions  to 


236  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

the  text  of  our  Gospels  originated  in  the  way  above  ex- 
plained, a  certain  number  are  from  a  source  not  yet  men- 
tioned. Our  four  Gospels  are  all  only  fragmentary  sketches 
of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Jesus  (compare  John  xx.  20;  [xxi. 
25]).  Sayings  and  doings  of  his  which  they  have  not  re- 
corded would  naturally  be  handed  down,  in  a  more  or  less 
imperfect  form,  by  tradition.  A  considerable  number  of 
such  sayings,  some  of  them  probably  genuine,  are  found  in 
early  Christian  writings.  It  would  be  strange  if  some  of 
these  traditionary  sayings  or  incidents  did  not  find  their 
way,  in  certain  MSS.,  into  the  text  of  our  Gospels.  This 
has  actually  been  the  case,  though  to  an  extent  far  less  than 
one  might  have  expected.  In  the  MS.  D  of  the  Gospels,  in 
most  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin,  and  in  the  Curetonian  Syriac 
version,  there  is  an  addition  of  this  kind  of  considerable 
length  at  Matt.  xx.  28,  founded  probably  on  a  misreport  of 
the  parable  Luke  xiv.  7-1 1.  A  saying  respecting  the  Sab- 
bath, ascribed  to  Christ,  is  inserted  in  D  (the  Codex  Bezae) 
at  Luke  vi.  4. 

The  longest  and  the  most  remarkable  of  the  comparatively 
few  interpolations  of  this  sort  in  the  Received  Text  of  the 
Gospels  is  the  passage  relating  to  the  woman  taken  in  adul- 
tery, John  vii  53  to  viii  11  inclusive.  The  Revisers  have 
separated  this  from  the  context  by  an  extra  space,  and  en- 
closed it  in  brackets,  with  a  marginal  note  stating  the  fact 
that  most  of  the  ancient  authorities  omit  it,  and  that  those 
which  contain  it  vary  much  from  each  other.  An  over- 
whelming preponderance  of  the  weightiest  testimony  of  all 
kinds  —  of  our  oldest  MSS.,  the  ancient  versions,  and 
tb.e  Christian  Fathers  who  have  commented  on  the  Gos- 
pel—  is  against  it;  the  only  MS.  of  the  oldest  class  which 
contains  it  (D)  gives  it  in  a  form  differing  much  from  that 
in  the  mass  of  the  later  MSS.,  while  these  vary  not  a  little 
from  one  another.  More  than  ten  MSS.  put  it  at  the  end 
of  the  Gospel ;  one  inserts  it  after  John  vii.  36 ;  four  others 
place  it  at  the  end  of  the  twenty-nrst  chapter  of  Luke.  Very 
many  of  the  MSS.  which  have  it.  including  five  of  the  later 
uncials,  mark  it  either  wnth  asterisks  or  obeli  as  something 


THE   GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW   REVISION  237 

which  ought  to  be  added  or  omitted ;  many  other  MSS.  have 
notes  or  scholia  to  the  effect  that  it  is  '*  wanting  in  most 
copies/*  or  "  in  the  more  accurate  copies  *' ;  or  that  it  is 
"found  in  some  copies/*  or  "in  the  more  ancient  copies/*  It 
breaks  the  connection,  and  differs  in  style  from  the  rest  of 
the  Gospel.  These  phenomena  are  irreconcilable  with  the 
supposition  that  it  belonged  originally  to  the  text,  and  nearly 
all  critics  of  reputation  agree  in  rejecting  it  as  a  later  addi- 
tion. This  does  not  prove  the  story  false  ;  on  the  contrary, 
it  has  many  internal  marks  of  truth. 

Another  remarkable  interpolation  is  that  in  John  v.  3,  4, 
respecting  the  descent  of  the  angel  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda, 
where  the  ancient  evidence  against  the  questionable  por- 
tions is  so  strong,  and  the  variations  among  the  authorities 
that  contain  them  are  so  numerous,  that  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  of  their  spuriousness,  though  they  were 
early  added  to  the  text. 

Another  is  the  rebuke  of  James  and  John  by  Christ,  as 
given  in  the  Received  Text  in  Luke  ix.  55.  The  evidence 
against  the  genuineness  of  the  words  placed  in  the  margin 
by  the  Revisers  is  decisive,  though  in  this  case  also  the  addi- 
tion was  made  as  early  as  the  second  century.  But  the 
words  bear  the  stamp  of  a  genuine  utterance  of  Christ  in 
their  originality  and  their  harmony  with  his  character.  The 
clause  "even  as  Elijah  did  "  at  the  end  of  verse  54  is  also 
rightly  rejected  by  the  Revisers,  as  wanting  in  the  best 
MSS.  and  other  ancient  authorities,  while  its  omission  can- 
not be  reasonably  explained  as  due  either  to  accident  or 
design. 

The  last  twelve  verses  of  the  Gospel  of  Mark  present  a 
problem  of  much  interest  in  connection  with  this  subject. 
They  are  retained  by  the  Revisers  without  brackets,  but 
are  separated  by  an  extra  space  from  the  preceding,  with  a 
marginal  note  mentioning  their  absence  from  the  two  oldest 
Greek  MSS.  and  other  documents,  and  that  some  other 
authorities  have  a  still  different  ending  of  the  Gospel.  This 
is  not  the  place  for  entering  into  a  discussion  of  the  difficult 
and   complicated   question   concerning   the   genuineness  of 


238  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

these  verses,  of  which  the  Rev.  (now  Very  Rev.)  Mr.  Burgon 
is  the  most  prominent  advocate. 

Of  the  passages  of  any  considerable  length  in  the  Gos- 
pels which  the  Revisers  have  been  constrained  to  reject  as 
later  additions  to  the  text  there  remains  only,  I  believe,  the 
doxology  of  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Here  an  examination  of 
the  evidence  will  satisfy  us  that  the  words  could  not  have 
been  omitted  by  accident  from  the  authorities  in  which  they 
are  wanting ;  and  the  beauty  of  the  doxology  is  such  that  it 
could  not  have  been  omitted  by  design.  On  the  other  hand, 
its  addition  from  the  liturgical  service  of  the  church  was 
most  natural.  It  is  founded  on  i  Chrqn.  xxix.  11.  In  many 
of  the  MSS.  which  contain  it,  it  is  written  in  red  ink,  to 
distinguish  it  from  the  proper  text ;  in  others,  it  appears  only 
in  the  margin  :  such  MSS.  mark  the  steps  of  its  introduc- 
tion. It  is  found  in  the  newly  discovered  Codex  Rossanen- 
sis,  of  the  latter  part  of  the  sixth  or  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century;  but  this  MS.,  to  judge  from  the  readings 
which  have  been  published,  though  better  than  the  ninth 
and  tenth  century  uncials,  represents  a  text  far  less  pure 
than  that  of  our  uncials  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  cen- 
turies, X,  B,  D,  Z,  which  omit  the  doxology  (A  and  C  are 
mutilated  here),  as  do  also  the  cursives  i,  17,  118,  130,  209, 
of  which  I,  118,  and  209  are  of  exceptional  excellence.  The 
testimony  of  the  Old  Latin,  Vulgate,  and  Memphitic  ver- 
sions against  it,  and  the  dead  silence  respecting  it  of  the 
early  commentators  on  the  Prayer,  as  Origen,  TertuUian, 
Cyprian,  are  of  very  great  weight ;  while  its  variations  in 
form  in  several  of  the  versions  and  ancient  quotations  in 
which  something  like  it  is  found,  diminish  their  authority  as 
witnesses  in  its  favor. 

This  detailed,  though  incomplete,  exhibition  of  supple- 
ments to  the  original  text  from  the  Scptuagint  version  of 
the  Old  Testament,  from  parallel  passages  in  the  Gospels, 
from  the  context  of  the  passage  itself,  or  from  similar  pas- 
sages in  other  parts  of  the  same  Gospel,  from  marginal  notes 
or  glosses,  and  sometimes  from  tradition,  is  intended  to 
serve  several  purposes  besides   that  of  an   enumeration  of 


THE  GOSPELS   IN   THE   NEW   REVISION  239 

remarkable   changes  of  text  in  the  new  revision.     A  very 
large  part  of  these  changes  consists  in  the  omission  of  words 
or  clauses,  or  even  whole  verses,  which   are  found  in  the 
common  text ;  in  comparatively  few  cases  have  words  been 
added  by  the  Revisers.     To  many  readers  these  omissions 
of  familiar  words  will  seem  little  less  than  sacrilege.     One 
little   versed  in  criticism   and   unacquainted  with    MSS.  is 
likely  to  say  to  himself,  **The  presumption  is  altogether  in 
favor  of  the  fuller  text :  transcribers  might  easily  omit  words 
by  accident,  but  they  could  only  add  by  design ;  and  we  can- 
not   suppose  that  any  considerable  number  of  them  would 
wilfully  interpolate  writings  which  they  regarded  as  sacred, 
especially  after  the  warning  in  Rev.  xxii.  18." 

This  view  of  the  matter  is  very  superficial.  We  have 
seen  in  the  few  cases  in  which  the  evidence  has  been  stated 
that,  if  the  longer  form  of  the  passage  were  the  original, 
we  could  not  rationally  explain  the  omissions  as  the  result 
either  of  accident  or  design.  Very  strange  omissions  will 
sometimes  occur  through  accident  in  a  single  MS.  ;  but  the 
chances  will  be  perhaps  a  thousand  to  one  against  another 
independent  copyist's  making  the  same  blunder.  In  the 
cases  in  which  the  evidence  has  not  been  stated,  it  would 
in  general  be  equally  clear,  I  believe,  on  examination,  that 
the  hypothesis  that  the  longer  form  of  the  passage  was  gen- 
uine would  leave  the  omission  entirely  unaccountable  ;  while, 
if  the  shorter  form  were  the  original,  we  should  have  a  plau- 
sible explanation  of  the  addition.  Each  repeated  instance 
of  this  kind  strengthens  our  conviction  that  in  this  expla- 
nation we  are  on  the  right  track.  And  we  are  confirmed 
in  our  view  when  we  find  that  the  tendency  to  add  rather 
than  to  omit  characterizes  the  MSS.  of  ancient  classical 
authors,  and  that  the  most  eminent  philologists  fully  recog- 
nize the  principle  to  which  our  New  Testament  examples 
seem  irresistibly  to  lead  us.  For  example,  Porson  says  in 
his  Letters  to  Travis  (p.  149),  "Perhaps  you  think  it  *an 
absurd  and  affected  idea '  that  a  marginal  note  can  ever 
creep  into  the  text;  yet  I  hope  you  are  not  so  ignorant  as 
not  to  know  that  this  has  actually  happened,  not  merely  in 


240  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

hundreds  or  thousands,  but  in  millions  of  places."  He 
then  quotes  Daillc  and  Bengel  on  this  point,  and  adds, 
"  From  this  known  propensity  of  transcribers  to  turn  every- 
thing into  text  which  they  found  written  in  the  margin  of 
their  MSS.  or  between  the  lines,  so  many  interpolations 
have  proceeded  that  at  present  the  surest  canon  of  criticism 
is,  Praefcratnr  lectio  brevior.'*  (That  is,  "The  shorter  read- 
ing is  to  be  preferred.") 

The  cases  which  we  have  noticed  are  instructive  in  other 
ways.  When  critically  examined,  they  demonstrate  the 
superlative  value  of  such  MSS.  as  B,  N,  Z,  D,  L,  C,  and  a 
in  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  in  questions  of  omission  or  addition, 
as  compared  with  the  mass  of  the  later  uncials  and  cursives. 
They  show  that  certain  cursives  are  also  of  exceptional 
value  in  such  questions.  They  illustrate  in  some  measure 
the  process  by  which  the  character  of  our  different  witnesses 
may  be  tested.  We  find  that  their  character  is  often  differ- 
ent in  different  books  of  the  New  Testament.  We  find  that 
the  value  of  their  testimony  depends  much  on  the  nature 
of  the  reading.  We  perceive  that  they  fall  more  or  less 
distinctly  into  certain  gronpSy  representing  certain  tenden- 
cies, and  that  this  consideration  is  often  important  in  weigh- 
ing evidence.  But  these  and  other  matters  can  only  be 
hinted  at.  Other  classes  of  readings,  which  would  also  serv^e 
to  test  the  relative  value  and  bring  out  the  characteristics  of 
our  different  authorities,  must  be  wholly  passed  over,  at  least 
for  the  present,  as  this  paper  has  already  reached  an  inordi- 
nate length. 


XII. 

ON     THE     READING    "ONLY-BEGOTTEN     GODr 

IN  JOHN  I.   i8. 

\\TrH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE  TO  THE  STATEMENTS 

OF  DR.  TREGELLES.* 

[From  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra  for  October,  1861.] 

0c6v  m}6t)jz  kiipoKEv  ircnrore  ■  6  finvoyevjjq  vi6g  [al.  ^fof],  6  ov  elq  rdv  K6?,irov  rmt 

narpd^,  eKelvog  k^rfy^aaro. 

In  John  i.  1 8,  which  reads  in  the  common  version:  "No 
man  hath  seen  God  at  any  time  ;  the  only-begotten  Son, 
which  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  he  hath  declared  him,'* 
it  has  long  been  known  to  scholars  that  important  critical 
authorities,  instead  of  the  expression  o  fwvoyevijg  vl6g,  "the 
only-begotten  Sofi,*'  have  the  remarkable  reading  ^ovoycvfjq 
^eog,  "only-begotten  God.**  The  MSS.  that  contain  it, 
though  not  numerous,  are  of  the  very  highest  rank,  in- 
cluding both  the  famous  Vatican  MS.  and  the  newly  dis- 
covered Codex  Sinaiticus  of  Tischendorf.  This  reading  is 
also  found  in  several  of  the  ancient  versions,  and  has  been 
supposed  to  be  attested  by  a  great  majority  of  the  ancient 
Fathers,  both  Greek  and  Latin.  Though  not  adopted  into 
the  text  of  any  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  yet  published, 
its  genuineness  has  been  maintained  by  Dr.  S.  P.  Tregelles, 
the  most  eminent  among  English  scholars  in  the  department 
of  textual  criticism ;  and  it  will  undoubtedly  be  presented  as 
the  true  reading  in  his  long  expected  edition.  It  would  also, 
as  Dr.  Tregelles  assures  us,  have  been  received  by  Lachmann 

*  An  Introductitm  to  iht  Ttxiual  Criticism  of  the  New  Tcstavictti ;  "with  Atialyses^ 
etc.,  of  the  respective  Book*.  ...  By  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hartwell  Horne,  B.D.  The  critical  part 
rewritten  and  the  remainder  revised  and  edited  by  Samuel  Prideaux  Tregelles,  LL.D.  Second 
Edition.  London:  Longpnan,  etc.,  i860.  8vo.  pp.  xxvii.,  801 ;  pp.  751-784  being  "  Additions" 
and  "  Postscript,"  which  alone  distinguish  this  from  the  former  edition.  These  Additions,  with  the 
Postscript,  have  also  been  published  separately. 


242  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

into  his  text,  had  he  been  aware  of  the  authorities  by  which 
it  is  supported. 

It  is  evident  from  this  brief  statement  of  the  claims  of 
the  reading  fwvoyevi/^  Oed^,  that  the  question  of  its  genuineness 
well  deserves  a  critical  investigation,  while  its  theological 
character  gives  it  a  special  interest,  which,  however,  must 
not  be  suffered  to  bias  our  judgment.  This  investigation 
is  the  more  necessary  in  consequence  of  the  circumstance 
that,  in  respect  to  one  very  important  branch  of  the  evidence, 
—  the  quotations  of  the  passage  by  the  ancient  Fathers,  — 
no  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  gives  even  a 
tolerably  complete  and  accurate  account  of  the  facts  in  the 
case.  On  the  contrary,  the  most  important  editions  which 
have  been  published  since  the  time  of  Wetstein,  as  those  of 
Griesbach,  Scholz,  Tischendorf,  and  Alford,  not  only  neglect 
to  state  a  very  large  part  of  the  evidence,  but  contain  almost 
incredible  errors  in  regard  to  the  authorities  which  they 
professedly  cite.*  Many  of  these  errors  were  repeated  by 
Dr.  Tregellcs  in  his  remarks  on  the  passage  in  his  Account 
of  the  Printed  Text  of  the  Greek  New  Testament  (London, 
1854),  in  which  he  maintained  the  genuineness  of  the  reading 
^t(5f.f  His  observations  led  to  an  examination  of  the  evi- 
dence on  the  subject  by  the  present  writer,  the  results  of 
which  were  published  in  a  Note  appended  to  the  second 
edition  of  Mr.  Norton's  Statement  of  Reasons  for  not 
believing  the  Doctrines  of  Trinitarians  (Boston,  1856),  pp. 
448-469. 

I  cannot  better  introduce  the  discussion  proposed  in  the 
present  article  than  by  quoting  from  the  Note  just  referred 
to  a  statement  of  some  of  the  conclusions  arrived  at.  After 
mentioning  the  fact  that  Wetstein,  in  his  note  on  the  pas- 
sage, has  fallen  into  extraordinary  errors,  many  of  which 
have  been  blindly  copied  by  subsequent  editors,  it  was 
observed  :  — 


♦  In  his  recent  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  Editio  seftima  critica  major.  Lips.  1859, 
Tischendorf  has  considerably  corrected  and  enlarged  his  former  account  of  the  evidence  of  the 
Fathers  on  this  passage.     But  his  note  is  still  ver>'  defective,  and  contains  importnnt  mistakes. 

t  See  pp.  234,  235. 


ON  THE   READING   "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN   GOD  "  243 

One  who  should  take  the  statements  in  VVetstein's  note  to  be  correct, 
would  suppose  that  not  less  than  forty-four  Greek  and  Latin  writers,  in 
the  first  eight  centuries,  have  quoted  the  passage  in  question  with  the 
reading  iiuvoytwi^  Oeoc,  or  um'geniius  Dens;  and  that  the  number  of  distinct 
quotations  of  this  kind  in  their  writings,  taken  together,  is  not  far  from 
one  hundred  and  thirty.  I  have  examined  with  some  care  all  the  passages 
specifically  referred  to  by  Wetstein,  and  the  whole  work,  or  collection  of 
works,  cited,  when  his  reference  is  general,  —  as  *-^ Epiphaniiis  duodecies,'' 
^^Hilarius  de  Trinit.  passim,"  ''^ Ftdgentius  plusquam  vicies,"  not  confining 
my  attention,  however,  to  these  particular  passages  or  works.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  result  of  this  examination.  Of  the  forty-four  writers  cited 
by  Wetstein  in  support  of  the  reading  fiovoyn/)^  Oeot;,  there  are  but  four 
who  quote  or  refer  to  the  passage  with  this  reading  only ;  *  four  quote  it 
with  both  readings ;  f  «/»^  quote  it  with  the  reading  i'/<Jf ,  or  filius^  only, 
except  that  in  one  of  the  quotations  of  Titus  of  Bostra  v\hc  drog  occurs ;  t 
/wo  repeatedly  allude  to  it,  —  sometimes  using  the  phrase  *'  only-begotten 
God^^  and  sometimes  "only-begotten  6V>//,"  in  connection  with  the  words 
"who  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,"  —  but  do  not  distirxtly  quote  it;  || 
and  twenty-five  do  not  quote  or  allude  to  it  at  all.**  Of  the  particular 
passages  referred  to  by  Wetstein,  a  great  majority  have  no  bearing  what- 
ever on  the  subject,  but  merely  contain  the  expression  /novoyEiy^  Beoc,  or 
unigenitus  Deus^  with  no  trace  of  an  allusion  to  the  text  in  question,  — 
an  expression  often  occurring,  as  will  hereafter  appear,  in  writers  who 
abundantly  and  unequivocally  quote  John  i.  18  with  the  reading  tiof,  or 
filius.  Indeed,  in  some  of  these  passages  we  do  not  find  even  this  expres- 
sion, but  only  the  term  yevnrb^  [al.  yiwjjrbq]  Oeoq,  or  genitus  Dens,  applied 
to  Christft  Sufficient  evidence  that  these  assertions  are  not  made  at 
random  will  be  given  in  what  follows,  though  the  mistakes  of  Wetstein 
cannot  here  be  all  pointed  out  in  detail. 

We  may  now  examine  the  witnesses  brought  forward  by  Dr.  Tregelles. 
...  Of  the  twenty-five  writers  whom  he  has  adduced  in  support  of  the 
reading  fiovoyevyg  ^eof,  but  four,  I  believe,  can  be  relied  on  with  much 
confidence,  and  even  their  testimony  is  far  from  unexceptionable ;  three 
nay  be  regarded  as  doubtfiil ;  eight  really  support  the  common  reading ; 


•"  It  is  thus  quoted  in  the  Excerpta  Theodoti^  and  also  by  Clement  o*"  Alexandria  and  Epipha- 
lUtts.    It  appears  to  be  once  referred  to  in  the  Epistle  of  the  second  Synod  of  Ancyra." 

t "  Irenaeus,  Origen,  Basil,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria." 

\  "  Eusdnus,  Athanasius,  Julian,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Titus  of  Bostra,  Maximinus  the  Arian 
Uahop,  Hilary,  Vigilius  of  Tapsa,  Alcuin." 

II "  Gregory  of  Nyssa  and  Fulgentius." 

•*  "  That  is,  all  the  remaining  authorities  cited  by  Wetstein,  for  which  see  his  note." 

ft  **  As  in  the  following:  *Origents  in  Psalm,  i.  ap.  Epiphanium,'  see  Epiphanius,  Haer.  Ixiv. 
C.  7, 0pp.  i.  53t*>,  or  Origen,  Opp.  ii.  526«;  *  Euscbius  D.  iv.  2,'  i.e.^  Dcm.  Evang.  lib.  iv.  c.  a; 
'PnuUniius  in  Apotheosi/  viz.  line  895:  'Claudianus  Mamert.  de  statu  animae,  1.  a,'  where  lib. 
L  c.  3  most  be  the  place  intended." 


>  the  passage ;   and  a'gA/  have  neither  quoted  f 


These  statements  were  suppoited  by  a  detailed  exposition 
of  the  facts  in  the  case,  accompanied  in  every  instance  by 
precise  references  to  the  passages  in  the  Fathers  bearing  on 
the  subject.  In  addition  to  the  correction  of  these  enormous 
errors  in  respect  to  the  evidence  alleged  for  the  reading  I'^c, 
I  prockiced,  as  the  result  of  original  investigation,  quotations 
of  the  passage,  supporting  the  reading  wic.  frotn  no  less  than 
eighteen  Greek  and  six  Latin  ecclesiastical  writers,  whose 
testimony  had  never  before  been  adduced  to  this  purpose  in 
any  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  —  twelve  or 
thirteen  of  them  belonging  to  the  third  and  fourth  centuries. 
The  examination  made  of  the  works  of  the  Fathers  enabled 
me  also  to  give  the  evidence  much  more  fully  and  accurately 
than  had  before  been  done  in  the  case  of  many  other  writers 
who  had  been  cited,  on  one  side  or  the  other,  in  editions 
of  the  Greek  Testament.  In  this  exposition  of  tiie  evidence  I 
was  scrupulously  careful  to  mention  not  only  every  quotation 
of  the  passage  which  I  had  found  with  the  reading  f^^i^.  but 
every  allusion  to  it  which  might  be  imagined  to  favor  this 
reading,  even  in  cases  where  it  seemed  clear  that  no  real 
argument  could  be  founded  on  these  allusions. 

In  the  Postscript  to  the  second  edition  of  his  Introduction 
to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  Ne^o  Testament  (pp.  780,  yil), 
Dr.  Tregelles  has  taken  notice  of  my  remarks  on  this  pas- 
sage, which  "have  led,"  as  he  says,  "to  a  re-examination  of 
the  whole  of  the  evidence."  After  exhibiting  the  authorities 
for  the  different  readings,  he  says  in  a  note  :  — 

In  this  one  Instance  I  have  given  at  length  the  evidence  for  and 
against  the  reading,  so  hs  to  show  what  authorities  do  really  support 
/loHjjTHjc  flrof  and  what  uphold  iioi-nyi-vic  vIm  The  statement  is  here  given 
just  as  it  stands  in  my  Greek  Testament,  with  the  precise  references  to  the 
Patristic  citations. 

The  conclusion  to  which  he  comes  is  thus  expressed  ;  — 
it  appears  to  be  most  clear  that  not  only  is  ^mv"; f ir^'  "(nc  the  a 
reading  of  MSS.  and  some  versions,  but  also  of  the  Fathers  generally; 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY- BEGOTTEN  GOD  '  245 

for  those  that  have  both  readings  in  the  present  copies  of  their  works, 
evidently  do  support  that  which  is  not  in  the  later  Greek  Text,  with  which 
those  who  copied  their  writings  were  familiar ;  and  the  doubtful  passages 
must  give  way  to  the  express  mentions  of  Qtoq  by  the  same  writers  as  the 
reading  in  this  place. 

Here  a  regard  for  the  truth  compels  me  to  state  some 
facts  which  may  give  an  unfavorable  impression  concerning 
Dr.  Tregelles's  character  for  fairness  and  accuracy.  No  one 
can  regret  this  more  than  myself;  and  in  simple  justice  to 
a  scholar  whose  services  to  Biblical  criticism  have  been  so 
x'aluable,  and  who  has  often  shown  himself  superior  to  the 
influence  of  dogmatic  prejudice,  I  must  beg  the  reader  not 
to  regard  his  note  on  John  i.  i8  as  a  specimen  of  his  usual 
manner  of  dealing  with  evidence. 

Dr.  Tregelles,  it  will  be  observed,  professes  to  give  at 
length  the  testimony  for  and  against  the  reading  ^^k.  In 
doing  this,  he  does  not  confine  himself  to  the  chronological 
limit  generally  observed  in  his  Greek  Testament,  so  far  as 
the  Fathers  are  concerned,  but  comes  down  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighth  century,  including  the  latest  author 
(namely,  Alcuin)  who  has  ever  been  cited  in  favor  of  the 
reading  "  only-begotten  God/'  He  leads  us  to  expect  a  full 
and  accurate  statement  of  the  evidence  on  both  sides,  which, 
in  a  case  like  this,  it  was  unquestionably  his  duty  to  give. 
How  is  it,  then,  in  reality  ? 

I  answer  that,  for  some  cause  which  I  do  not  pretend  to 
explain,  his  account  of  the  evidence  is  deceptive  and  un- 
trustworthy. He  has  omitted  to  mention  the  greater  part 
of  the  facts  in  the  case,  though  they  were  placed  directly 
before  his  eyes.  In  stating  the  evidence  for  the  reading 
^*<if.  it  is  true,  he  has  not  been  guilty  of  the  sin  of  omission. 
On  the  contrary,  he  not  only  appears  to  have  availed  himself 
very  freely  of  the  matter  which  I  had  for  the  first  time 
collected  that  seemed  to  favor  that  reading,  even  copying 
my  references,  in  one  instance  at  least,  without  verifica- 
tion,* but  he  has  repeated  many  mistakes  in  the  evidence 

•I  had  cited  the  Dialogue  of  Cyril,  Quod  Unus  sit  Christ  us,  Opp.  Tom.  V.  P.  i.  p.  786e, 
tor  the  reading  Bed^,    The  reference  should  have  been  to  p.  76S<-  instead  of  p.  j^t^.    Dr.  Tregelles 


246  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

alleged  for  this  reading  after  they  had  been  clearly  pointed 
out.  He  has  referred,  in  various  instances,  to  places  in 
different  authors  where  John  i.  18  is  not  quoted  or  even 
alluded  to,  but  which  merely  contain  the  expression  /wvayevr,^ 
Oeo^,  or  unigenitus  Deus^  applied  to  Christ  by  the  writer,  and 
has  intermixed  these  references  indiscriminately  with  those 
to  actual  quotations,  thus  leading  the  unwary  reader  to  sup- 
pose them  to  denote  quotations,  and  to  attach  to  them  undue 
weight. 

But  how  fares  the  evidence  on  the  other  side.^  The 
answer  to  this  question  may  well  astonish  the  reader.  Of 
the  twenty-three  Greek  and  thirteen  Latin  writers  whom  I 
had  cited  as  supporting  the  reading  vi6q,  giving  in  every 
case  exact  references  to  their  quotations  of  the  passage,  Dr. 
Tregelles  notices  only  seven.  Of  the  twenty-nine  witnesses 
whom  he  thus  ignores,  at  least  twenty-six  are  as  ancient  as 
Alcuin,  whom  he  cites,  though  erroneously,  in  favor  of  the 
reading  "only-begotten  God  "  ;  and  a  great  majority  of  them 
belong  to  the  third  and  fourth  centuries.  Even  this  is  not 
all.  His  exhibition  of  the  testimony  of  the  authorities 
which  he  does  cite  as  containing  the  reading  vi6^  is  far  from 
complete.     See  the  note  below.* 

has  copied  this  mistake  in  reference,  though  an  examination  would  have  shown  that  the  treatise 
ends  on  p.  778. 

The  only  acknowledgment  made  by  Dr.  Tregelles  of  any  indebtedness  to  my  researches  on 
this  passage  is  the  following:  "  He  points  out  rightly  that  I  had  incorrectly  alleged  Phabadius 
for  the  reading  uoi'd^tir/C  (hoc  (an  error  which  originated,  1  believe,  in  revising  in  the  pnx)f- 
shect  the  name  which  had  been  intended  for  Prudeutius)"  This  statement  has  not  mended  the 
matter.  Prudentius  has  not  only  never  quoted  John  i.  18  with  the  reading  unigenitus  Deus,  but 
has  never  used  this  expression  even,  in  any  part  of  his  writings.  As  to  Phabadius^  1  not  only 
pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  same  remark  was  true  of  him,  but  that  he  had  expressly  quoted  the 
passage  with  the  reading  uttigenitus  Jilius  ( Contra  A  rianosy  c.  12) .  Of  this,  Dr.  Tregelles,  in  his 
account  of  the  evidence,  takes  no  notice.  Why  should  he  not  be  as  ready  to  adduce  the  testimony 
of  Phfcb.ndius  on  one  side  as  the  other? 

*  For  the  convenience  of  Dr.  Tregelles,  and  those  of  his  readers  who  may  happen  to  sec  this 
article,  I  will  here  point  out  in  order  some  of  the  principal  errors  and  defects  in  his  note  on  John 
i.  18.     A  fuller  discussion  of  various  questions  will  be  given  hereafter. 

Authorities  cited  for  the  reading  uoiur^  hi  if'(^  fieoq. 

Lines  4,  5.  "Orig.  Int.  iv.  92*1."  To  be  omitted.  Merely  an  instance  of  the  use  of  the 
expression  "  unigenitus  Deus  Salvator  noster,"  without  any  reference  to  John  i.  18. 

Line  5.  *^ Marcel,  ap.  Ens.  igc"  To  be  omitted  for  a  similar  reason.  Eusebius  simply  says 
of  a  letter  of  Marcellus,  containing  his  creed  :  F^rpaoe  TTtarEirii'  f/f  Tzaripa  itieov  Trai^TOKpd- 
Topa,  Kal  £/f  Tuv  viov  airov  rov  fiovoyevf/  Ofov,  rdv  KVfuov  i/fiov  'It^ovv  XpiaT6v,  koI 
eif  TO  rrvciaa  to  ayiov. 


I 
I 

I 


ON  THE   READING    "  ONLY- BEGOTTEN   GOD  ^47 

Under  such  circumstances,  no  apology  can  be  necessary 
for  offering  a  restatement  of   the   evidence  for  the  various 

Lioq  J,  6.  "  JEMt.  c>  Hcl.  67^.  i  /unHty.  vlic  ^  tu/wy,  Beo^;"  Thu  ibou!d  bv  quoicd  with 
Ac  cootcin.  Toil  ivayyc^tBroii  fiiapp^Siiv  avriv  vlftv  iiovoyry^  ilvai  diddowniroc  ii' 
tff  f^,  Uriiv  cnnff  ic  iCiftaKE  rrb^irnrr  ^  &  fiova}'Fvi/^  ^'f^^,  4  uavayEV^^  tei^,  A  Civ  fif  ritu 
irfiinii,  ».T.^.,  «liii*  mflliei  it,  1  think,  eridmt  Ihnl  the  woid»  J  hovo)-  $e6f  «"  «  OHuainal 
flo*t  wlwh  hu  CRpI  bio  the  text:  and  thut  (hi:  proper  fivx  for  1h«  reCcrcficc  i%  amoDg  (he 
Mlharitic*  (or  fimtiyn-^  *'io^\  whenyfTV  other  pUc«K  41c  cited,  in  which  Eu&^ua  hu  eaiprcsbty 
quofrd  Lbe  paujge  with  thii  reading.    Cf.  p.  rj9- 

Liiw  6.  "*w.  c.  Mel.  mo.  tieln' Si  Kai /un'nyrve."  Irre1enni.  Eiuebius  lioiply  uyi 
hen  Ihai  Chriu  ii  lepreienied  by  the  Emiecliil  "  u  God  lui/  only-bcgoiren,"  iu(  only-begodcn 
Cod. "  iiuiniuc^u  be  alone  wu  truly  ihe  Son  of  ibc  Cod  over  all." 

tiiJ.    "Ha.  11140  KqV'etc.    To  be  ami  lied.    Thepanage  it  not  a  quouiion  of  John  i.  i9, 

Koniin'i^XUmnf^XMWu,  p.  46s,i>Dle,aiidwi]lbetuay>lu»nitKl<m.    Cf.  p.  16]  >q.    The 
intB  of  Hilvy'c  vgumeni,  luch  u  i(  b,  rots  wholly  dci  the  word  eiU    The  '*  bi  Lia  uquentibut 
tJepc"  which  Dr.  Trestles  addf  \^  altogether  deceptive, 
tigni^  (hat  Hilary  hat  '*  (ifren  "  quoted  John  in  c8  with  the 
Ut  that  he  bu  mtxtr  qmxed  the  puiaj^e  with  ihu  revlini 

(way  |£V  r>-rB.  lib.  vl.  c.  39)  an  to  demonUrate  beyond  qu 

Lob  iB,  if.    "  Efltl.  Sym-Ji A ncyra Hat  a*  (ai>«|  ap 

ll  If  qtiite  proper  to  adduce  thit  unone  the  auihoritiei  whici 

'iMivpflu;]  Twi'  dfuit  tdi/  h/yiiv  /inftyet-^  ^iii'  .  .  .  p^'.  The  iraprudence  of  a  conAdenI 
tdiarK*  DB  rdcicDca  of  llui  kind  waa  illuitniizd  in  ibe  Appendii  to  Norton'i  Sta/imint  sf  Rta- 
■HH.  pp.  4Mi  45I1  '■'X'-  iBd  will  be  shown  below.    Cf.  p.  i]4.  el  teqq. 

LiiKij,    "C>r.  .^/m,  V.  p,  1.  786e."    For  78*=  read  768*. 

Ihu.    "  FulgntiMt  inlerdum."    Dilt.    Fulgeniiui  hu  never  quoteil  ihe  pauage.    Hii  allu- 

Linoaj.M-  "/j(i/<majPeI.  6.  iii.^jtap.  Weill.)."  D,l,.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  hu  no- 
tkere  quoted  or  alluded  to  Jotui  i.  i3.  The  puiage  rderred  10  by  Weuiein.  aa  wat  polmed  oul 
HI  the  Appendia  to  Norton'!  StalimtHl  rfRtatnu,  p.  460,  note,  connini  mcRdy  the  iiprmiBH 
"  oBly-hesoiwo  God," — I,  fiamyrvif  yniv  Heiif  fniiii/i^oa^,  ^qai.  «.r,?..    Thit  is  the  only 

Lioa  ai-aj.    '■  Stiiptoiei  Gnesi  et  Latini  SBpiuime  habenl  Yeila  )invayn^t:  feif.  •"••£"••■ 

Bt,.  Sil..  Ariui.  L~cmH<u  (1.  Fieudo-Luc.),  nee  non  EHnomim.  Tit.  Baitr.,  GawltnUui. 
Ft^ntm^Mtt  PndtHtini,  VigiUni,  AttHinHi,  etc.:  quod  ab  hoc  lofo  ui  videmr  pididei."  Here 
•I  it  n  be  abierved:  i.  Tbaiii  ia  not  prelendcd  that  any  of  these  wrileri  fKoIri  the  paoage  in 
qgcuionwiih  Ihe  rtadbl " only-begotieii  Ged";  on  (he  other  hand, ^m- of  than.  Grtf.  Nia.. 
Ta.  BtUr.,  Vifiliui.  and  Aliaim,  do  expreiily  quote  it  with  the  resding  "  only-b^otten  5a«." 
>.  Two  of  diein,  Tiltu  of  BoUra  and  Pndtntiiu,  have  never  evin  uttJ  ikr  fhrmi  "  only- 

ubJ  ii  but  met  each,  in  their  enani  wriiingi;  and  it  occun  very  rarely,  pethnps  only  once,  in 
'^f^is<A Grtffory  A^at/aixtM.  4.  None  of  the  wriiera  named  ipcak  of  it  ai  "applied  to  Jsui  in 
Scnpuirc,"  eaccpt  Grfgory  Sytstn;  and  hii  askenion,  ai  I  ihall  ahow,  ia  very  poor  evidence 


148  CRITICAL  ESSAY'S 

readings  of  the  passage  in  question.  In  doing  this,  I  may 
be  pardoned  for  saying,  that  so  far  as  the  testimony  of  the 
Fathers  is  concerned,  nothing  whatever  will  be  given  at 
second  hand.  When  it  is  affirmed  that  a  particular  Father 
has  not  quoted  John  i.  iS,  or  has  never  used  in  his  writings 
even  the  expression  lifm^a-in  Ucii.  or,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
he  /uis  used  it  a  certain  number  of  times,  the  statement 
is  founded  on  a  personal  examination  of  the  whole  of  his 
published  works.  It  would  be  presumptuous  to  assert  that 
in  this  examination,  extending  over  so  wide  a  field,  nothing 
has  escaped  my  notice ;  I  can  only  say  that  I  have  aimed 
at  accuracy,  and  have  had  no  object  but  to  ascertain  the 
truth.  The  new  note  of  Dr.  Tregelles  has  added  nothing  to 
the  evidence  which  was  presented  in  the  Appendix  to  Nor- 
ton's Statemenl  of  Reasons,  except  one  reference  to  Didymus 
of  Alexandria,  confirming  the  two  citations  which  1  had 
given  from  him  in  favor  of  the  reading  Piot;*  and,  on  the 
other  side,  the  fact  (already  mentioned  in  Tischendorf's  last 
edition  of  the  Greek  Testament),  that  the  Aethiopic  version, 
as  edited  by  Mr.  Piatt,  supports  the  reading  fi&i.  The  very 
few  other  apparent  additions  are  merely  errors. 

I  may  here  advert  to  an  extraordinary  statement  in  the 
note  of  Dr.  Tregelles,  which,  if  correct,  would  make  this 
whole  investigation  on   my  part   an   absurdity.      He   says  : 


Line  Ji.    For  "  197  "  read  "  197."  ^H 

Liiwjj.    I>rlt '•  iii,l>."    ThciEiinordncnn  hcRlo  Johni.  te.  ^H 

Urn  u-    liKI  siDong  the  refewncu  In  f/il.,  "  jjat,"  unl  for  "  85='  "  "^  "  H^-"  ^H 

fiid.    For-vid.  7Vr(.  »dv.  Pra..8"t=id"  ri-r/.adv.  Pnn.15"    Dr.  TrtgeUci  iw^t  «■ 

iiKtead  10  a  place  where  he  hu  mtrely  alluded  10  it  in  tucb  i  imv  u  not  u  deiennine  llw 

/tiJ.    Foi"^Hamiu.,"whi>:b  ii  Dut  of  place,  read  "^Mdui.  i.  iiBe(diKi1e),»74.  jjgd. 
638>  (dii.) ;  cf.  69S<^,  i-ji^,  6j4f,  G]^.  ed.  Benedicl."    Alhonuiui  quota  the  patuge  four  timet, 

thaw,  iq  C4ch  of  them,  that  he  unqueitioaaNy  read  i.i|^. 

Within  the  chninological  period  10  mhich  Di.  Tregcilei  hat  cnnReed  hiuicir,  namely,  itie  fint 
eight  ceniuriei,  1  ihtU  furlhec  adduu  in  luppsn  of  the  reading  "  ooly-bctonea  Ssh,"  the  Ictii- 


iU  be  odded  Ehai  of  ten  othert  of  later  due- 


Le  of  Dldymut,  Pt  Tritfi 
eke,  Di  Scksia  fiat  Alt 
nole.     Didymui  wat  tbe  only 


L 


1 


L 


LIN-    IKE   READING   '■  ONXV-BECOTI'EN   GOD  249 

"  Mr.  Abbot  has  entirely  failed  in  his  endeavour  to  show 
that  Patristic  citations  are  wholly  a  matter  of  uncertainty  " 
(p.  781).  There  is  not  the  slijihtest  ground  in  my  Note  for 
ascribing  to  me  such  a  preposterous  "  endeavor."  I  did 
endeavor  to  show  that  the  evidence  of  some  of  Dr.  Trcgellcss 
"  Patristic  citations  "  was  very  uncertain  ;  I  caiL-d  attention 
to  the  indisputable  fact  that  several  of  his  principal  authori- 
ties were  notorious  for  the  general  looseness  and  inaccuracy 
of  their  quotations;  I  pointed  out  the  importance  of  care- 
fully distinguishing  express  cilalions  of  a  passage  from  mere 
allusions  or  references  to  it ;  and  I  proved  that  it  was  not 
always  safe  to  rely  on  the  assertion  of  a  Father  that  a 
particular  expression  was  found  in  scripture.  But  I  can 
assure  Dr.  Tregelles  that  had  I  endeavored  "  to  show  that 
Patristic  citations  are  wholly  a  matter  of  uncertainty,"  I 
should  not  have  taken  pains  to  adduce  eighty  of  them,  from 
thirty-six  different  writers,  in  opposition  to  the  reading  which 
he  defends  as  genuine.  The  evidence  of  the  Fathers  in 
regard  to  various  readings  always  needs  to  be  carefully 
weighed  and  sifted  ;  the  references  to  it  in  all  critical  edi- 
tions of  the  Greek  Testament  hitherto  published  are  very 
incomplete  and  often  untrustworthy  ;  but  it  is  frequently  of 
great  importance. 

We  will  now  examine  the  evidence  for  the  reading  iiwoycvix 
Cnif  as  compared  with  that  for  iinvoirviif  I'icH.  The  testimony 
of  the  Greek  MSS.  is  first  to  be  considered.  It  is  here 
important  to  observe  that  the  words  f'<K  and  i*"V(  in  the  abbre- 
viated form  in  which  they  are  written  in  the  most  ancient 
codices  (ix.  Bc),  differ  in  but  a  single  letter,  so  that  one  might 
easily  be  substituted  for  the  other  through  the  inadvertence 
of  a  transcriber. 

The  reading  Hf^c  is  found  in  the  MSS.  k',  B,  C*.  L,  33,  only 
five  in  number,  but  three  of  them  of  the  highest  antiquity, 
and  all  of  great  value.  »,  the  Codex  Stnaiticus,  which  has 
the  reading  a  prima  manu,  was  probably  written,  according 
to  Tischendorf,*  about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century;  B, 


250  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

the  Vatican  MS.,  is  of  nearly  the  same  age;  C,  the  Ephraem 
MS.,  is  about  a  century  later ;  L  is  of  the  eighth  century, 
but  remarkable  for  its  affinity  with  the  Vatican  and  the 
Ephraem ;  and  33  is  a  cursive  MS.  of  the  eleventh  century, 
also  very  remarkable  for  its  agreement  with  our  oldest  copies. 
It  is  one  of  the  three  cursive  MSS.  which  read  6f  in  i  Tim. 
iii.  16. 

The  reading  vid^,  on  the  other  hand,  is  found  in  k**,  A, 
C***,  E,  F,  G,  H,  K,  M,  S,  U,  V,  X,  a,  a,  also  in  i,  69, 
and  all  the  other  cursive  MSS.  containing  the  passage  (so 
far  as  is  known),  amounting  to  four  or  five  hundred  in 
number,  but  many  of  them  imperfectly  collated.  «**  denotes 
the  Codex  Sinaiticus  as  corrected  ;  A  is  the  Alexandrine 
MS.,  of  the  fifth  century ;  C***  denotes  the  Ephraem  MS. 
as  corrected  in  the  ninth  century;  X  and  A  are  MSS.  of 
the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century,  but  distinguished  from 
the  others  of  that  period  by  their  more  frequent  agreement 
with  the  most  ancient  documents ;  this  is  particularly  true 
of  X,  the  text  of  which  is  of  great  excellence.  The  other 
uncial  MSS.  range  in  date  from  the  eighth  century  to  the 
tenth  ;  i  and  69  are  cursive  MSS.,  the  first  of  the  tenth, 
the  second  of  the  fourteenth  century,  but  of  uncommon 
value  on  account  of  the  accordance  of  their  text  with  that 
of  our  oldest  copies  ;  a  remark  which  applies,  in  a  some- 
what inferior  degree,  to  a  considerable  number  of  others, 
especially  13,  22,  118,  124,  157,  and  209. 

The  concurrence  of  three  out  of  our  four  most  ancient 
MSS.  in  the  reading  ^tof  is  remarkable  ;  but  some  cir- 
cumstances may  lessen  its  apparent  weight.  The  testimony 
of  K,  which  has  the  reading  a  prima  maiiUy  cannot  be  prop- 
erly estimated  till  we  know  something  respecting  the  date 
of  the  correction^  which  possesses  an  authority,  of  course, 
equal  to  that  of  a  MS.  at  the  time  it  was  made.  The 
alterations  which  «  has   undergone   are   by  many  different 


"  Johannisi.  i8,  a  pr  uovoyevfiq  (absque  ")  Oeoi^  Eig  (om.  o  cjj)-"  I  took  the  "  a  pr"  to  apply 
to  nil  the  variations  from  the  received  text,  not  merely  the  first  and  last.  Dr.  Tregelles  before  mc 
had  fallen  into  the  same  error.  See  Postscripts  to  his  Introd.  to  the  T<xt.  Crii.  qfthe  N.  7"., 
ad  cd.,  p.  780  (dated  Nov.  x,  i860).    The  Sinaitic  MS.  was  f\T^\./nthlished  in  i86a. 


ON  THE   READING   "  ONLY- BEGOTTEN   GOD"  Jfl 

hands,  but  Tregelles  remarks  {p.  784)  that  "  it  will  appar- 
ently be  found  that  one  at  least  of  these  has  carefully  cor- 
rected the  errors  of  the  original  scribe ;  indeed  it  seems  not 
improbable  that  such  a  corrector  may  have  been  the  person 
whose  business  it  was  to  revise  what  had  bi;eu  wriiten  by  a 
mere  mechanical  copyist.  For  a  full  apprehension  of  the 
value,  etc.,  of  the  corrections,  we  must  wait  the  appearance 
of  Tischendorf's  edition."  Should  it  appear  that  the  origi- 
nal iiop8uTii(.  or  a  very  early  corrector,  altered  the  reading 
of  K  from  Se6t  to  vifif,  the  importance  of  its  testimony  to  the 
former  would  be  greatly  diminished,  or  even  nullified  ;  on 
the  other  hand,  if  the  change  was  made  by  a  /ate  corrector, 
the  alteration  would  be  of  little  consequence.  That  the 
original  transcriber  was  careless  or  sleepy  when  he  copied 
John  i.  18  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  he  has  omitted  the 
words  o  '>  before  ek  nv  k6>-ov.  Another  circumstance  may 
be  regarded  as  weakening  in  some  measure  the  authority  of 
k",  B,  C*,  L,  in  this  passage.  They  all  agree  in  reading  /•oi'o- 
)(!■.;(  ttcric  instead  of  «  iim'i<yivf,i  I'ldij.  It  seems  hardly  possible 
that  this  omission  of  the  article  can  be  correct;  but,  if  this 
be  an  error,  it  throws  some  suspicion  on  the  reading  which 
accompanies  it. 

The  balance  of  evidence  in  the  case  of  the  MSS.  will  be 
estimated  differently  by  different  critics  according  to  the 
school  to  which  they  belong.  Tregelles  would  attribute 
greater  weight  than  Tischendorf  to  the  preponderance  of 
the  few  most  ancient  MSS.  in  favor  of  dur.  while  Mr.  Scrivener 
would  lay  greater  stress  than  either  on  the  testimony  of  the 
later  uncials  and  cursives.  It  may  be  sufficient  to  say  here 
that  the  united  testimony  of  the  MSS.  of  the  ninth  century 
and  later,  though  numbered  by  hundreds,  cannot  disprove 
the  genuineness  of  a  reading  which  is  supported  by  a  great 
preponderance  of  the  more  ancient  evidence ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  coincidence  of  the  MSS.  »<,  B.  C.  L,  in  a 
reading,  though  entitled  to  grave  consideration,  is  far  from 
being  decisive.  The  testimony  of  se\'era!  of  the  ancient 
versions  and  Fathers  goes  further  back  than  that  of  our  oldest 
MSS.  ;   and  that  of  the  versions,  in  particular,  is  of  great 


252  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

importance  in  cases  like  the  present,  where,  from  the  simi- 
larity of  the  questionable  words  in  the  Greek,  a  transcriber 
might  easily  mistake  one  for  the  other. 

We  will  proceed,  then,  to  examine  the  evidence  of  the 
ancient  versions.  The  following  support  ^tk\  (i)  the  Peshito 
Syriac,  which  has  been  assigned  to  the  second  century, 
but  the  text  of  which  is  regarded  by  Dr.  Tregelles  and 
others  as  having  been  greatly  corrupted  and  modernized, 
especially  in  the  Gospels,  by  a  later  revision  ;  *  (2)  the 
Harclean  or  Philoxenian  Syriac  (a.d.  616)   in  the  margin; 

(3)  the  Coptic  or  Memphitic  (third  or  fourth  century)  ;  and 

(4)  the  Aethiopic  (fourth  or  fifth  century)  in  the  Roman 
edition. 

The  following  support  v\k\  (i)  the  Old  Latin  or  Italic,  of 
the  second  century ;  (2)  the  Vulgate,  of  the  fourth  ;  (3)  the 
Curetonian  Syriac,  probably  of  the  second  century ;  f  (4)  the 
Harclean  or  Philoxenian  Syriac  (a.d.  616)  in  the  text ;  (5) 
the  Jerusalem  Syriac,  of  uncertain  date,  but  representing  a 
very  ancient  text ;  (6)  the  Aethiopic  (fourth  or  fifth  century), 
as  edited  in  1 826  by  Mr.  Piatt ;  and  (7)  the  Armenian,  of  the 
fifth  century. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  the  weight  of  authority,  so  far  as 
the  ancient  versions  are  concerned,  greatly  preponderates  in 
favor  of  the  reading  tw;.  The  evidence  of  the  Old  Latin  and 
the  Curetonian  Syriac  is  particularly  important. 

The  testimony  of  the  ancient  Fathers  is  next  to  be  attended 
to.  We  will  examine  the  evidence:  (i)  of  those  who  favor 
f^((k ;  (2)  of  those  who  favor  v't6<: ;  and  (3)  of  a  few  who  have 
quoted  the  passage  with  Iwt/i  readings,  and  may  be  regarded 
as  doubtful.  I  add,  for  convenience,  the  time  at  which  they 
flourished  as  assiq-ned  bv  Cave. 

I.    The  following  favor  the  reading  Oi:6c:  — 

I.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  194,  who  has  once  quoted 
the  passage  with  this  reading  {Stro?nat.  lib.  v.  c.  12,  p.  695, 


♦Sec  his  In  trod,  to  Textual  Criticism,  pp.  265,  266:  comp.  p.  757. 

tOf  this  version  Dr.  Treqclles  obscrvc<;  that  "  its  readings  are  in  far  greater  accordance  with 
the  oldest  authorities  of  various  V\x\<U  than  i-?  the  cn^-  in  the  previously  known  Peshito."  Ibid. 
p.  267.     It  has  been  printed  from  a  MS.  of  the  fifth  ccntur>'. 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY- BEGOTTEN  GOD"  253 

ed.  Potter).  This  evidence  is,  however,  somewhat  weakened 
by  the  fact,  that  in  another  place,  in  alluding  to  the  text,  he 
has  the  words  6  fwvoyevr/^  vide  dedg,  "  the  only-begotten  Son,  who 
is  God."  *  He  does  not  comment  on  the  passage,  in  either 
case,  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  how  he  read  it ;  and  as 
Dr.  Tregelles  has  remarked  (p.  333),  "  he  often  gives  his  own 
phrases  instead  of  those  of  any  writer  whom  he  may  cite." 
Indeed,  he  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  among  the  Fathers 
for  the  looseness  of  his  quotations  from  scripture. 

2.  The  Excerpta  Theodotiy  or  Doctrina  Oricntalis.  This 
is  a  compilation  of  uncertain  authorship,  but  supposed  by 
many  to  have  been  made  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  with 
whose  works  it  is  generally  printed.  "  Theodotus  "  is  several 
times  cited  in  it,  but  more  frequently  "the  followers  of 
Valentinus."  The  quotation  of  John  i.  18  occurs  in  an 
account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Valentinians  understood 
and  explained  the  first  chapter  of  John.  It  is  a  very  impor- 
tant testimony  to  the  reading  <9e(5f,  both  on  account  of  its  high 
antiquity,  and  because  it  is  express :  hvriKpv^  Oebv  ahrbv  67)7^1  7.tyuv, 

3.  Epiphanius,  Bp.  of  Constantia  or  Salamis  in  Cyprus, 
A.D.  368,  has  quoted  the  passage  three  times  with  the  reading 
<^foc.  (Haer.  Ixv.  c.  5,  biSy  and  Ixx.  c.  7,  Opp.  i.  612*"  and 
8i8*,  ed.  Petav.)  In  the  remark,  however,  which  follows  the 
quotation  in  the  first  passage,  ^^k  and  vlo^  are  interchanged : 

Koi  o^Tcrf,  '0  fiovoyevye  6e6g  •  6  fiev  yap  /idyog  egtIv  tK  Trarpde;  yevvrfOeit;,  6  TTUTr/f)  (5f 
ovK  iyewffiri     dia  rovro  /lovoyevr/g  vidg.        He   alsO    Spcaks    of    Jolin    aS 

"calling  Christ  only-begotten  God  "  :  Uovoyn'O Otbv  ai-dv <;>(iGKuv . . . 

Uepi  Trarpbq  ytypanrcu,  a?j/6Lvov  deov-  rrEpi  v'lov  6k ^  bri  fiovoycvijg  tkog  {AflCOJ'iXt. 

c.  3,  Opp.  ii.  8"^).  A  little  before,  however,  in  a  qnotatioji 
of  John  i.  1 8,  6  fiovoyevij^  is  given  without  either  Oe6q  or  viog.  But 
here  the  context  renders  it  probable  that  o^k  has  been  omitted 
after  fiovaytvije  by  the  mistake  of  a  transcriber,  though  the 


*«ttM  T&re  emyTTCVoetg  rbv  ko^.ttov  mi:  rrarpbc,  bv  6  poynyerr/t;  vlbq  fkbq  uovoq  li- 
Ti'J^aro.  —  Quis  dives  salvetur^  c.  37,  p.  956. 

\  Excerpta  Theodot.  c.  6,  a/.  Clem.  Alex.  Opp.  p.  968,  ed.  Potter;    also  in  Fabric  ii  Bibl. 
Graec.  v.  T36,  and  in  Bunsen's  Analecta  Ante-Nicaena,  i.  211. 


254  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

text,  both  in  what  precedes  and  follows,  appears  to  be 
corrupt.* 

4.  Didymus  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  370,  has  quoted  the  passage 
twice  with  the  reading  ^toc.  {De  Trinit,  lib.  i.  c.  26,  and  lib. 
ii.  c.  5,  pp.  76,  140,  ed.  Mingarel.,  or  in  Migne's  Patrol. 
GraccUy  xxxix.  393',  495'.)     He  also  says,  ©  v'lhq  «/ic/.r/ra/  /iow;«7)f 

<^fOf  /o}r>f,  KOL  f}f  Kxpio^  'Ir/aovq  Xpifrrdc,       {Ibid,   lib.    i.   C.    IS,  p.  27,  Or 

col.  313',  ed.  Migne.)  But  here  it  may  be  doubted  whether  a 
comma  should  be  placed  after  //ovo>ei^f,  or  after  ^f<k-,  or  after 
neither.! 

The  four  writers  whose  testimony  has  now  been  adduced 
are  all  who  have  expressly  quoted  John  i.  i8  with  the  reading 
fiovoyevf/i  ^eof  alone,  and  are  all  who  can  be  cited  in  its  support 
with  much  confidence.  There  are  four  others  who  have 
quoted  the  passage  with  do/A  readings ;  namely,  Irenaeus, 
Origen,  Basil  the  Great,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria.  The  first 
of  these  favors  vl6^;  the  last,  perhaps,  (^e^k;  while  the  two 
remaining  are  altogether  doubtful.  Their  evidence  will  be 
considered  hereafter. 

There  are,  however,  some  allusions  and  references  to  the 
passage  which  may  be  supposed  to  favor  the  reading  ^fof,  but 
in  regard  to  which  there  is  room  for  a  difference  of  opinion. 
A  statement  of  the  facts  will  enable  the  reader  to  form  his 
own  judgment. 

I.  The  Second  (semi-Arian)  Synod  of  Ancyra,  a.d.  358, 
viay  have  read  Ot:dc^  in  John  i.  18,  but  the  evidence  is  not 
decisive.  After  quoting  Prov.  viii.  22,  etc.,  Col.  i.  15,  etc., 
and  the  first  verses  of  the  Proem  to  the  Gospel  of  John, 
without  any  allusion,  however,  to  John  i.  18,  the  Fathers  of 
this  Synod  state  their  conclusion  as  follows :  **  So  that  we 
have  testimony  *  from  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses ' 


♦After  having  quoted  and  remarked  upon  John  xvii.  3,  Epiphanius  says:  'I;/(Tr)ffv  X/JfOTOV 
r/va ;  {i/.i^)ivhv  Otov.  E'l  i^i  titui-  Xprnrnv  '\7/a'n>\  /.V  '/.t]ti  rztfu  airov  u  'loxiriz/f.  '0 
fjovfr^evf/r,   o  ijv  nr  rnv  Ko'/rro)'  rar  —urpi'ir.   arrnr    f^r/yf/nnrn,       E/f  f^eoc  roiiw  6 

7T(irr/f),  A".  7.  /.. Ancorat.  c.  a,p.  7C     Here  ^/  rV   must  be  wrong  unless  the  whole  conclusion 

of  the  sentence  has  been  lost.     Perhaps  we  should  substitute  omW    (comp.  Basil,  de  Sfir.  Sanci. 
c.  8,  p.  14C)  or  o/fV/7f ,   thou;jh  /r^f  may  seem  at  first  an  easier  emendation. 

t  [Later  Dr.  AW)Ot  added  in  pencil]   Better  after  neither;    cf.  /ioivyt r//f  ^fof  /^)'0f,  Kb.  L 

c.  26,  p.  75  (392  Migne),  quoted  by  Mr.  Drummond.    [Cf.  p.  373  below.] 


i 


ON  THE   READING    "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN   GOD  " 

in  proof  that  the  substance  of  the  Son  is  like  that  of  the 
Father ;  for  one  [Solomon]  calls  the  wisdom  of  the  [all-] 
Wise  his  Son ;  another  [John]  calls  the  Logos  of  God  only- 
begotten  God  ;  another  [Paul]  calls  the  Son  cf  God  his 
Image."  *  We  have  no  reason  to  suppose,  a  priori,  that  the 
reference  to  John  is  verbally  accurate  any  more  than  that  to 
Proverbs,  where  we  find  neither  the  word  n'lir,  nor  the  expres- 
sion ij  oofFra  roil  ao^soip.  It  is  HOt  uncommon  with  the  Fathers  to 
give,  as  the  language  of  scripture,  expressions  formed  from 
several  passages  combined,  or  which  they  regard  as  fully 
authorized  by  scripture,  though  not  occurring  there  in  so 
many  words.  The  Logos  being  called  "God"  in  John  i.  i, 
and  the  Son  being  called  "  the  only-begotten  "  in  John  i.  l8, 
nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  they  should  unite  the 
two  passages,  and  speak  of  John  as  calling  the  Logos  "the 
only-begotten  God."  This  would  be  done  the  more  readily 
by  many  of  the  Fathers,  as  they  regarded  the  terms  "  Son  " 
and  "only-begotten  "  as  necessarily  implying  a  participation 
of  the  Divine  nature,  and  as  in  themselves  justifying  the 
appellation  8cii,  Thus  the  Epistle  of  this  Synod  says,  a  little 
after  the  passage  just  cited,  '''k  ftiir  /li^:  in""  liic  *«*.  "C  4i*/H^or. 
AoSi  vHx  Mi«;,^ov.  (Cap.  9,  p.  855*.  afi.  Epiph^  So  Eusebius 
says  that  Christ  is  ™i-  cot  pnujn^r  v\ii^,  «■"  ^^^  rotro  dei^  {Dem. 
Evatig.  lib.  V.  c-  4,  p.  227"),  and  an  indefinite  number  of  pas- 
sages might  be  quoted  to  the  same  purpose. 

2.    In  one  place  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (a.d.  370)  says:  Eipvai 

irapa  T^  Ypap^  Tipi  roil  (v  apX9  tiiTat  ?jijoii.  in  6  /lomycyi/f  tfeift.  ^puriroiBif 

ird(r«  KTiecuc.  {Dc  Pttf.  Christ.  Forma.  0pp.  Hi.  291'.)  Some 
may  regard  this  as  a  clear  proof  that  Gregory  read  flf^c  in 
John  i.  iS.  One,  however,  who  has  become  accustomed  to 
the  style  in  which  scripture  is  quoted  and  referred  to  in  the 
writings  of  the  Fathers,  will  be  more  likely  to  regard  it  as 
affording  but  a  slight  presumption  of  the  fact  in  question ;  a 
presumption  altogether  outweighed  by  the  consideration  that 


•'Of  i;r(iii  Tr)v  (iri  orAfiaTot  6i<u  Ij  rpiin/  fia/rripui'  (f-  /mpTvpiav,  Petav.]  tic  Arr6- 
iii^iv  T^c  KOr'  oivlav  vpiif  wnrlpa  rnl  twi  a/iniArtiTa^,     '0  iiiv  yap  T-ni  nnoni  T^v 

«^l.  —AftiJ  Efifllaii.  Matr.  luii!.  c  a,  0pp.  i.  9y,U:  or  CUKili*.  cd.  Coleii.  iS.  87*^- 


256  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

he  has  nowhere  expressly  quoted  the  passage,  though  the 
deity  of  Christ  is  so  prominent  a  subject  in  his  writings.  If 
he  had  actually  read  <^*<>c  in  John  i.  18,  it  would  have  been  a 
testimony  too  remarkable  to  be  overlooked.  It  is  not  easy 
to  perceive  why  he  should  not  have  quoted  this  passage  as 
often  as  John  i.  i.  But  we  have  not  far  to  seek  for  an  illus- 
tration of  the  imprudence  of  a  confident  reliance  on  such 
references  to  scripture  as  the  one  before  us.  Turning  back 
a  few  leaves  in  this  same  treatise  of  Gregory  Nyssen  we  find 
the  assertion  that,  among  the  names  which  the  Apostle  Paul 
has  given  to  Christ,  —  **  He  has  called  him  ...  a  propitiation 
for  souls ^  .  .  .  and  first-born  of  the  new  creation,  .  .  .  and  only- 
begotten  Son,  crowned  with  glory  and  honor,"  etc.*  In 
another  place  he  expressly  quotes  the  words  "whom  God 
hath  set  forth  as  a  propitiationyi?r^«rj^7//y"  as  the  language 
of  the  apostle.f  But  it  would  be  idle  to  suppose  that  he  had 
Tuv  y^wxi^v  yfiiju  in  his  MSS.  in  Rom.  iii.  25,  or  that  his  Greek 
copies  contained  the  expression  "  new  creation  "  in  Col.  i.  16 ; 
still  more  that  his  copy  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  con- 
tained the  words  ''only-begotten  Son,"  a  phrase  occurring 
only  in  the  writings  of  John.  The  looseness  and  inaccuracy 
of  such  references  to  scripture  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
might  be  much  more  fully  illustrated. 

Though  Gregory  of  Nyssa  has  nowhere  quoted  John  i.  18, 
he  has  repeatedly  alluded  to  it,  using  the  words  0  ^v  hv  7o/<; 
Ko^rro/r  roi-  nar/>m;  ctgJit  timcs  in  councction  with  thc  expression 
i)  uinuytvi,ci)vnc,  ttvicc  in  connection  with  the  phrase  o  ^ovo-,(:vii^v\6^^ 
and  once  with  the  phrase  <'  ^'«'  ii'ioroig  Ht6c.  For  examples  and 
references  see   below.J      The   expression  6  uovoyevyg  $€6g  is  a 


*A»'7oi'  tKn'/rnF  .  .  .  i?aG7f^()iov  t/m.'j^">''»  •  •  •  '^'^^  '^/C  Kaivf/g  KTiaeoc  TrptjrdTOKOv. 
.  .  .  S(u  rinf  unvayfvfj^  ^^'J^'J  '^'^i  ~^!'^}  iareOiivutuvov^  k.t.?..  —  De  Ferf.  Christ. 
Forma,  <  >pp.  iii.  276,  277. 

t^Or  \it  //Torro/or]  oT/rrrv  ■  utl  bv  TTfmWern  6  6eog  i/aarypiov  tuv  ^i';(;<jr 
//uo)V.  —  Z^**  ^'^'f  ''ifosis.  Opp.  i.  225J. 

J '0  u<tv(i]t]i^c  th  ('n\  it  Iw  iv  To'ic  Ko/rrn/r  rob  rroTpnc,  nvTuc;  rariv  r/  ^tiia  tov 
i  li'inrdv.  —  /V  ^VAr  ^f(ysls.  Opp.  i.  iQa'*.  Sec  also  /«  Catttz'c.  //i>w/.  xiii.  Opp.  i.  663».  —  Centra 
Eunottt.  Orat.  ii.,  tt-r,  iii.,  vi.,  x.  Opp.  ii.  432b,  4470^  M^^,  5o6<^«  595  [^s]*.  681*.  Lat.  unigeni- 
tus  Dei  fi lilts.     (Georg.  Trapezuntius.) 

'0   fiovo}n-r,c  VI 6^,  6  uv  eu  rolg  ko/.ttoi^  rov  Trarpog,  6  kv  apxi  tov,  k.t. X. — 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY- BEGOTTEN  GOD  "  257 

favorite  designation  of  Christ  in  the  writings  of  this  Father. 
I  have  noted  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  examples  of  its 
occurrence  in  his  treatise  against  Eunomius  alone.  But  this 
expression,  as  we  shall  see,  is  also  a  favorite  one  with  other 
Fathers  who  unquestionably  read  "only-begotten  Son''  in 
John  i.  18. 

3.  We  may  here  take  notice  of  the  allusions  to  John  i. 
18  in  the  writings  of  a  Latin  Father,  Fulgent ius,  who  flour- 
ished A.D.  507.  They  are  so  instructive  as  to  deserve  to 
be  quoted  in  full.  Taken  together,  they  show  clearly  how 
little  can  be  inferred  concerning  the  reading  of  a  passage 
from  such  allusions,  and  may  serve  to  guard  us  against 
hasty  conclusions  from  those  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa.  See 
the  note  below.*  Neither  Fulgentius,  nor  any  other .  Latin 
Father,  has  ever  quoted  John  i.  i8  with  the  reading  unigeni- 
tus  Deus.  This  is  only  what  might  be  expected,  as  both 
the  Old  Latin  version  and  the  Vulgate  read  Filius.  But  if 
Fulgentius  had  found  the  reading  Dcus  in  his  copies,  the 
nature  of  his  writings  is  such  that  he  could  not  have  failed 
to  quote  it  frequently  in  proof  of  the  deity  of  Christ. 

n.  The  following  Greek  Fathers,  with  one  Pagan  writer, 
support  the  reading  «<<Jf.  They  expressly  quote  the  passage 
with  this  reading,  unless  the  contrary  is  stated. 

I.    Irenaeus,  Bp.  of  Lyons  in  Gaul,  but  educated  in  Asia 


£/u/.  md  Flavian.  Opp.  iii.  648>.     See  also  Contra  Eunom.  Orat.  ii.  Opp.  ii.  466c.    Sec  also 
Or*t.  z.  683*. 

'0  tv  v'^iaroi^  ^e<Jf,  bv  ev  roic  kSX^toic  tov  TrarpS^,  k.t.7..  —  In  Cantic.  Horn. 
XT.  Opp.  i.  697*. 

*  Fulgendof  has  alluded  to  John  i.  18  six  times. 

I.  In  connection  with  the  phrase  unigenitus  Deus,  "  Ut  ille  unigenitus  Deus,  qui  est  in  sinu 
P^ttris,  non  solum  in  muliere,  sed  etiam  ex  muliere  fieret  homo."  —  Epist.  xvii.  c.  3,  in  Migiic's 
P^irpl.  Ixv.  454C(1.  "  De  Deo  unigenito,  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris,  ut  dixi,  omnia  hxc  personaliter 
"cdpe,"  —  />/  Fide,  c.  »o,  col.  681b,  ed.  Nfigne. 

a.  With  nnifenitn*  Filius.  **  Quis  enim  natus  est  Deus  verus  ex  Deo  vcro,  nisi  unigenitus 
Filius,  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris?  "  —  Ad  Trasim.  lib.  iii.  c.  4,  col.  272b.  ••  Si  vero  unigenitus  Filius, 
qm  est  in  sinu  Patris,  post  aetemam  nativitatem,"  etc.  {Greg.  Nyss.  cont.  Eunom.  lib.  x.  vol.  ii. 
^  844.  Migne  is  cited  by  Mr.  Drummond  as  confirmins!  the  reading  r/'of.)  —  Epist.  xvii.  c.  15, 
»1«7  (Gall.  235),  Opp.  ii.  682«,  col.  459*".  "  Dei  erco  Fil-us  unigenitus,  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris,  ut 
•^nem  hominis  animamque  mundaret,"  etc.  —  De  Fide,  c.  17,  col.  670c. 

3*  With  unigeniins  alone.  "Quia  unigenitus,  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris,  secundum  quod  cam  est, 
P*«usest  gnti«,**  etc.  —  De  Incarnat.  c.  18,  col.  sSs*". 

The  €xfrtuioH  "  tuugenitus  Deus  "  occurs  in  the  writings  of  Fulgentius  about  ninety  times. 


258  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Minor,  fl.  a.d.  178.  According  to  the  very  early  Latin 
version  in  which  his  work  against  Heresies  has  come  down 
to  us,  he  has  quoted  the  passage  once  with  the  reading  Fil- 
ins ;  once  with  Filiiis  Dei ;  and  once  with  Deus,  As  Filius 
Dei  is  a  merely  trivial  variation  of  Filius,  and  as  the  words 
which  follow  his  quotation  in  two  passages  confirm  the  latter 
reading,  his  testimony  may  be   fairly  regarded   as  favoring 

'  '     Ik 

2.  Hippolytus,  Bp.  of  Portus  Romanus,  a.d.  220.      A^ei 

yap'lijdvvtii,-  Oeov  oiiU^g  eCtpoKev  TnoTrorr^  fioi'oyn>r/c  v'tdg,  u  on*  cif  ruv  koAitov  tov 
TTar/jof.    rxiroc   thtniionro,        (Cout.    Noct.    C.    $,     in      Routh's     SctipL 

Ecclcs.  Opusc,  i.  58,  ed.  alt.,  or  Migne's  Patrol.  Gr.  x. 
812'.) 

3.  The  Third  Synod  at  Antioch  (a.d.  269),  in  their  Epistle 
to  Paul  of  Samosata.  {Concilia,  ed.  Coleti,  i.  869**  ;  also 
in  Routh's  Rcliq.  Sacr.  ii.  473,  or  iii.  297,  ed.  alt.) 

4.  Archelaus,  or  rather  the  Acta  Disp.  Arclulai  cum 
Manete  (about  a.d.  300.^),  as  preserv^ed  in  a  Latin  version. 
(Cap.  32,  in  Routh's  Reliq.  Sacr.  iv.  213,  or  v.  121,  ed.  alt.  ; 
also  in  Migne's  Patrol.  Gr.  x.  I479^) 

5.  Alexander,  Bp.  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  313.  (Epist.  ad 
Alex.  Constant.  §  4,  ap.  Theodore ti  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  c.  4 
(al.  3),  or  in  Migne's  Patrol.  Gr.  xviii.  553*.) 

6.  Eusebius,  Bp.  of  Caisarea,  a.d.  315,  quotes  the  passage 
with  the  reading  "V  not  less  than  six  times.  In  one  case, 
indeed,  which  has  already  been  briefly  noticed,  the  words 
}/  iioi'o}fi'/)(:  (htn;  arc  added  a/ter  6 /y«iy»;  n7>;  n'of,  and  on  this  ground 
Dr.  Tregelles  claims  his  authority  in  support  of  the  reading 
(ff'k'.  This  passage  alone,  however,  when  carefully  examined 
with  the  context,  seems  enough  to  disprove  this  claim  ;  and 
when  it  is  taken  in  connection  with  at  least  five  other 
unequivocal  quotations  in  which   Eusebius  reads  wof,  there 


♦The  pa-isagcs  arc  as  follows;  (i)  "  Deum  enim,  inqiiit,  nemo  vidit  unquam,  nisi  unigenitus 
Filius  Dei.  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris,  ipse  enarravit.  Patrem  enim  invisibilcm  exsistentem  ille  qui  in 
sinii  ejus  e-it  Filius  omnibus  enarrat." — Cont.  Hacr.  lib.  iii.  c.  ii,  §  6,  p.  189,  ed.  Mass. 
(2>  "Quemadmodum  in  Kvangelioscriptum  est:  Deum  nemo  vidit  unquam,  nisi»»/]f5r«i/V«j/V7/«<x, 
qui  est  in  sinu  Pntris.  i])<c  enarravit.  F.narrat  ergo  ab  initio  Filius  Patris,"  etc.  —  Ibid.  lib.  iv. 
r.  20.  §  fi.  p.  7^s.  (^^  "  Qucmadmodum  et  Dominus  dixit :  Unigenitus  Dfus,  qui  est  in  sinu  Patris, 
ipse  enarravit."—  n>id,  lib.  iv.  c.  20,  §  11,  p.  256. 


ON   THU    KHAl'lN'lJ   "  UNLV-llhUiriKN"  GOD  159 

ri-'allv  appears  to  bu  no  room  for  doubt.     The  facts  arc  given 
below.  ■ 

7.  Eustathius,  Bp.  of  Antioch,  a.u.  330.  {De  F.iigaslrimy- 
!ho,  c.  18,  in  Galland.  Uibl.  Patr.  iv.  563*,  or  Migne's /"ij/ro/. 
Gr.  xviii.  652'.) 

8.  Athanasius,  Bp.  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  326,  has  expressly 
i[uoted  John  i.  18  with  the  reading  ■'■«(  four  times,  and 
referred  to  it  in  such  a  way  in  three  other  places  as  to  show 
in  each  of  them  that  he  had  this  reading.f 


•EiwUai  qwio  Jobn  i.  iB  wUh  ihc  Rudiiig  uUf,  Di  Bcdi:  Tknl. 
p.  Ki*.    la  Ihe  icmnrki  whkh  lollow  ihe  lut  quoaiun,  M  lepdli 

loRftjnIftrotiEConlinnHionof  thtt  mtding.  A  lilUc  further  on  Cp-ttO'J  nvm 
lidu  (JTen  ID  Chriri  by  ihe  ApniJe  John,  in  tktir  trJtr,  in  Hich  ■  oniui 
Ihu  be  rod  m^  ^  John  i.  iBk  He  olU  upoa  ut  ed  ab««rve  bow  tbc  Evodcc 
iim;iiii70i  }^yov  Uohn  L  i),  laJ  fcoi'  riv  am-lhi  avincciv  («i.  i),  « 
{vcr.  7),  oii  iiavafcvi  ^uivu  (*«-  >4)>iini  uiuv  0cdv  iitaXayiloat  l*u- 
ovofid^K.  dX^  nui  QtTilv  ijHrriv  iarapri  Tor  aur^pa  oii  >ii}av  rni 
oW.n  tWc,  Koi  fiovnytv^,  sal  ^j[.  i.r.  X.,  qomiog  John  iii.  i6,  oW. 
bdixB  Ihit  ciuiien  from  ibe  ibird  clupler.  ui  wbkh  Mr  Brmnfrlitl,  la  bin  m 

Jahn  j.  iB:  ind 


l«™nioo  f,  uovoyiviit^ 


hnngBiu. 


It  Ihc 


,  in  Moni^ucfw't  Cati-  Ntva,  i.  440*.  See  also 
a  Ii.  vi.  1 ,  when  wi  find  u  iinvayni/t  l>id(,  a  uv 
duud  u  ■  fonnal  quouiioo  (MoalT.  Cull.  .Vmia,  ii 
u  TeadinE  aAccIinE  Ihc  word  jicj^  It  ^vcn  by  Nofb 
cil  of  Euichiui  Dt  BccUi.  Tictl.  puUithed  by 


iof  by  ImmMcriitri,  Ddll  10  Ihe  |iiiuihI.     Eum 
0.  t  J.  P-B' 


I.  Cr. 


Let  UI  nnv  cumine  Ibe  puiagc  on  Hhich  Di.  Trcgcllu  idiu.  Dr  Btclrt.  Thtot.  lib.  i.  c.  9, 
p.  frjA.  HcK  the  quouiion  ii  inmiduccd  by  Ihe  UKnioo  ihm  ihc  F.vancdiil  "  tjifrtuly  Icachai 
thil  Chtiil  i>  the  oiilv.bcgonen  Sn  in  ihe  IhllowinI  irordi,"  and  i>  lucceeded  bx  *  qiHNMion  d( 

coafiriKi  l»ii."  Toi  ilnyyehoTuii  6iaiipiiSiiv  airav  iJui'  /urmiyrv^  ilvai  itiitiiatjir 
ro(  ii'  iir  lifii,  Srflv  oidiic  iiipaa  irilirorj  ■  &  fiomyrrit  fi^,  ft  iiovoyivl/t  6r6f,  0  -ji' 
(J(  rSf  »Wirov  roi  B-ai-pof,  infimr  fiff)-^ro.  Under  ihcK  ciKumiuncei,  «  impaiiisl 
critic  will  prnlnbl)'  Iluak  Ihu  do  cIiuk  ever  mm  dearly  betrayed  itjelf  *•  a  nui^nal  gloH  Ihan 
Ihe  wonb  1^  ^ovo)'f  1';^  0f  df  in  Ihe  prcieni  Inttanee.  Il  li  perhaps  hardly  worth  while  la  menriDO 
■hit  Iheyaieio  Rganjedby  Ihe oiiiinal edilor,  Bp.Konlagu.whouyioI'lhcni  in  hii  BDIe;  "Sua 
■unt  bee  eTiDielutz,  lei]  nee  credo  Eiuebii.  niii  fenan,  i^m,,  pnvnyrv^  flrdf ," 

The  only  panace  ihii  I  have  (bund  in  EuKbiut  which  might  lecni  at  lint  view  10  counlenince 
the  leadini  fioBnytriK  Oror  i»  in  hii  oraiise  Dr  Etclii.  THrel.  lib,  iii,  c.  S,  pp.  174, 171-  Aflcr 
having  quoted  Eph.  iv.  t,  6.  he  layi  of  ihe  Father :  "He  alone  maybe  called  ( tiuiuarlCui  il) 
the  One  God,  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jeiui  Chtiu;  but  the  Son  [nay  be  called]  onlybclnHen 
God.  .ho  <•  in  the  hewn  of  the  Father  (i  Al  tJflf  ,iDim"t>r  flciff,  i  iiT  r\(  ruv  Ki>wm<  rnf' 
■mr/xir);  hut  the  Paiacleie  Spirit  can  be  called  neither  Ond  nor  Son."  Heie  it  will  benbcrved 
thai  Euaelnuf  doea  not  aaaen  Ihal  the  Son  11  called  "  anly-betotlcD  God"  in  Kripuin.  but  only 
that  it  il  proper  to  live  him  thai  name.  Thii  poaaage,  theRfore.  dna  not  weaken  Ihe  foice  of  1ii> 
eipiBU  qiioialioni  of  John  i.  i3  wiih  the  leadinc  nA',  IConipin  p  iji  no'e.] 

tTbe  Jirn-I  fin<hr/»*i  of  Alhanoiiui  are;   Dr  Drcrrl.  N'ic.  SynrJ.  c,  ij,'  11,^1  Xi  rai 


26o  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

9.  P^^/^Z-Athanasius  (4th  century?).  {Contra  Sabellian, 
c.  2,  Opp.  ii.  38** ;  Migne,  xxvii.  \q&) 

10.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  350,  probably.  He  has  no- 
where  expressly  quoted  the   passage,  but  alludes  to  it  as 

follows  :  WiOTtvoiuv  Toiwu  eif  kva  Oebv  naripa  ...  61/  avdpuTruv  ftiv  oWeif 
ttjpoKev,  6  fioi'oyei'f/^  de  {iwoq  e^r/yi^aTO,      {Cat.  vii.  C.   II,  Opp.    p.    II /» 

cd.  Tout.)  Here  the  omission  of  vldg  after  fwvoyev^g  affords 
no  ground  for  supposing  that  it  was  absent  from  his  Greek 
copies  in  John  i.  i8,  because  its  omission  does  not  affect  the 
sense.  But  if  he  had  read  ^fof  in  this  passage,  it  is  improbable 
that  he  would  have  neglected  so  important  a  word.  To  this 
it  may  be  added  that  in  his  Eleventh  Catecliesis  it  is  his 
special  object  to  prove  that  the  sonship  of  Christ  implies  his 
divinity^  or,  as  he  expresses  it,  that  ^foq  Oebv  eyiwtfaev.  Such 
being  the  case,  had  he  read  fioi'oyevt/^eedi:  in  John  i.  i8,  he  could 
hardly  have  failed  to  quote  the  passage  ;  none  would  seem  so 
likely  to  have  suggested  itself.    But  he  has  not  referred  to  it. 

11.  The  Emperor  Julian,  a.d.  362,  has  quoted  the  passage 
t7uice  with  the  reading  wof.  {Ap.  Cyril  Alex,  lib.  x.  cont, 
Julian.  Opp.  vi.  ii.  333.) 

12.  Titus  of  Bostra,  a.d.  362.  {Cant,  ManichaeoSy  lib.  iii. 
c.  6,  in  Galland.  Bibl.  Pair.  v.  332^  or  Migne's  Patrol.  Gr. 
xviii.  I224^)  He  has  also  once  quoted  the  passage  with  the 
reading  viit^  Otor,* 

13.  Gregory  of    Nazianzus,  a.d.   370.      "E-eifit/  vl6^  /nm^^evr/^, 

o  itoi'o)n'}/c  I'Jof,  (/  uw  tic  rov  k6'/.~ov  rot'  t ar/>of,  tKFlrog   e^T/^r/aaTo.       (Orat, 

xxix.  al.  XXXV.  c.  17,  p.  535**,  ed.  Bened.)     Euthymius  quotes 


Kvpmv  flffjyt'/A^oini'nr  /iyn-  M>  lun'o^FvifQ  v\oc,  o  u)V  tif  Tov  Ko/rrnv.  k.7.7.  Ei 
ro'ivv  I' inc.  oh  KTiriun,  h.r.'/.  (<>PP-  >•  210**.  eil.  Ifened.,  Par.  1698.)  /^/*/.  c.  at,  p.  aaj**. 
Orat.  ii.  cont.  A  nan.  c.  62,  p.  530'1.  Orat.  iv.  cont.  Arian.  c.  26,  p.  638*  :  Wu/jv  At  To 
h'  (I'rrt.)  7t'f)  'l(jni'nj  e'if)T;ufvi>v.  '()  //oj-o;. nv/r  I'ioi;,  o  wt'  ni;  ruv  ku/.ttov,  k.t.'/.  dFiKrvtrt 
ritv  viuv  iin  th'ai.  'Or  ja/)  '/f^fi  o  'laxiivf/c  vl6i\  rovrov  X*'^l^  *'  >^<^'^^^  ^jn'/'/ri 
//;(.»!•.  'Ira  ri  a-Darfnonr  ri/v  \H(ui  aor  .  .  .  fk  ftfaov  rov  koPtoi'  gov  (Psalm  Ixxiii. 
.t1.  Ixxiv.  11).  iVi'Kovv  t'l  ij  \t)p  iv  7(.)  Ko'/~(j\,  knt  it  v'i^h;  iv  Ko/n-fc).  k.t./.  The  re/er- 
rnces  to  the  reading  vi<»\  which  in  this  case  are  as  explicit  as  quotations,  are  found  in  Orat.  iv. 
I  out.  Arian.  c.  16,  p.  ^^B'^'*;  ihid.  c.  20,  p.  6u'l".  and  c.  23,  pp.  634*',  635". 

*  Ibid.  c.  II,  ap.  (ialland.  lUhl.  Patr.  v.  3^8<",  or  Migne,  xviii.  1240*.  Here  {)ruc  may  have 
Vkch  ad<lcd  by  Titus  from  John  i.  i,  to  indicate,  as  he  s.-\ys  in  the  foHowing  sentence,  that  the 
r/f»r  was  iv'/u-  j  vifcmc  iiiiottn;  ri.)  )f)n'V}ii\it7(.  Compare  the  insertion  in  the  next  sentence  to 
this,  where  he  quotes  Matt.  iii.  17  (or  xvii.  5)  thus:  Orror  tariv  6  I'/'of  /iov  0  /loi'oyev^^ 
hiit  tiyir://Tu(,\  ii>  u.  i)Lj  ti^oK/jan. 


ON  THE   READING   "  ONLY-BEGOITEN   GOD  "  26 1 

this  passage  from  Gregory  with  the  same  reading.  {PanopL 
Pars  i.  tit.  xi.) 

14.  /^j^'tt^fo-Basilius  (4th  century  ?),  that  is,  the  author  of  a 
Homily  published  with  the  works  of  Basil.  (Hom.  in  Psalm. 
xxviii.  c.  3,  in  Basilii  Magni  0pp.  i.  359',  Migne,  xxx.  ^^*'y  ed. 
Bened.) 

15.  Rufinus  Syrus  or  Palaestinensis,  about  a.d.  390,  as 
preser\'ed  in  a  very  early  Latin  translation.  (De  Fide,  lib.  i. 
c.  16,  in  Sirmondi  Opera  Varia,  i.  i66',  ed.  Venet.  1728.) 

16.  Chrysostom,  a.d.  398,  not  less  than  eight  times.  In 
several  of  these  instances  he  so  comments  on  the  word  vtof  as 
to  show  beyond  question  that  he  had  this  reading.* 

17.  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  a.d.  407,  in  his  comment  on 

John  i.  29.  EJp^yxwf  tvravda  6  (ia^TTiarf/g,  on  ovT6q  kartv  6  alpov  tt/v  dfiapriav 
Tw  Kdofxov,  ovK  elTrev  *0  /lovoyev^c  vidf,  oM^  '0  o)v  kv  roiq  K6?.7Toiq  rov  'KaT()6<;,  out 

^iverai  ev  roZf  dvurkpu  eipt^Kuq  (i.e.,  in  John  i,  i8).  Ap.  Maii 
Nov.  Pair.  Bibl.  tom.  vii.  P.  i.  p.  397,  or  in  Migne's  Patrol. 
Gr.  \xv\.  733^ 

18.  Nonnus,  of  Panopolis  in  Egypt,  a.d.  410,  probably. 
In  his  poetical  Paraphrase  of  the  Gospel  of  John  he  has  no 
trace  of  the  reading  ^c<5c,  which  he  would  hardly  have  failed 
to  express,  had  he  found  it  in  the  original.  He  uses  //owym/c 
alone,  which  implies  wA. 

19.  Theodoret,  Bp.  of  Cyrrhus,  near  Antioch,  a.d.  423, 
at  least  four  times.  (Comm.  in  Psalm,  cix.  i  ;  Dial.  i. ; 
Haer.  Fab.  lib.  v.  cc.  I,  2.  Opp.  i.  1392,  and  iv.  20,  379,  383, 
ed  Schulz.) 

20.  Proclus,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  a.d.  434.  {Orat. 
XV.  c.  2  ;  Analcct.  p.  440,  ed.  Riccard.,  or  in  Migne's  Patrol. 
Gr.  Ixv.  80 1*.) 

21.  PseudO'CyrW  (5th  century.^).     I  refer  under  this  name 


*  De  Incamp.  Dei  Natura,  Horn.  iv.  c.  3,  bis  ;  ibid.  c.  4;  ibid.  Hom.  v.  c.  i;  Ad  eos  qui 
icandulizaii runi,  c.  3;  In  It.  cap.  vi.  §  i ;  In  illudt  Filius  ex  se  nihil,  etc.,  c.  6;  In  Joan.  Hom. 
rr.  al.  xiv.  cc.  i  (text),  3.  Opp.  i.  47s*®,  476*>,  48x»:  111.470^:  vi.  64*,  264*1 ;  viii.  84^,  86c,  cf. 
87be,  ed.  Montf.  Of  these  passages,  those  first  referred  to  will  be  found,  on  examination,  to 
exclude  ^Avt possibility  of  the  supposition  that  Chrysostom  re.nlly  quoted  the  passaj^e  with  the  read- 
ing %<^,  and  that  transcribers  have  substituted  v\6c.  I  may  also  remark  that  neither  Savile  nor 
MoatfuKOn  has  noted  in  his  MSS.,,  in  any  of  these  instances,  any  various  reading  affecting 


363  CKITIJAL   ESSAYS 

to  a  work,  De  satictA  et  vivified  Trinitatey  ascribed  to  Cyril 
of  Alexandria,  and  published  as  his  by  Cardinal  Mai.  Dr. 
Tregelles,  however,  to  whose  judgment  I  have  deferred, 
regards  it  as  the  production  of  a  later  writer  than  Cyril.* 
In  this  work  (cap.  6)  John  i.  i8  is  quoted  with  the  reading 

22.  Andreas,  Bp.  of  Crete,  a.d.  635  }  {Orat.  in  Transfig, 
Opp.  p.  44',  ed.  Combefis ;  Migne,  xcvii.  940^) 

23.  PscudO'QcS^^zx'wx^  (7th  century }).  (Qnacst,  et  Respons. 
Dial.  i.  Resp.  4,  ap,  Galland.  Bibl.  Patr,  vi.  8**.)  The  work 
here  cited  has  been  attributed,  but  it  would  seem  erroneously, 
to  Caesarius,  the  brother  of  Gregory  Nazianzen.  It  was 
accredited  as  his  in  the  time  of  Photius,  who  has  described 
it.     Migne,  xxxviii.  864. 

24.  Joannes  Damascenus,  a.d.  730,  three  times.  {De 
Fide  Orthod.  lib.  i.  c.  i  ;  Adv,  Nestorianos^  c.  32,  bisy  and  42. 
Opp.  i.  123%  562*,  567^  ed.  Le  Quien.) 

25.  Theodore  Studites,  a.d.  813,  tivicc,  (Antirrhet.  iii.  14, 
and  Epist,  ii.  36.  Epist.y  etc.,  pp.  io8^  349*,  as  edited 
by  Sirmond  in  his  Opera  Variay  tom.  v.  ;  Migne,  xcix.  396®, 

I2l6^) 

26.  Andreas  the  Presbyter  (9th  or  loth  century  ?),  in  his 
Catena  on  i  John  iv.  11-17.     (Cramer's  CatcnaCy  viii.  134.) 

27.  The  Catena  on  John  i.  18,  published  by  Cramer. 
(Cramer's  Catenae y  ii.  189.) 

28.  Theophylact,  a.d.  1070.  (Comm.  in  loc.  Opp.  i.  519% 
ed.  Vcnet.  ;  Migne,  cxxiii.  1 164.) 

29.  Euthymius  Zigabenus  or  Zygadenus,  a.d.  mo,  thrice. 
(Comm.  in  loc.  iii.  35,  39,  cd.  Matth. ;  Migne,  cxxix.  1125^ 
1 1 28'';  and  Panop/.  P.  ii.  tit.  xxiii.  {Adv.  Bogomilos)  c.  6, 
p.  10,  ed.  Giescler  ;  Migne,  cxxx.  1296^) 

It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  go  lower  than  this,  but  two  or 
three  more  writers  may  be  added  for  completeness. 

^o.    Elias    Cretensis,    a.d.    ^%^   according   to    Cave,    11 20 


*  Account  of  the  Printed  Text  of  the  Greek  Nexv  Test.,  p.  23a,  note  t- 
tin  ^Taii  Script.  Vet.  A'c.  Coll.  tom.  viii.  P.  ii.  p.  31,  and  in  his  Nov.  Patr.  Bibl.  ii.  5; 
also  in  Mi^^ne's  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixxv.  iis^^^ 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN   GOD  "  263 

according  to  Oudin.     (Comm.  in  Greg.  Naz.  Orat.  i.,  in  the 
App.  to  Greg.  Naz.  0pp.  ii.  2io%  ed.  of  1630.) 

31.  Zacharias  Chrysopolitanus,  a.d.  1157.  (///  Unum  ex 
Quat.  lib.  i.  in  loc,  according  to  the  Latin  version  in  Max. 
Bibl.  Pair,  xix.  762^) 

32.  Nicetas  Choniates,  a.d.  1200,  four  times.  {Thes. 
Orthod.  lib.  i.  c.  27 ;  iv.  31  ;  v.  41,  60,  according  to  the  Latin 
version  in  Max.  Bibl.  Patr.  xxv.  75',  130*,  165*,  I76^) 

We  will  now  attend  to  the  testimony  of  the  Latin  Fathers. 
Some    of    them,    as   Tertullian,    Hilary,   Victorinus    Afer, 
Ambrose,  and  Jerome,  were  acquainted   with   Greek,   and 
occasionally,  at  least,  consulted  the  original ;   but  the  evi- 
dence of  the  majority  bears  only  on  the  reading  of  the  Old 
Latin  and  Vulgate  versions.     Notwithstanding  the  extraordi- 
nary statements  of  Dr.  Tregelles,  and  various  editors  of  the 
Greek  Testament  who  have  been  misled  by  Wetstein,  no 
quotation  of  John  i.  18  with  the  reading  unigenitus  Deus  has 
ever  been  produced  from  a  single  Latin  Father.      The  fol- 
lowing quote  the  passage  with  the  reading  Filius :  — 

1.  Tertullian,  a.d.  200.     {Adv.  Prax.  c.  15,  cf.  c.  8.) 

2.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  a.d.  354,  at  least  seven  times.  (Tract, 
in  Psalm,  cxxxviii.  c.  35  ;  —  De  Trin.  lib.  ii.  c.  23  ;  lib.  iv.  cc.  8, 
42;  lib.  V.  cc.  33,  34;  and  lib.  vi.  c.  39.  0pp.  coll.  520^ 
799*.  831%  852^  873^  874%  905^  ed.  Bened.)* 


*  In  the  last  passage  referred  to  {De  Trin.  lib.  vi.  c.  39)  Hilary  has  commenied  on  his  quo- 
tation of  John  i.  18  in  such  a  way  as  to  demonstrate  that  he  read  Filius.  He  remarks:  "  Naturse 
fides  non  satis  explicata  videbatur  ex  nomine  Fiiii,  nisi  proprietatis  extrinsecus  virtus  per  excepti- 
onis  significantiam  adderetur.  Przter  Filium  enim,  et  unigenitum  cognominans,  suspicionem 
adopticmis  penitus  exsecuit.'* 

The  only  passage,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  all  Hilary's  writings,  which  has  even  the  appearance  of 
supporting  the  reading  unigeHitus  Deus^  is  in  his  work  De  Trin.  lib.  xii.  c.  24,  coll.  1124-25;  cf. 
247,  note,  tmpra.  This  is  partially  quoted  by  Dr.  Tregelles,  and  has  already  been  adverted  to 
We  will  now  compare  it  with  the  context,  which  will  make  it  clear  thai  it  aflfords  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  Hilary  read  Deus  instead  of  Filius  in  John  i.  18.  Having  quoted  Exixl.  iii.  14, 
"  Misit  me  ad  vos  is  qui  est"  (Sept.  0  o)v)t  and  remarking  "  Deo  proprium  esse  id  quod  est  non 
mlHgens  sensus  est,"  he  goes  on  to  argue  that  this  expression  implies  eternity,  and  then  says: 
"Quod  igitur  et  per  Moysen  de  Deo  significatum  ...  id  ipsum  unigenito  Deo  esse  proprium 
EvangieUa  testantur:  cum  in  principio  ^ra/Verbum  (John  i.  i),  et  cum  hoc  apud  Deum  emt 
ii6id.)f  et  cum  erat  lumen  verum  (ver.  9),  et  cum  unigenitus  Deus  in  sinu  Pntris  esl  (ver.  18), 
et  etna  Jestis  Christus  super  omnia  Deus  est  (Rom.  ix.  5).  £rni  igitur,  atque  esl;  quia  ab  eo 
est,  qui  quod  est  semper  est." 

From  this  it  will  be  perceived  that  Hilary's  argument  rests  wholly  on  the  word  est.  WTicn  he 
'*  cum  unigenitus  Deus  in  sinu  Patris  est,"  there  is  no  more  reason  for  regarding  the  words 


264  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

3.  Phcebadius  (or  Phaebadius),  Bp.  of  Agen  in  Gaul,  a.d. 
359.  (Cont.  A  nan.  c.  12,  in  Galland.  Bid/.  Pair.  v.  253,  or 
Migne's  Patrol,  xx.  21**.) 

4.  Victorinus  Afer,  a.d.  360,  six  times.  {De  Gen.  Verb. 
Div.^  ad  Candidmny  cc.  16  (unigenitus  Dei  Filius),  20;  — 
Adv.  Arium,  lib.  i.  cc.  2,  4;  lib.  iv.  cc.  8,  33.  In  Migne*s 
Patrol,  viii.  1029,  1030,  1041,  1042,  1 119  (free),  1137.  In 
the  last  instance  he  had  the  Greek  before  him.  Adv.  Arium, 
lib.  i.  c.  15,  he  omits  Filius.     Migne,  viii.  1050.) 

5.  Ambrose,  Bp.  of  Milan,  a.d.  374,  at  least  seven  times. 
(De  yos.  c.  14,  al.  84;  —  De  Bcned.  Patr.  c.  11,  al.  51  ;  —  /;/ 
Luc.  lib.  i.  c.  25  ;  lib.  ii.  c.  12  ;  De  Fide,  lib.  iii.  c.  3,  al.  24;  — 
De  Spir.  Sanct.  lib.  i.  c.  I,  al.  26;  —  Epist.  xxii.  c.  5.  Opp. 
i.  5I0^  527^  I274^  1286^  ii.  501^  6os^  875*,  ed  Bened.) 

6.  Jerome,  a.d.  378.  (/;/  Ezek.  c.  xliv.  Opp.  iii.  1023, 
ed.  Mart. ;  Migne,  xxv.  429,  430.) 

7.  Faustinus,  a.d.  384,  three  times,  (fie  Trin.  lib.  i.  c.  2, 
§  5,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  xiii.  54**.) 

8.  Augustine,  Bp.  of  Hippo,  a.d.  396,  three  times.  (In 
yoan.  Tract,  xxxi.  c.  3  ;  xxxv.  c.  5  ;  xlvii.  c.  3.  Opp.  tom.  iii. 
P.  ii.  col.  1638,  1660,  1734,  ed.  Migne.  Cont,  Adim.  c.  9,  viii. 
140,  Migne.) 

9.  Adimantus  the  Manichacan,  a.d.  396.  {Ap.  Augtistinum 
cont.  Adiinaut.  c.  9,  §  i,  Opp.  viii.  139,  ed.  Migne.) 

10.  Maximinus,  the  Arian  bishop,  a.d.  428,  twice.  {Ap. 
Angus tini  Collat.  cum  Maxiviiu.  cc.  13,  18,  Opp.  viii.  719, 
728,  ed.  Migne.) 

11.  The  author  of  the  work  against  Virimadus  ascribed  to 
Idacius  Clarus,  a.d.  385,  three  times.  {Adv.  Virimad.  lib.  i. 
cc.  64,  6G,  in  Max.  Bibl.  Patr.  v.  731%  740"^;*  Migne,  Lxii. 
393^  395*.     Unigenitus  alone,  lib.  i.  c.  18;  Migne,  lxii.  366^) 


"  unigcTiitus  Dcu«; "  ns  qnotecl  from  John  than  there  is  for  supposing  them  to  be  quoted  from  Paul 
a  page  or  two  lx.low  (c.  26).  where  Hilary  says,  "  cum  secundum  Apostolum  ante  tempora  xteraa 
sit  uniKenilus  Dens,"  referrinc  to  2  Tim.  i.  9. 

The  expression  "  unigenitus  Peus  "  is  a  favorite  one  with  Hilary.  It  occurs  in  his  treatise 
Pr  Trinitate  al)out  one  hundred  and  four  times.  The  frequency  of  this  expression  in  his  writings. 
with  the  certainty  that  he  ren-l  Filius  in  John  i.  18.  shows  hnw  futile  it  is  to  argue  from  the  mere 
use  of  this  phrase  in  the  works  of  a  Father  that  he  found  it  in  scripture. 

*M'>ntfaucon  ascribes  this  work,  and  also  the  first  eicht  hooks  of  the  one  next  mentioned,  to 
Idatius  the  chronicler  (a.d.  445).     See  his  edition  of  Aihanasius  II.  602,  603. 


ON  THE  READING   "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN  GOD  *'  265 

12.  Vigilius  of  Tapsa,  a.d.  484,  or  the  author,  whoever  he 
was,  of  libri  xii.  de  Trinitatc,  {De  Trin.  lib.  iv.  in  Max.  Bibl. 
Pair,  viii.  783*,  or  in  Athanasii  Opp.  ii.  615',  ed.  Montf.  ; 
Migne,  Ixii.  265**.)  Unigenitus  alone,  lib.  iii.;  Migne,  Ixii. 
260*. 

13.  Junilius,  A.D.  550.  {De  Part,  Div,  Legis,  lib.  i.  c.  16, 
in  Migne's  Patrol.  Ixviii.  22*.) 

14.  Alcuin,  A.D.  780.  {Coinm.  super  Joan,  in  loc.  Opp. 
i.  472,  473,  ed.   Froben.,  or  in   Migne's  Patrol,  c.  752^  cf. 

753'.) 

Other   Latin    Fathers,   as   Paschasius   Radbertus,    Bruno 

Astensis,  etc.,  might  be  cited  to  the  same  purpose ;  but  it  is 

useless  to  go  any  further. 

III.   The  three  following  Fathers  have  quoted  the  passage 

with  both  readings,  and  their  testimony  may  be  regarded  as 

doubtful  ;    namely,  Origen,  Basil   the  Great,  and   Cyril   of 

Alexandria.     The  last,  on  the  whole,  favors  0^6^ ;   but  as  it 

seems  not  improbable  that  they  all  had  both  readings  in 

their  copies  of  the  Greek  Testament,  we  will  consider  their 

evidence  together. 

1.  Origen,  a.d.  230,  according  to  the  text  of  the  Benedic- 
tine edition  (De  la  Rue)  has  the  reading  ^^k  twice ;  on  the 
other  hand,  he  has  vi6q  once,  once  vlbg  tov  deov^  and  once  tinigeni- 
tus  Dei  Filius  in  a  work  preserved  only  in  the  Latin  version 
of  Rufinus.* 

2.  Basil  of  Caesarea,  a.d.  370,  according  to  the  text  of  his 


♦Origen  has  fit6q^  /«  Joan.  torn.  ii.  c.  29,  and  xxxii.  c.  13  (Opp.  iv.  89^,  438^,  ed.  Dc  la  Rue). 
In  bctk  these  passages,  however,  the  very  literal  version  of  Ferrari,  made  from  a  MS.  now  lost, 
reads  unigenituM  alone,  without  either  Dens  or  Filius.  If  he  had  r/or  in  his  Greek  copy,  the 
Omission  would  be  unimportant:  but  if  he  had  ihoc^,  the  neglect  to  translate  it  would  be  strange 
and  inexcusable.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  x^  \/tr,  Cont.  Cels.  lib.  ii.  c.  71,  Opp.  i.  440^.  ^tuv 
^^t\q  idpaKt  ttuttote  •  6  junvoyevr/^  vior,  6  tov  nc  rov  k67.tov  rnv  rrar(>6r,  FKfivor 
i^fjfyi^aTo.  So  De  la  Rue  and  Lommatzsch,  from  two  MS.S.;  the  earlier  edition  of  Hoeschcl, 
Counded  on  a  single  MS.,  instead  of©  finvnyn-r/c  v'tor  reads  unl  /jovnyn'^c  ye  ijv  (Unr. 
But  this,  it  will  at  once  be  perceived,  bears  the  mark^  of  a  marginal  gloss,  which,  by  one  of  the 
looM  common  of  mistakes  in  MSB.,  has  been  substituted  for  the  text.  Compare  the  similar  gloss 
in  Eusebius  De  Eceles.  Theol.  lib.  i.  c.  9,  noticed  above;  cf.  p.  259.  T/(V  rov  fteor  occurs, 
/•  7oam.  torn.  vi.  c.  a,  Opp.  iv.  102^,  as  edited  by  De  la  Rue  and  Lommatzsch  from  the  Hodleian 
MS.,  which  appears  to  be  an  excellent  one;  the  earlier  edition  of  Huet,  which  was  founded  on  a 
ttn^e  MS.,  reads  rtdf  8f6^.  A  little  after,  in  two  allusions  to  the  passasrc.  o  iiovnyeviic  >s  used 
alone;  Ol>p.  ir.  io2«,  114c.  •'  Unigenitus  Dei  Filius."  In  Cattt.  lib.  iv.  Opp.  iii.  9i<'.  Uttigftiitus 
Fiiiuty$%\  before,  alluding  to  the  passage. 


266  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Benedictine  editors  (Garnier  and  Maran),  has  Oed^  once,  and 
in  another  passage  he  mentions  True  Son,  Only-Begotten 
God,  Power  of  God,  Wisdom,  and  Logos,  as  names  given  to 
Christ  in  scripture ;  but  he  twice  quotes  the  text  in  question 
with  the  reading  vi6g* 

3.  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  a.d.  412,  as  edited  by  Aubert,  has 
fiedc  four  times,  and  vide  three  times.  His  commentary  on  the 
passage,  as  printed,  favors  Oed^^  but  its  evidence  is  somewhat 
weakened  by  various  readings.! 

The  whole  of  the  external  evidence  for  the  different  read- 
ings of  the  passage  in  question,  so  far  as  I  am  acquainted 
with  it,  has  now  been  stated.  If  one  should  look  into 
Wetstein,  and  find  apparently  a  considerable  number  of 
authorities  which  have  not  been  noticed,  he  may  be  assured 
that  they  have  all  been  carefully  examined,  and  that  they 
amount  to  nothing.  The  same  is  true  of  the  vague  refer- 
ences to  *'alii pertnultiy'  ''alii  miilti,'  in  the  last  edition  of 
Tischendorf,  and  of  similar  references  in  other  critical  edi- 
tions of  the  Greek  Testament,  all  founded  on  Wetstein's 


♦Basil  reads  fiedg,  De  Spir.  Sand.  c.  6,  Opp.  iii.  12b.  Comp.  ibid.  c.  8,  p.  14c,  where  he 
says,  0/ Je  ^a^j  [/)  ypnoif^  ru  ovoua  iTtp  Tzdv  ovn/ua  rov  vioi\  Kni  viov  d/^ivbv  '/.eyeiv 
(al.  /tyfi),  Ktii  uovoyFi'f/  Hfov,  Kfii  (Vvvniiiv  fttoJ',  kuI  crooiav,  Ktti  /.6yov.  On  the 
othei  hand,  he  has  vi/xj,  De  Spir.  Sand.  c.  11,  Opp.  iii.  23*,  where  the  six  MSS.  of  Garnier 
appear  to  agree  in  this  reading,  though  one  of  Matthaei's  Moscow  MSS.  has  WfOf  (see  Matthaei's 
Nov.  Test.  Grace,  i.  780).  He  again  has  y'uK,  apparently  without  any  variation  in  the  ten  MSS. 
of  Garnier,  Epist.  234  (al.  400),  c.  3,  Opp.  iii.  358'>.     Here  Matthaei's  Moscow  MS.  also  reads 

t  Cyril  reads  Ht  (>r,  Thfs.  Assert,  xiii.  and  xxv.  Opp.  v.  i.  137^,  237»;  but  Latin  of  Bona- 
vetitura  Kw/rrt/z/wj,  *' unigenitus  fil.  Dei"  (Drummond).  The  correctness  of  ^f(>c  in  his  text  in 
the  last  instance  is  confirmed  by  the  citations  of  this  passage  of  Cyril  in  Catenae,  from  which  it  has 
been  printed  in  his  Comm.  on  Luke  ii.  7,  in  Mai'-;  XiK'a  I'atr.  Bibl.  ii.  123,  and  Migne's  Patrol. 
Gr.  Ixxii.  487*;  also  in  the  Catena  published  by  Cramer  (vi.  305)  on  Col.  i.  x6.  He  has  ^fof 
moreover,  in  the  Dialogue  Quod  Unus  sit  Christus,  Opp.  v.  i.  763«'.  In  his  Comm.  on  John  i. 
18  he  has  v'lo^  in  the  text,  Opp.  iv.  103*";  but  toward  the  end  of  his  remarks  he  quotes  the  passage 
with  the  reading  fhoc,  p-  107b.  He  also  s.nys:  'E::i7r^f)r^r(oi'  (St  rrn'/^r,  iirt  f/nvoyn'f/  Heov 
drroKci/ei  rov  viov,  p.  105^.  But  here  the  scholion  in  one  of  Matthxi's  Moscow  MSS.  cites  him 
as  saying,  'ETfrz/pz/rfor  roivi'V,  on  kg  I  fiovo}trf/  drrnKO/ti  ruv  vluv,  omitting  ^fov,  9nd 
the  Catena  in  Corderius,  'Err/r.  rrd'/ n>  ore  Kin  uovo^eri/  tiehv  'a-oKa'/^i  rov  ICiov,  K.r.A. 
Still,  the  commentary,  on  the  whole,  confiriVis  the  reading  Hedr. 

He  has  the  reading  »•  l  0  r ,  TAes.  Assert,  xxxv.,  and  Adr>.  Xestorium^  lib.  iii.  c.  5,  Opp.  v.  i. 
365C,  and  VI.  i.  90b.  This  reading  is  also  found  twice  in  an  extract  which  he  gives  from  Julian,  in 
his  work  against  that  em{)cror.     Opp.  vi.  ii.  333<^. 

In  an  a//«j/(£j«  to  John  i.  18  we  find  o  fjioio)fVf){  rov  6eov  /(5}'0f,  6  iv  Kd/.^TIHC  WV 
rov  rrarfjog.      Apol.  adv.  Orient.  Opp.  vi.  187c, 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN  GOD  267 

note.*     They  relate  without  exception,  not  to  quotations  of 

the   passage   in   question,   but   merely  to   examples   of  the 

phrase  fiovoyev^g  Oedc  OF  unigeuitus  Deus^  employed  without  any 

allusion  to  John  i.  i8.     After  all  that  has  been  said,  it  will 

hardly  be  pretended  that  the  mere  use  of  this  expression  by 

a  Greek  or  Latin  Father  affords  any  evidence  that  he  read  it 

in  this  passage.     We  might  as  well  argue  from  the  frequency 

of  the  expression  6  Qthq  y^yoq  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 

from  the  third  century  downwards,  or  of  OeordKog  and  Deipara 

applied  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  or  of  **  God  the  Son  *'  in  modern 

theological  works,  that  these  precise  designations  must  have 

been  found  in  scripture  by  those  who  have  so  freely  employed 

them.     Though  the  phrase  has  now  become  unusual,  there 

were  good  reasons  for  its  popularity  in  ancient  times.     The 

Arians,  who  laid  great  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  Father  was 

"unbegotten '*  and  "without  beginning,"  aykwi]roq  and  avapxo^^ 

were   fond   of   calling   the   Son    "the   only-begotten   God," 

because,  while  the  term  expressed  his  high  dignity,  it  brought 

into  view  his  derived  existence.     Begotten  by  an  act  of  God's 

will,  he  could  not,  they  argued,  be  eternal.     The  Orthodox, 

on  the  other  hand,  who  saw  no  absurdity  in  the  idea  of 

eternal  generation,  were  fond  of  the  expression,  because  they 

regarded  it  as  indicating  his  derivation  from  the  substance  of 

the  Father,  as  it  is  explained  in  the  Nicene  Creed,  -"ttwrfiivraiK 

roO  irarpo^  iiavoyevrj,  Tovriariv^  ek  rf/g  ovaiaq  tov  irarpdq,  Behv  ek  6eov,      Both  the 

Arians   and   the  Orthodox   freely  applied  the  term   Oedg  to 
Christ. 

Before  proceeding  to  consider  the  internal  evidence  for  the 
different  readings,  it  will  be  convenient  to  present  the  results 


•It  may  be  worth  while  to  say  that  the  Opus  Imper/ectum,  a  Latin  commentary  on  Matthew 
cited  by  Tischendorf  and  others  as  an  authority  for  Hto^,  contains  no  quotation  of  John  i.  i8.  It 
has  the  txpresstOH  "unigenitus  Dcus  "  in  the  remarks  on  Matthew  i.  20,  v.  9,  xix.  17,  and  xxiv. 
41.    The  work  is  appended  to  torn.  vi.  of  the  Benedictine  ed.  of  Chrysostom. 

It  may  be  satisfactory  to  refer  here  also  to  the  places  where  this  expression  occurs  in  some  other 
writers,  who  have  been  erroneously  cited  as  authorities  for  the  reading  /imnynf/C  ^f^'JC  *"  Jolin  i. 
»8.  See  Ptendo-lgnat.  ad PAi/aJ.  c.  6  (the  larger  recension);  Const.  Apost.  iii.  17;  v.  20;  vii. 
38,43:  viii.  7,  35;  Arius,  ap,  Atkanas.  de  Syn.  c.  15,  0pp.  i.  728^,  but  not  ap.  Epiph.  Hacr.  Ixix. 
c.  6,  Opp.  i.  ysi**,  n'/;7p^f  ^fOf.  iinvnyevJ,r  ;  Astcrius,  ap.  Athauas.  de  Syn.  c  18,  p.  73ab; 
EuDomius,  Expos.  Fid.  c.  3,  and  ApoL  cc.  15,  21,  26  (/»/.  Fabric.  Bibl.  Grafc.  torn,  viii.) :  Greg. 
Nas.  Episi.  209,  ad  Nectarium^  Opp.  ii.  i68e;  Gaudentius,  Serm.  xix.,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  xx, 
990b;  Ferrandas,  Epist.  iii.  cc.  3,  7,  9^x1;  v.  2,  5:  vii.  12;  in  Migne,  Ixvii. 


268 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


of  the  preceding  examination  in  a  tabular  form,  so  that  one 
may  see  at  a  glance  the  authorities  for  each.  The  figures 
added  to  the  names  of  the  Fathers  denote  the  time  when 
they  flourished. 


FOR  THE  READING  ^c<5f. 

Manuscripts. 
K*,  B,  C*,  L,  33. 


FOR  THE  READING  v*^. 

Manuscripts. 

K**,  A,  C»,  X,  ^.  E,  F,  G,  H,  K,  M,  S,  U,  V,  .V, 
1, 69,  and,  with  one  exception,  all  the  other  cur- 
sive MSS.,  several  hundred  in  number,  which 
have  been  examined  on  the  passage. 


Versions. 

Pesh.  Syr.,  Hard.  S}t. 
(marg.),Copt.,Aeth.(Rom. 
ed.) 

Greek  Fathers. 

Clem.  Al.i»*,  Theod.iw 
Epiph.8^^  t/iree  times,  and 
one  ref.,  Didym.^"'',  iwice^ 
and  one  ref.  (?);  Cyr.  Ai.'**^^, 
four  times,  and  one  ref.  (?), 
but  v'li'jr  three  times. 

Perhaps,  2d  Syn.  An- 
cyr.868^  ojig  ref.,  and  Greg. 
Nyss-^'*^,  one  ref.,  and  ciji^ht 
allusions^  but  both  very 
uncertain.  (See  above, 
pp.  254-257.) 


Latin  Fathers. 
None. 


Versions, 

Old  Lat.,  Vulg.,  Curet.  Syr.,  Hard.  S}t. 
(text),  Jerus.  S)t.,  Aeth.  (Piatt's  ed.),  Armen. 

Greek  Fathers, 

Iren.i'S  probably,  Hippol.^^o,  3d  Syn.  Ant.2», 
Archel.*^,  Alex.  Al.*^^  Euseb.*",  j/jt  times,  and 
one  alius.,  Eustath.  Ant.'*^,  Athanas.*^,/i?///-  or 
rather  seven  times,  Pseud-Athan.****  *•"*•',  Cyr. 
Hier.8^,  probably,  Julian3«-,  twice.  Tit.  Bostr.^ 
Greg.  Naz.87^  PseuiiO'V»2&\\.,  Rufin.  S\t.»^, 
Chrysost.**%  ei)[^ht  times,  Theod.  Mops.**'^',  Non- 
nus^i^  probably,  Theodoret**'®,  yi?//r  times,  Pro- 
clus^8^  /'^Y//^/f>-Cyr.fit''c*^"'-,  Andr.Cret.*^*,  Pscmio- 
Ca^sarius"'*''^^"^  •,  Joan.  \y^m'^, thrice,  Theod. 
Stud.- 13,  tijuice,  Andr.  presb.^^ «<^"»- •,  Caten.  ed. 
Cramer^th  or  I'nh  ccnt.^  Theoph.i'^-^  Euthym.l"^ 
thrice,  Elias  Cret.^^o^  Zach.  Chrys."^'.  Nic. 
Chon.i-^'^^. 

Latin  Fathers. 

Tert.2^^,  Hilar.8^,  j^7V«  times,  Phoebad.8«>,Vic- 
torin.  Afer^^\  six  times,  Ambrose*^*,  seven  times, 
Jerome'^"\  Faustin.*^**,  three  times,  August.*^. 
three  times.  Adimant.^  Maximin."**"^,  tijice,  Ida- 
cius'^^'""-/*',  three  times,  Vigil.  Taps.**^,  Junil.^o, 
Alcuin'-^'^,  and  others. 


Wholly  doubtful.     Origen-^^,  Basil  the  Great^"''.     See  the  full  account 


of  their  readings  above. 


ON  THE  READING  "  ONLY -BEGOTTEN  GOD  "  269 

This  exposition  of  the  evidence  makes  it  apparent  that 
Dr.  Tregelles  has  been  somewhat  incautious  in  asserting 
that  fiovoycvfK  Se6g  is  "  the  ancient  reading  of  the  Fathers 
generally.'' 

In    estimating  the  external  evidence,  it  is   important  to 
consider  the  wide  geographical  distribution  of  the  witnesses 
for  viof.      They  represent   every  important   division   of   the 
Christian  world.     The  reading  v\6q  is  attested  by  the  Cure- 
tonian,   Harclean,  and   Jerusalem    Syriac   versions ;    by  the 
Third  Synod  at  Antioch,  Eustathius  of  Antioch,  and  Theodo- 
ret  ;  by  Titus  of  Bostra  in  Arabia ;  by  Gregory  of  Nazianzus 
in  Cappadocia,  and  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  in  Cilicia ;  by 
the  Armenian  version ;  by  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine, 
w-ho  paid  particular  attention  to  the  text  of  the  Gospels, 
and  was  commissioned  by  the  Emperor  Constantine  to  pro- 
cure fifty  copies  of  the  scriptures  carefully  written  for  the 
Use  of   the  churches  at  Constantinople ;   by  Alexander  and 
Athanasius  of   Alexandria ;   by  Chrysostom  and   Proclus  of 
Constantinople  ;  by  the  Old  Latin  and  Vulgate  versions,  and, 
apparently,  the  whole  Western  Church,  without   exception. 
On   the    other   hand,  the   authorities  for  ^e<5f,  besides  being 
much  more  limited  in  number,  are,  so  far  as  we  know  their 
locality,  almost  wholly  Egyptian.* 

Comparing  the  readings  in  respect  to  antiquity,  we  find  in 
favor  of  w<if,  before  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  the  Old 
Latin  and  Curetonian  Syriac  versions,  Irenaeus  (probably), 
TertuUian,  Hippolytus,  the  Third  Synod  at  Antioch  (a.d.  269), 
Archelaus,  Alexander  of  Alexandria,  Eusebius,  Eustathius  of 
Antioch,  and  Athanasius :  on  the  other  side,  we  have  during 
this  period  only  the  Peshito  Syriac  (if  that  version  in  its 
present  form  is  so  ancient),  Clement  of  Alexandria  (some- 
what doubtful),  the  Excerpta  Theodotiy  and  the  Coptic  version. 
In  the  period  that  follows,  though  the  few  MSS.  that  support 
H  are  of  the  highest  character,  the  evidence,  on  the  whole, 
must  be  regarded  as  preponderating  against  't. 


•The  Harclean  Syriac  in  the  margin  represents  the  reading  of  one  or  two  Greek  MSS.  with 
which  it  was  orated  at  Alexandria^  a.d.  6i6. 


270  CRiriCAL   ESSAYS 

We  now  come  to  the  internal  evidence.  It  is  urged  in 
favor  of  ^cof  that  fiowyevf/g  naturally  suggests  the  word  wl<Jf,  so 
that  a  transcriber  might  easily  inadvertently  substitute  it  for 
<^cdf.     This  consideration  appears  to  be  of  some  weight. 

It  is  also  urged  in  favor  of  ^voyev^iq  Qtoq  that  it  is  entitled 
to  preference  as  the  more  difficult  reading,  being  one  at 
which  transcribers  would  naturally  stumble  as  an  unexampled 
expression.  This  argument,  however,  will  not  bear  examina- 
tion. In  the  first  place,  if  transcribers  were  struck  with 
the  expression  as  remarkable,  it  is  not  probable  that  they 
would  intentionally  alter  it.  They  would  be  more  likely 
to  reverence  it  as  containing  a  mystery.  In  the  second 
place,  though  ^\^yniiq  (feog  may  sound  strangely  to  us,  it 
was  not  a  strange  or  harsh  expression  to  copyists  of  the 
third,  fourth,  and  fifth  centuries.  On  the  contrary,  it  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  a  favorite  phrase  with  many  writers  ol 
this  period,  being  used  with  equal  freedom  both  by  the 
Arians  and  their  opponents.  So  far  from  stumbling  at  it, 
transcribers  may  have  been  led,  by  their  very  familiarity  with 
the  expression,  to  introduce  it  unconsciously  into  the  text. 
Let  us  look  at  the  passage  in  John.  In  the  clause  imme- 
diately preceding  6  fiovoyein/^  vi6i\  tieuv  had  just  occurred,  bring- 
ing Ofdc  before  the  mind  of  the  copyist.  Is  it  strange  that 
in  transcribing  he  should  inadvertently  connect  this  word 
with  //oiojM/;^,  the  combination  being  so  familiar  to  him,  the 
words  ec  and  yc  being  so  similar  in  ancient  MSS.,  and  Oedc 
being  so  much  the  more  common  of  these  two  abbreviated 
words  ?  Such  a  mistake,  in  some  early  MS.  or  MSS.,  might 
have  been  easily  propagated,  so  as  to  extend  to  the  compara- 
tively few  authorities  which  exhibit  the  reading  Oeog,  It  is 
much  more  difficult  to  account  for  such  an  ancient  and  wide- 
spread  corruption  as  must  have  taken  place,  if  ^^k  proceeded 
originally  from  the  pen  of  the  Evangelist.  If  he  had  written 
//oio;n7/f  (^toc  in  this  passage,  so  remarkable  an  expression  must 
have  early  attracted  attention,  and  stamped  itself  inefface- 
ably,  like  the  language  in  the  first  verse  of  his  Gospel, 
upon  the  whole  Christian  literature.  It  would  have  been 
continually  quoted  and  appealed  to. 


I   THE   READING    ' 


ooo" 


I 


Hilt  there  is  another  aspect  of  the  internal  evidence,  which 
must  strike  every  one  who  reads  the  passage  in  question 
with  attention.  "  No  man  hath  seen  Gon  at  any  time ;  the 
only-begotten  God,  who  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  he 
hath  declared  him."  Is  it  not  evident  that  the  introduction 
of  the  phrase  "  only-begotten  God,"  after  the  use  of  the 
word  "  God  "  a/one  and  absolutely,  immediately  before  it,  is 
a  harshness  which  we  can  hardly  suppose  in  any  writer.' 
Does  not  the  word  "  Father,"  in  a  sentence  like  this,  almost 
necessarily  imply  that  the  correlative  "  Son  "  has  just  pre- 
ceded ?  And  is  there  anything  analogous  to  this  expression, 
"the  only-begottcn  God,"  in  the  writings  of  John,  or  in  any 
other  part  of  the  New  Testament .' 

In  closing  this  discussion,  the  writer  wishes  to  e.\press 
his  great  respect  for  Dr.  Tregelles,  and  the  earnest  desire 
that  his  life  and  health  may  be  spared  for  the  completion  of 
the  important  work  on  which  he  has  been  so  long  engaged. 
No  scholar  of  the  present  century,  with  the  single  exception 
of  Tischendorf,  has  so  high  a  claim  on  the  gratitude  of  all 
who  are  solicitous  to  obtain  the  purest  possible  text  of  the 
original  records  of  our  religion.  His  labors  for  this  object 
have  displayed  a  patient,  earnest,  and  self-sacrificing  devo- 
tion worthy  of  the  highest  admiration.  The  reasons  for 
differing  from  him  in  opinion  in  regard  to  the  genuineness 
of  ^ti^.  in  John  i.  i8,  and  for  desiring  a  more  complete  and 
accurate  statement  of  the  evidence  than  he  has  given  in  this 
case,  have  now  been  laid  before  the  readerj  who  will  judge  of 
the  whole  matter  for  himself. 


XIII. 


ON  THE  READING  "AN  ONLY-BEGOTTEN  GOD." 
OR   "GOD  ONLY-BEGOTTEN,"  JOHN  L   i8. 

[From  the  UMttarian  Review  and  Religious  Magazine  for  June,  1875.] 
Gedv  ovdfif  e6p€iKev  wuKore  •   6  uoi>oyevi^  vl6^  [var.  reading  ftovoyeii/^  ^^k"]*  0  uv 

As  the  writer  of  the  present  article  has  already  twice  dis- 
cussed the  reading  of  this  passage, —  first  in  the  Appendix  to 
Norton's  Statement  of  Reasons,  etc.  (2d  ed.,  1856),  pp.  448- 
469,  and  afterwards  in  the  Bib,  Sacr,  for  Oct.,  1861,  p.  840 
sqq.  [see  Essay  XII.], —  an  apology  may  be  needed  for  return- 
ing to  the  subject.  The  question,  however,  has  acquired  a 
new  interest  in  connection  with  the  revision  of  the  common 
English  version  of  the  Bible  which  is  now  in  progress  in 
England  and  this  country.  It  is  well  known  that  two  of  the 
most  eminent  among  the  scholars  of  the  British  Committee 
engaged  in  this  work,  Dr.  Westcott  and  Mr.  Hort,  have 
adopted  the  reading  *' God  "  in  the  text  of  their  (as  yet  un- 
published) critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament.  Another 
of  the  British  revisers,  Professor  Milligan,  has  accepted  it  as 
the  true  reading,  in  Milligan  and  Roberts's  T/ie  Words  of  the 
A\'w  Tcstmncnt,  etc.  (1873),  p.  162  ff.  ;  and  Professor  Light- 
foot,  in  his  valuable  work  On  a  FrcsJi  Revision  of  the  English 
New  Testament  (2d  ed.,  1872),  p.  27,  remarks  that  "the  *  Only- 
begotten  God '  would  seem  to  have  equal  or  superior  claims 
to  'the  Only-begotten  Son'  in  John  i.  18,  and  must  either 
supersede  it  or  claim  a  place  side  by  side  with  it."  Dr.  Tre- 
gelles  receives  it  into  the  text  of  his  important  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament  (Part  II.,  1861),  and  had  previously  de- 
fended its  genuineness  in  his  Acconnt  of  the  Printed  Text  of 
the  Greek  New  Testament  (1854),  p.  234  f.  ;  Lachmann  placed 
it  in  the  margin  of  his  critical  editions  (1831  and  1842)  as  an 


ON  THE   READING    "  ONLY-BEGOTfEN   GOD  "  273 

alternate  reading,  and  would  undoubtedly  have  taken  it  into 
the  text,  had  he  known  all  the  authorities  by  which  it  is 
supported. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  there  is  a  general 
agreement  of  scholars  in  favor  of  this  reading.     Tischendorf, 
though  he  had  adopted  it  in  the  second  edition  of  his  Synop- 
sis Evaui^elica  (1864),  has  restored  the  reading  ''  Son  "  to  the 
text  in  his  eighth  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament 
(1869) ;  Alford  retains  1-%  (6th  ed.,  1868),  though  giving  Qm 
a  place  in  his  margin  ;  Dr.  Scrivener,  also  a  member  of  the 
British   Biblical   Revision    Committee,   defends    the    reading 
**  Son  "  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Criticism  of  the  Xcw  Testa- 
ntent  (2d  ed.,  1874),  p.  525!;*  and  Bishop  Wordsworth  does 
not  even  notice  the  reading  ^f<^  in  his  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament    (5th  ed.,    1866).       The   reading  "  Son "  is   also 
defended  by  Rev.  T.  S.  Green,  M.A.,  in  his  Course  of  Devel- 
oped Criticism^  etc.  (1856),  p.  73,  and  Critical  Appendix  to  the 
Twofold  New  Testament  (187-),  p.  33  ;  by  Dr.  Samuel  David- 
son, art.  "  Manuscripts,  Biblical,"  in    Kitto's  Cycl.  of  Bibl. 
Lit,  (3d  ed.,  1870),  iii.  60;  by  Professor  James  Drummond, 
of  Manchester  New  College,  in  an  able  article  in  the  Theo- 
logical Review  for  October,  1871,  pp.  468-495  ;  and  by  Rev. 
J.  B.  McClellan,  M.A.,  in  his  recent  learned  and  elaborate 
work,  The  New  Testament .  .  .  a  New  Translation  .  .  .  from  a 
critically  revised  Greek  Text,  etc.  (Lond.  1875),  vol.  i.  p.  707 f. 
Among  scholars  of  the  present  century  on  the  continent  of 
Europe,  I  know  of  none  who  have  adopted  the  reading  ^for.f 
It  is  emphatically  rejected   as  a  dogmatic  gloss  by  Godet 
(1864)  ^^^  Meyer  (1869)  in  their  recent  Commentaries  on  the 
(Jospel  of  John  ;  and  it  is  also  rejected  or  ignored  entirely 
by  Olshausen  (1838),  Lucke  (1840),  Tholuck  (1857),  Ewald 
(1861),  Bruckner   and    De  Wette    (1863),    Baumlcin    (1863), 
Hengstenberg  (1867),  Lange  (1868),  and  so  by  Dr  Schaff  in 
his  American  translation  ;  see  his  note.     It  is  also  ignored  in 
the  most    important   recent   translations  which    professedly 
represent  a  critically  revised  Greek  te.xt ;   as  that  of  Holtz- 


♦[So,  too,  in  the  3d  ed.  (1883) ;  sec  especially  p.  606,  note.] 
tCNow  adopted  by  Harnack,  Weiss,  ai.\ 


2  74  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

mann  in  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk^  vol.  iv.  (1864),  the  American 
Bible  Union  (2d  revis.,  1867),  the  new  authorized  Dutch 
translation  by  Van  Hengel  and  others  (Amst.  1868),  the 
French  version  of  Oltramare  (Geneve,  1872),  and  the  Ger- 
man translation  by  Weizsacker  (1875).  The  French  transla- 
tion of  Rilliet  (Geneve,  i860)  is  not  an  exception,  as  that 
only  represents  the  Vatican  MS. 

The  question,  then,  is  evidently  an  open  one ;  and  the 
object  of  the  present  article  is  to  state  and  weigh,  as  fairly 
as  possible,  the  evidence  for  the  rival  readings.  It  may  be 
proper  to  mention  that  the  substance  of  the  paper  was  pre- 
pared at  the  request  of  the  New  Testament  Company  of  the 
American  Biblical  Revision  Committee,  though  no  one  but 
the  writer  is  responsible  for  any  statement  or  argument  which 
it  may  contain.  It  is  hoped  that  the  account  of  the  evidence 
will  be  found  somewhat  fuller  and  more  accurate  than  has 
elsewhere  been  given  ;  but,  to  avoid  unnecessary  repetition 
of  what  has  already  been  published,  I  shall  often  refer,  for 
details,  to  the  articles  in  the  Bibliothcca  Sacra  and  the  Theo- 
logical RcvicWy  which  are  mentioned  above.  Alford's  note 
also  gives  very  fully  the  context  of  some  of  the  passages 
cited  from  the  Christian  Fathers.  In  adducing  authorities 
not  noticed  in  Tischendorf's  last  critical  edition  (1869),  refer- 
ences are  given  ;  but  it  is  assumed  that  one  who  is  specially 
interested  in  the  investigation  of  the  question  will  have 
that  edition  at  hand. 

The  evidence,  then,  for  the  different  readings  is  as 
follows  :  — 

I.    Manuscripts.  —  For  nwoyn^iq  dedq,  «,  B,  C*,  L,  33  (««,  33, 

Vox  6  finv.    rvof,  A.  X.  T,  A.  A.  H,  C^,  E,   F,  G,  H,  K,  M,  S,  U,  V, 


*  In  the  liihliotheca  Sacra  for  Ociobcr.  1861  (p.  850),  i)r(\c^  was  given  as  the  reading  of  X 
a  prima  mauu,  as  if  it  had  l>ccn  afterwards  corrected.  The  text  of  the  MS.  was  not  then  pul>- 
lishe.l.  and  I  «vas  tuisird  Kv  Tisch«Midnrf,  who.  in  his  Notitia  Cod.  S ina // I'ci  (iSSo),  p.  18,  Rave 
the  readin;;  a«i  follows:  "  Joh.  i.  iS  a  prima  norirnw/n  (absque  o  cum  BC*L)  tkna  (cum  BC*L 
etc.)  rm  (om  o  (.)i )."  I  naturally  supposed  the  "  a  prima"  to  refer  to  all  the  variations  froai  the 
Received  Text,  not  nu.rcly  to  the  fir^t  and  the  last.  Dr.  Tregelles  before  me  had  fallen  into  t'lc 
s.iine  error  {Text.  Cri/.,  2d  cd.,  p.  780). 


ON  THE   READING    "  ONLY-BEGOITEN   GOD  "  275 

fhe  cursives  i,  22,  28,  118,  157,  209,  all  of  which  are  of  excep- 

^ional  importance  and  value,  also  Professor  Ferrar's  group, 

^  3»  69,  124,  346,  which  he  regards  as  representing  an  early 

vincial  akin  to  D,  but  with  a  purer  text  ;  *  and  all  other  known 

crursives,  several  hundred  in  number,  but  the  majority  of  them 

mot  carefully  examined,  or  of  little  worth.     D,  unfortunately, 

is  mutilated  here;  but  the  versions  and  Fathers  with  which 

it  usually  agrees  support  vloc. 

Of  these  MSS.,  «  and  B  are  assigned  to  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century,  A  and  C  to  the  middle  of  the  fifth,  E  and  L 
are  of  the  eighth  century,  the  other  uncials  of  the  ninth  or 
tenth.  Among  the  later  uncials,  L,  X,  r,  ^,  a.  n,  arc  dis- 
tinguished from  the  rest,  L  pre-eminently,  by  their  more 
frequent  agreement  with  the  oldest  authorities.  The  cursive 
MS.  33  is  of  remarkable  excellence. 

The  MS.  authority  for  0e6^  is  weighty,  though  confined  to 
the  representatives  of  an  Alexandrian  or  Egyptian  text.  In 
a  large  majority  of  cases,  the  reading  supported  by  these 
MSS.  against  the  rest  is  confirmed  by  other  ancient  evidence 
and  by  intrinsic  probability,  and  has  a  good  claim  to  be 
adopted.  On  the  other  hand,  they  all,  or  the  most  of  them, 
sometimes  concur  in  readings  which  arc  clearly  false,  or  ex- 
ceedingly improbable,  or  very  doubtful.  See,  for  example,  «, 
B,  C,  L,  U,  r,  Matt,  xxvii.  49;  «,  B,  C*,  A,  Cop.,Hcl.  Syr."^'^- 
Aeth.,  Mark  iii.  14;  k,  B,  D,  L,  a,  Mark  vi.  22  ;  B*,  C,  L,  V, 
Luke  i.  17  ;  K,  B,  D,  U,  X,  33,  Luke  xv.  21  ;  k',  B*,  C*,  John  i.  15  ; 
K,  B,  L,  T^  33,  John  iii.  13  ;  B,  L,  T,  X,  r,  a,  etc.,  John  vii.  8  ; 
n,  B,  H,  L,  P,  61,  Acts  xii.  25  (impossible).  Sec  also  for  k,  B, 
in  particular,  Matt.  vi.  8;  xvi.  21  ;  Mark  iv.  21  ('-o  for  i-i, 
impossible);  Luke  xxiii.  32;  Acts  xvi.  32;  James  i.  17  ;  2 
Peter  ii.  13.  As  to  the  cursives,  those  first  named  above  are 
nearly,  some  of  them  perhaps  quite,  equal  in  value  to  33  /// 
the  Gospels ;  I,  22,  and  209,  especially,  are  often  right  where 
it  is  wrong.  See,  e,g,^  Matt.  v.  44  ;  vi.  i,  6,  13  ;  xix.  16,  17  ; 
Luke  xi.  2,  4,  and  numberless  other  passages. 


•See  Scrirener's  introduction  to  the  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament,  p.  167,  and  Addenda 
lodo.,  p.  is.  (ad  ed.,  1874) :  [ice  3d  ed.  (1883),  p.  181]. 


276  (  RinCAL   ESSAYS 

Such  bein*;  the  state  of  the  case,  the  MS.  authority  for 
II.  <^c<>f,  though  important,  cannot  be  regarded  as  in  itself 
decisive. 

II.  Ancient  Versions.  —  For  B^k,  the  Coptic  or  Mem- 
phitic  (3d  cent.,  or  perhaps  even  the  2d),  Peshito  Syriac  (in 
its  present  form,  4th  cent. ;  so  Tregelles,  Westcott  and  Hort, 
Crowfoot,  Payne  Smith,  Lightfoot),  Harclean  Syriac  in  the 
margin  (a.d.  616),  Aethiopic  (4th  or  5th  cent.)  in  the  Roman 
edition. 

F'or  v'lor,  Old  Latin  (2d  cent.),  a,  b,  c,  e,  f,  ff^,  1,  filiusy  q  fil.  dei; 
Vulgate  (a. I).  384),  Curetonian  Syriac  (2d  cent.),  Jerusalem 
Syriac  (5th  cent.  .^),  Harclean  Syriac  in  the  text  (here  proba- 
bly -  Philoxcnian,  a.d.  508),  Aethiopic  in  Piatt's  edition, 
which  is  the  best ;  Armenian  (fir.  a.d.  431). 

Though  Wilkins  and  Malan  (Gospel  of  St.  John)  in  their 
translations  of  the  Coptic  give  its  reading  as  "the  only- 
bcgotten  of  God,"  and  are  followed  by  Scrivener  and 
McClellan,  this  is  doubtless  an  error ;  see  Schwartze's  note 
/;/  loc. 

III.  Fathers.  —  (In  citing  their  names,  the  year  when 
they  flourished  is  noted,  generally  as  assigned  by  Cave.) 

Vox  ff'<k.  Clem.  Alcx.^'**-,  once,  but  once  in  reference  rwc  er6c ; 
llxccrpta  ex  Tlieodoto  (Valentinians),  2d  cent.  (.')  ;  Epiphan.**^ 
three  times,  and  one  ref. ;  Didym.  Alex.**^''^  twice,  and  one 
rcf.  (.^)  ;  Cyr.  Alex.^^-  four  times,  and  one  ref.,  but  t/W  three 
times  (0pp.  iv.  103%  v.  i.  365'',  vi.  i.  90'%  also  (alius.)  «/">»'•  "«»• 
{)u,v-/uyac  (vi.  i.  1 87*").  Pevluips  2d  Syuod  of  Ancyra^^  one  ref., 
and  Greg.  Nyss.-'^"^  one  ref.  and  eight  allusions  (0pp.  iii.  291', 
and  in  addition  to  what  Tisch.  cites,  ii.  432*',  478**,  506*",  595 
[605]',  691"),  but  I'Vif  twice  in  similar  allusions  (Opp.  ii.  466^ 
iii.  648"),  and  "  '^v  lyinrntr  (ho-  oucc  (i.  697*).  The  inconclusive- 
ncss  of  such  references  and  allusions  is  illustrated  in  Bib, 
S(7e.  (as  above),  pp.  855-857  ;  see  also  below,  p.  280. 

No  quotation  of  the  passage  with  the  reading  dens  has 
been  proJuced  from  any  Latin  Father.* 


♦The  apparent  exception  in  the  case  of  Hilary  (/V   Triii.  xii.  24.  Mijjne  x.  448*)  is  increly 


ON  THE  READING  **  ONLY -BEGOTTEN  GOD  "  277 

For  vide,  Ircn.^®^,  in  a  very  ancient  Latin  version,  has  once 
^/ius  deiy  once  filiuSy  and  once  dens ;  in  the  first  two  cases 
the  context  Iclvovs  filins ;  Hippol.^  3d  Syn.  of  Antioch*^'*, 
Archelaus*^"  {Disp.  c.  Man.  c.  32,  in  an  Old  Lat.  version  ; 
Migne  x.  1479''),  Alexander  of  Alexandria^*'^  Eiiseb.'*^^  six 
times,  and  one  ref.  (see  below),  Eustathius  of  Antioch*^  {Dc 
Engastr,  c.  18,  Migne  xviii.  652*"),  Athanas.^^  four  times,  and 
three  ref.,  P^vW-Athan."'"'^'*'  (Cont.  Sab,  c.  2,  Migne  xxviii. 
100**),  the  Emperor  Julian'*^^  twice  (cip.  Cyr.  Alex.  0pp.  vi.  ii. 
333),  Tit.  Bostr.^'-  once,  and  once  \ii*^(hd*:\  Greg.  Naz.^'^, 
y^j^z/rft^-Basil.""*"-  (Hom.  in  Ps.  xxviii.  c.  3,  Opp.  i.  359,  im- 
j)roperly  cited  by  Tisch.  as  if  genuine),  Rufinus  Syr.  or 
Palaest.'"''  *^  {Dc  Fidcy  c.  16,  in  a  Latin  trans.  ;  Migne,  Patrol. 
Lat,  xxi.  1 131*),  Chrys.**^  eight  times,  Theod.  Mops."^^"  (in 
Joh.  i.  29 ;  Migne  Ixvi.  733**),  Theodoret*^^  four  times, 
Proclus*^,  Pscndo-Q^'xW  (5th  cent. })  (Dc  Trin.  c.  6,  Migne 
Ixxv.  1 1 53;  Cardinal  Mai  published  this  as  Cyril's;  I  have 
followed  Dr.  Tregelles,  Printed  Text^  p.  232,  note  f),  Andr. 
Cret.**^'  {Or,  in  Transf.,  Migne  xcvii.  940*"),  Joan.  Damas- 
cen.'*^  five  times  (Migne  xciv.  789* ;  xcv.  204*"^,  216**).  So  the 
later  Greek  Fathers,  as  Germanus^^^  {Rev.  Reel,  Cont.,  Migne 
xcviii.  429^  or  (iall.  xiii.  21  5*'),  Theod.  Stud.'**^  twice  (Migne 
xcix.  396s  1216'),  Andr.  presb.,  Theophyl.,  Euthymius  three 
times  (Migne  cxxix.  1125'*,  1128*=;  cxxx.  1296'');  see  above, 
p.  262.  Probably,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem'^''"  (see  above,  p.  260) ; 
and  perhaps  Nonnus*^'' ;  see  Tischendorf. 

The  Latin  Fathers  all  support  r/V.  So  Tertullian^^  once, 
and  one  allusion,  Hilary*^  seven  times,  Phoebadius'^'*^  once 
{Cont.  Arian,  c.  12,  Migne  xx.  21),  Victorinus  Afer^*^  six 
times,  Hilarius  diaconus^"^  or  Auct.  Qnaest.cx  ittroqne  Test. 


apparent,  the  "  uni(;cnitus  den»"  forming  no  part  of  the  quotation  from  John  i.  i8.  just  as  *•  Jctiis 
Christus"  forms  no  part  of  the  quotation  from  Rom.  ix.  5,  and  as  "  unigenitus  dcn»"  is  no  part  ')f 
tlic  ciuotation  from  a  Tim.  i.  9.  a  little  below  (c.  afi).  What  precedes  and  follows  shows  that  the 
whole  stress  of  Hil  ir\'*s  argument  rest-*  on  the  word  rst.  Chrv'sostom  arsues  in  ju«4t  the  sime  wiv 
from  the  !,  ,:,j.  in  this  passage  (Opp.  i.  47^-^.  477".  ind  viii.  37«h,  cd.  Montf.V.  ««e  also  Kplphan. 
Ancor.  c.  5,  Hasil.  Adv.  Eutiotn.  iv.  2  (Omm.  i.  ?<?i.  Ay.  (  n»j»i).  and  Cre?.  Nvss.  Adr'.  Enn^tn. 
lib.  X.  (Opp.  ii.  680-AS.O.  Or.  Truucllrs's  '"rt  in  scqucntibtis  s^rfir"  is  wholly  mislcadinc  if  he 
means  that  this  is  anything  m'^rc  thnn  ihf  :ippli«atic»n  by  Hilary  of  a  favnrilr  r»pj>frllniinn  to  Christ. 
Hilary  has  qtiotcd  John  i.  18  with  the  r«'adinn,/f//«j  >cvcn  times,  and  the  passage  Dc  Trin.  vL 
39  proves  that  he  did  nut  read  dens. 


278  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

Pars  II.  qu.  i  {ap.  Augustini  Opp,  iii.  ii.  3099^  ed  Bened. 
2'^)  once,  Ambrose^*  seven  times,  Jerome  once  (In  Ezek.  xliv. 
I  seqq.),  Faustinus^**  four  times,  Augustine^®®  three  times, 
Adimantus  the  Manichaean**,  Maximinus  the  Arian^^  twice, 
Vigilius  of  Tapsa  (?)*^  three  times  (Migne  Ixii.  265*,  393^ 
395*)»  Junilius^  Alcuin"®^,  and  so  on ;  see,  for  references, 
above,  pp.  263-265.  Fulgentius  should  not  be  cited,  as 
he  is  by  Tisch.  for  films ^  and  by  Treg.  for  deus.  He  has 
nowhere,  properly  speaking,  quoted  the  passage  ;  his  allusiotis 
(Migne  Ixv.  272^  454*^,  459'',  583^  679^  681**)  are  all  quoted 
in  the  Bib.  Sac,  p.  857.    [above,  p.  257]. 

Doubtful.  I.  Origen^**  has  the  reading  Btdq  twice  (Opp.  iv. 
89,  438,  cd.  De  la  Rue).  Here,  however,  the  very  literal 
version  of  Ferrari,  made  from  a  MS.  now  lost,  reads  unigcnitiis 
alone,  in  both  places  (see  Huet's  ed.  of  Origen's  Comm,  ii. 
^2y  406),  though  De  la  Rue  has  added  dcus  in  the  second 
instance.  A  translator  might  regard  filius  as  superfluous 
with  ujiigenitus,  but  not  so  dcus.  On  the  other  hand,  Origen 
has  o//"i'.  van:  once,  Cont.  Cels.  ii.  71  (Opp.  i.  440).  So  De  la 
Rue  and  Lommatzsch,  from  two  MSS.  ;  Iloeschers  ed.,  from 
a  single  MS.,  reads  khi  ,nor.  ;t  «:m  //for,  which  bears  clear 
marks  of  being  a  marginal  gloss.*     In  another  quotation  of 


*  Compare  ihc  intcri>ol.itiun  in  Hcvcschel's  edition  of  the  same  treatise,  lib.  i.  c.  63,  by  which 
()ri);en  is  made  to  quote  1  Tim.  i.  is  thus:  .  .  .  '\f,(rnii-  Xfunrut;  o  tito^'  if/Hfv  *ic  tov 
hnrnmv  ('tij(if)Tt.)'/ni  r  ni'.iaa/.  where  De  la  Rue  oniit-i  1)  tUu<  on  the  authority  of  four  MSS.  and 
the  Philocalia.  A  similar  .i;Ki>«»  has  apparently  been  added  to  the  text  ui  Kuseb.  Df  Kcci.  'I hfol. 
i.  i^,  i>.  e>7'l :  /,  //or  v'ltn;.  i,  iinr  th  oc.  n  /.)•,  h.r./.  I  ^'C  context  seems  clearly  to  show  ih.nt 
Kusebius  read  r-nr  here,  as  in  five  other  places:  see  above,  p.  250.  Such  a  mode  of  designat- 
ing an  alterfiate  reading,  as  we  mu  t  otherwise  sup|M)sc,  is  almost  unexampled.  Not  wholly 
so;  see  Origen,  Coinm.  iti  Joan.  t.  .\.xvi;i.  c.  14.  (^J'p.  iv.  392'>,  who  cites  Heb.  ii.  9  in  this  way: 
or;  \pifnfTai  ru>  h-un;  \nii'Ti.  ;/.  \i.iivr  ftfni  /t^/j  TTdiror  ;^■<m^n/  Oanimv.  See,  on  the 
other  hand,  Origen's  motie  of  citing  the  pasvige,  Opp.  iv.  4i«',  \(.if)n'  thov  .  .  .  if  oTTtp  h'  T  r.i 
HiiTdi  oiTry)/j(>;/r    1a/r^//^v.^•        For  other    remarkable    instances   of   interpolation   or 

rorruption  of  the  text  in  .MSS..  see  \V<M>!«;in's  .V,  T.  ii.  s-)'"'-.  J'^**  paragraph,  and  865. 

It  may  be  well  here  to  n..ti.c  a  pas>aec  in  %%hi.h  KmscIhiis  aiIo:vs  the  appellation  //oro}n7V 
^-  ,»•  as  applirtd  to  the  Son.  thnich  he  .'oe<  not  afTimi  that  it  is  given  him  in  scripture.  He  sa>'S 
(Dr  Frrl.  Th^ol.  iii.  6.  p.  Tyijn^  "  And  he  alone  [ihc  Father]  may  be  called  (' :i7»r/Mfjr/0M  hv\ 
One  C.o.i  and  Father  of  onr  Lord  I.-s-.is  ("hrist.  while  the  Son  m,  iv  be  called  Only-begotten  Go<l.  he 
who  i<  in  the  bosom  f,f  the  Fu'.er.  bm  t>ic  Parvh.'t^  '  ,-r  TIclpini:>  '^nirit  can  be  called  neither  Ood 
nor  Son.  since  he  h.»s  not  like  ili*-  S>n  been  g.-n.-ratcd  froTi  r,.\)  the  Father,  but  i>  one  of  the  beings 
made  through  the  Son."  I  wouM  here  th mk  P-nO-^or  PrMmm-^nd  for  nointins  out  an  error  in 
mv  former  translation  of  thi*;  nis>«-.'  ' l^ih.  >^nc..  o.  R'-i.  noteV.  and  woul«l  r.frr  to  his  article  for 
a  full  exhibition  of  the  quotations  of  Fusebius  wiih  their  context,  which  lea\c  no  room  for  doubt 


THE  READING    "  ONLV-liEGOTTEN   C 


379 


John  i.  18  (0pp.  iv.  103),  De  la  Rue  and  Lommatzsch  edit 
» /JO,:  lifit  rm"  tiimi ;  the  earlier  ed.  of  Huet  reads  wuf  Bii(.  A  littk' 
after,  in  two  allusions,  we  find  i  ii<nH,^n-i,i:  alone  (0pp.  iv.  102, 
114).  Again  we  have  in  a  quotation  (in  Rufinus's  translation) 
nwggnitus  dei filins  (Opp.  iii.  91),  where  the  context  confirms 
the  reading,  having  utttgenitits filiits  just  before  in  an  allusion 
to  the  passage. 

As  to  the  variations,  the  occasional  addition  oi  ravnrov  or 
(/«,  as  in  the  Old  Lat,  q,  Irenreus,  Victorinus  {Ad  Cand.  16), 
Auct.  Quaest.  qu.  91,  p.  2913  (Aiigitsttiii  Opp.  111.  ii.),  Ful- 
gentius  (alius.,  De  Fide.  17),  or  of  »>>■'.  (Clem,  Alex,  and  Til. 
Bostr.  above),  for  the  sake  of  strengthening  the  expression, 
or  the  omission  of  <-ik  ^ndfiliiis,  as  by  Cod.  gat.  of  the  Vulg., 
Pseud-lgnM.,  Origen  (see  above),*  Aphraates*"^  f  {Horn.  vi. 
7,  p.  IIS  Wright,  alius.),  Cyril  of  Jer,  Kpiph.  (.*).  Chrys. 
(Opp.  i.  47S^  ed.  Montf.),  Nonnus,  /'jcW-Ath.  {Q.  ad  Ant. 
28),  Max.  Conf.»"  (In  Dion.  At:  Ep.  ix),  Victorinus  {Adv. 
Ar.  i.  15),  Ambr,  Vigil.  Taps.  (Migne,  Ixii.  260*,  366^,  and 
Kulgentius  (De  Inc.  c.  18,  alius.),  as  unessential,  would  be 
natural  enough  if  i /.umfn v,  tii^  was  the  original  reading;  but 
if  Hnit  were  genuine,  "Jiii  would  hardly  be  inserted  before  it, 
and  it  would  not  be  easily  omitted. 

In  Orig.  Opp.  iv.  92,  cited  by  Treg.  and  Tisch,,  we  have 
merely  the  expression  "  unigenitus  deus  salvator  noster,"  with 
no  sign  of  even  an  allusion  to  John  i.  18.  The  like  is  true  of 
Marcel,  ap.  Ens.  p.  19',  and  Isid.  Pel.  Ep.  Iii.  95,  cited  by 
Trcgelles.  Dr.  Tregelles  further  cites  twelve  writers  as 
using  the  phrase  /jorajmjc  erdc  gt  nnigenitus  dens  "saepissime. 
.  .  .  lanquam  nomeii  Jesu  in  Scriptura  tributum."  A  careful 
examination  of  these  writers  will  show,  if  I  have  made  no 
mistake,  that  only  one  of  them  (Greg.  Nyss.)  intimates  that 


ItiH  Ib  hen  rod  vXat  IT»»/.  S^itm,  pp.  48(^3).  li  my  be  idded  ihu  Tii 
TicgiUea  hate  Hot  nodced  the  qiMHlnn  oT  John  U  iS  by  Kuxbiiu  in  hu  Cwnin 
tUupir,  ixi<.  i>c>)].  On  Ihc  nthci  hind,  Eueb.  Dr  £»/.  r*Hi.  ii.  u,  p.  Iijl>,  1 
I'TcmUcf  Jind  TiKherHlorf,  ia  noi  a  qiurialiun. 

*  tn  Orifen't  ftimmfitt  on  (b«  puu^,  u  (iven  iii  the  ichnlion  IrnA  OkIca  ij 

tQiMHcdbyl'uch.ulK'^Bi    bulHcWnshl. 


28o  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

this  is  a  name  given  to  Christ  in  scripture ;  not  one  of  them 
expressly  quotes  John  i.  i8  with  the  reading  hop.  Heo^  or  i£m£^. 
dcus ;  four  of  them  do  expressly  quote  it  with  the  reading 
iu}v.  v\6q  or  iinig.  filiiis  (viz.  Greg.  Naz.,  Tit.  Bostr.,  Vigil., 
Alcuin) ;  four  certainly,  perhaps  five,  have  used  the  phrase 
but  once  each,  in  their  extant  writings  (Bas.  Sel.,  Arius, 
Lucian,  Gaudent.,  and  perhaps  Greg.  Naz.) ;  and  two  of  them 
have  never  used  it  at  all  (Tit.  Bostr.,  Prudentius).  For  details, 
see  above,  pp.  243,  244,  246  note,  266  note,  267  note. 

2.  Basil  the  Great'^^,  according  to  the  text  of  the  Bene- 
dictine edition,  has  '^foc  once  (with  five  MSS.)  where  earlier 
editions  read  »vof,  and  once  mentions  "  True  Son,  Onlv- 
begotten  God,  Power  of  God,"  etc.,  as  names  given  to  Christ 
in  scripture.  On  the  other  hand,  he  quotes  the  passage 
twice  with  the  reading  ii«r.  In  the  first  case  (0pp.  iii.  23) 
the  six  MSS.  of  Garnier  appear  to  support  this  reading,  but 
one  of  Matthaei's  Moscow  MSS.  has  '^/^o;.  In  the  .second 
(0pp.  iii.  358),  Garnier  notes  no  variation  in  his  ten  MSS., 
and  Matthaei's  MS.  also  has  ^'^k. 

The  imprudence  of  inferring  the  reading  of  John  i.  18  from 
the  mere  assertion  of  a  Father  that  Christ  is  called  or  named 
in  scripture  the  Only-bej^otten  God  was  illustrated  above, 
pp.  255-257.  See  also  Theodoret,  Haer.  Fab.  v.  2  (Opp. 
i^'-  383-387,  ed.  Sirmond ;  Migne,  vol.  Ixxxiii.),  who  says, 
*'  All  the  apostles  name  (!nofm;,n'at)  him  Genuine  and  True  Son 
of  God";  and,  farther  on,  **the  divine  John  the  Evangelist 

calls    (tiiUvt)    the    same    both    /ojoy  rrpoanoiinv,  K(u  fwi'o^n'f]  Ivor,  Kui  T('.H' 

d-uiTtJi'  <h/uiovi)}6i\"  ^.7./.      Again  :    **  They   name  (orouti^inm)   him 

both  XiuOTOv,  Kal  unhor  rioi\  Kal  rob  Tar/jof  txi'mMfor."     Again  :    *'  He  liaS 

been  named  {toiotmarai)  not  simply  /w;^>f,  but  ^^'V  >o;f";."  So 
ICpiphanius  (Ancor.  c.  28)  speaks  of  the  F'ather  as  ''calling 
(Ka'/orim)  thc  Sou  (Trnh/ntorp}or/*  referring  to  Gen.  i.  26.  Such 
language  is  often  used  of  titles  which  the  Fathers  regarded  as 
justified  by  scripture,  though  not  expressly  given.  We  can- 
not, therefore,  attach  much  wciirht  to  the  evidence  of  the 
Synod  of  Ancyra,  or  to  the  references  of  Gregory  Nyssen 
and  Basil. 

3.  /^Ji7/^t7-Cacsarius  (7th  cent. })  is  cited  by  Tischcn  lorf. 


ON   THE   READING    "  ONLY-BEGOTrEN   GOD  "  28 1 

as  also  in  the  Bib,  Sac,  for  the  reading  viog  (Dial.  i.  4 ;  Migne 

XXviii.  864).       But  the  context  (T/Va  tovtov,  a?.?:  y  Oeov,    Ka0(jc  ipnaiv  6 
'ludvvrfg-  '0  fiov.    v'wt;,  6  uv  h  roig  Ko/.notq^  K.r.A.)    SO    naturally    SUggCStS 

the  conjecture  that  0^.6^  should  be  here  substituted  for  t^^oc, 
that  I  now  prefer  to  treat  the  reading  as  doubtful.  The 
deity  of  Christ  may,  however,  have  been  merely  inferred 
from  fiwoytvi/c  and  <>  ^v  h  toIc  KOAiroig,  as  it  is  by  Chrys.  /;/  /oe., 
Greg.  Naz.  (Or.  xxix.  al.  xxxv.  17),  Junilius  (De  Part.  div.  Leg. 
i.  16),  and  others.     Euseb.  De  Eccl.  Theol.  i.  10,  p.  68**. 

There  is  some  doubt  about  Irenaeus  and  Cyril  of  Alexan- 
dria ;  see  above. 

On  a  review  of  the  external  evidence  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  MSS.  which  read  ^f^i  are  of  the  highest  rank,  though  few 
in  number,  —  weighty  authorities,  but  not  decisive  ;  while 
the  testimony  of  the  ancient  versions,  and  the  quotations  of 
the  passage  by  the  Christian  Fathers,  decidedly  favor  t-ior. 
We  trace  both  readings  to  the  second  century ;  but  we  find 
'^'oc  supported  almost  wholly  by  one  class  of  authorities,  the 
Alexandrian  or  I^lgyptian  ;  while  the  witnesses  for  »tof  are  far 
more  widely  diffused  as  well  as  far  more  numerous,  repre- 
senting all  quarters  of  the  Christian  world.  The  whole 
Western  Church  seems  to  have  known  no  other  reading. 
The  Syrian  and  Palestinian  Fathers,  with  all  the  Syrian  ver- 
sions but  the  (revised })  Peshito,  support  it,  as  well  as  those 
of  Asia  Minor  and  the  Byzantines,  while  the  Alexandrian 
witnesses  are  divided.  Though  the  majority  of  these  favor 
^hiiCy  Alexander  of  Alexandria  and  Athanasius  support  vik^  the 
latter  by  repeated  and  unequivocal  quotations.  Origen's 
MSS.  and  those  of  Cyril  may  have  had  both  readings. 

The  imvibcr  of  Fathers  that  can  be  relied  on  with  con- 
fidence as  witnesses  for  ^h*K  is  very  small.  Besides  the 
Excerpta  ex  Thcodoto  mentioned  above,  there  are  but  tivo 
who  have  expressly  quoted  the  passage  with  the  reading  ^m't 
only,  —  Epiphanius  and  Didymus.  Didymus  became  blind 
at  four  or  five  years  of  age,  and  quotes  from  memory,  often 
making  mistakes ;  while  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Epipha- 
nius are  notorious  for  the  looseness  and  inaccuracy  of  their 


282  CRHICAL    ESSAYS 

citations  from  scripture.  The  uncertainty  of  mere  allusions, 
and  of  assertions  that  Christ  is  called  n^ovoyevri^  Btdq  in  scripture, 
has  already  been  illustrated.  It  is  proper  to  state  these  facts, 
and  to  f^ive  them  due  weight ;  but  in  the  present  case  I 
would  not  lay  great  stress  upon  them,  in  disparagement  of 
the  testimony  for  Oto^.  The  indisputable  authorities  for  ^<>f 
give  strength  to  evidence  which,  standing  alone,  would  be 
weak. 

It  has  been  imagined  that  the  text  of  the  Fathers  who  read 
(h<n:  is  more  trustworthy  than  that  of  those  who  have  w<if. 
This  point  is  carefully  examined  by  Professor  Drummond,  who 
maintains  that  there  is  not  one  passage  in  their  quotations 
"where  any  serious  difficulty  would  be  presented  by  the 
context  if  v\6q  were  substituted  for  ^cof."  We  have  already 
seen  the  probability  of  corruption  from  marginal  glosses  in 
two  passages  of  Origen  and  Eusebius.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  the  case  of  some  of  the  more  important  witnesses  for  Bto^, 
as  Eusebius,  Athanasius,  and  Chrysostom,  and  also  of  Hilary 
and  other  Latin  Fathers,  the  context  in  several  places  renders 
the  reading  vldq  absolutely  certain.  (See  above,  pp.  259- 
261  notes,  247  note,  or  T/ieol  Review ^  pp.  480,  482  f.,  492, 
488  ;  also  Alford's  note  in  loc.  for  Hippolytus  and  Tertullian.) 
In  reasoning  on  this  subject  we  must  not  forget  that  the 
phrase  /;oi  r;;  nv/r  ^Vor,  though  "  only-bcgottcu  God"  is  strange  to 
us,  was  familiar  to  transcribers  in  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth 
centuries,  and  suited  the  prevailing  taste.' 

But  how  could  the  phrase  o  //oyo) civ/^-  Wtof  have  become  so 
familiar  if  ^^^k  was  not  here  the  primitive  reading }  In  the 
same  way  in  which  o^f(V/<5;of,  "God  the  Son,"  and  a  little 
later  ^h-^TUm:^  as  applied  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  became  current, 
though  not  found  in  scripture.  The  appellation  0  ^fof  ?.<$}of, 
which  so  often  occurs  in  the  Fathers  from  Melito  and  Clement 
of  Alexandria  onward,  was  readily  formed  from  John  i.  i  ; 
and  when  vU^  was  regarded  as  a  synonym  of  >^}of,  and  imply- 
ing generation  from  the  divine  substance,  nothing  was  more 
natural  than  the  formation  of  such  expressions  as  6 //oi-oyew/f 
^rfic  or  o //or.  Otuc  76-^,oc^  iinii^enitus  dens,  unigenitus  deus  verbum^ 
which  occur  abundantly  in  writers  who  we  know  read  only 


ON  THE  READING   "  ONLY-BEGOTTEN   GOD  "  2S3 

wof  OX  filius  in  John  i.  i8.  Though  not  equally  suiting  all 
tastes,  the  expression  was  a  favorite  one  with  many  among* 
the  Orthodox  and  the  Arians  alike,  who  were  pleased  with  it 
for  different  reasons  (see  above,  p.  267).  It  was  enough 
that  it  was  regarded  as  authorized  by  necessary  hiference  from 
scripture.  No  quotation  of  John  i.  18  with  this  reading  has 
been  found  in  any  Arian  writer. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  consider  the  internal  evidence. 

It  may  be  urged  that   if  the  original  reading  was  ^^k,  v\6<; 

might    be    readily   substituted    for   it,    unconsciously,    after 

^•ojfvw,  which  naturally  suggests  it,  and  is  connected  with  it 

in  three  other  passages.     This  is  true.     On  the  other  hand, 

if  vi6c  was  the  original  reading,  it  may  be  said  that  in  this 

place,  forming  the  grand  conclusion  of  the  Prologue  which 

began  with  predicating  ^^k  of  6  Uyo^,  0E6g  would  be  a  natural 

marginal   gloss,  which  would  easily  find   its  way  into   the 

text.*     It  may  also  be  said  that  the  phrase  6  /lovoyevr/^  Oeog  being 

familiar  to  copyists  of  the  third  and  following  centuries,  6e6c 

^'ould  easily  be  unconsciously  substituted  for  vi6<:^  especially 

as  the  Oedv  which  precedes  would  suggest  the  word,  and  the 

resemblance  of  yc  and  ec,  or  of  -hcyioc  and  -ncec  (»•<'"?  being 

often  unabbreviated  in  the  oldest  MSS.),  would  facilitate  the 

change.     (For  the  dots  over  the  initial  y  a  dash  was  often 

substituted,  which  might,  on  a  hasty  glance,  be  connected 

with  the  final  oc.)     Abundant  illustrations  of  transcriptural 

error  originating  in  both  the  ways  now  supposed  might  be 

given.     For  the  mechanical  repetition  of  a  word  suggested 

by  the  context,  see  Mark  iv.  21,  where  the  absurd   I'-o  r},v 

f^xviav  in  K,  B*,  13,  33,  69,  is  due  to  the  previous  occurrence 

of  'vt:6  twice  in  the  same  verse. 


•  "Nomini  t'tof  noraen  i)fh^  roo*lo  siibstitntum,  modo  adjcctum  est.  Utnimvis  RlosNcma, 
cdlato  V.  X,  K(U  Heoc  ^  ^  /<5}of.  suavitcr  tinnicbat"  (BcnKcl,  J//.  (>//.  p.  217).  In  illiistra- 
tioo  of  the  fact  that  such  a  combination  as  imvoyFi'yc  (hoc  was  not  likely  to  offcml  transc.ril)crs, 
»nd  possibly  of  what  Tischendorf  calls  the  "  studium  in  summa  antiquitate  appcllationis  tktn  in 
Christum  cooferendae,"  we  may  note  that  Codex  A  in  John  xix.  40  for  ro  ni'.tiia  rnv  '\r/rfnr  reads 
TO  aijfta  rov  Oeov,  and  that  in  John  xviii.  32,  for  o  /dy(tr  roi'  'Ir/nov  .  .  .  artnmvutv  ttok.) 
'*avdT(^  iffu7^JtV  amifh^Keiv,  L.  A.  59»  2>9.  rc-'>J  o  /('roc  rov  ih  ov,  k.t.'/.  The  rcadinc  of 
It*  Luke  viii.  40,  roi'  drov  for  arroT.  probably  arose  from  a  mechanical  rcfx'tition  of  the  (>\  in 
ttvr&»  in  the  MS.  copied.  See  also  the  note  on  p.  278,  above.  Comp.  the  various  readings  in  Rev. 
n.  19. 


284  CRIIICAL   ESSAYS 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  on  the  supposition  of  the  genu- 
ineness of  either  reading  we  may  plausibly  explain  the  origin 
of  its  rival.  But  other  important  considerations  come  in  to 
turn  the  scale.  Had  f^e^  been  the  original  reading,  its 
uniqueness  and  its  dogmatic  significance  must  have  forced 
attention  to  it  from  the  beginning,  and  preserved  it  from 
change.  Sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  an  apostle,  and  of 
course  in  accordance  with  his  oral  teachings,  it  could  not  be 
a  stumbling-block.  It  would  have  been  constantly  quoted 
and  appealed  to,  like  the  first  verses  of  the  chapter.  So 
widespread  a  corruption  as  we  are  compelled  to  assume,  if 
vioq  is  not  genuine,  seems,  under  these  circumstances,  alto- 
gether incredible ;  while  we  can  easily  explain  the  existence 
of  flfoc  in  the  comparatively  few  authorities  that  support  it. 

Under  another  aspect  the  internal  evidence  is  still  more 
unfavorable  to  ^e<5f.  The  expression  fiovoyev^  ee6g  not  only  has 
no  parallel  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,  but  its  introduc- 
tion here,  after  Oeov  used  absolutely^  produces  a  harshness  and 
confusion  which  it  is  almost  impossible  to  suppose  in  any 
writer ;  ttof,  on  the  other  hand,  seems  almost  required  as  a 
counterpart  to  the  -arpoq  which  follows,  and  also  accords  with 
John  iii.  16,  18,  and  i  John  iv.  9. 

Such  being  the  state  of  the  case,  with  the  highest  respect 
for  the  eminent  critics  who  take  a  different  view,  I  am  con- 
strained to  regard  both  the  external  and  the  internal  evi- 
dence, when  fairly  stated  and  weighed,  as  decidedly  in  favor 
of  the  reading  riof. 

Professor  Lightfoot  (as  before  referred  to)  suggests  that  the 
reading  fiovoyti'r/<:  Otog  in  this  passage  may  be  regarded  as  a  com- 
pensation for  the  loss  of  Of6g  in  i  Tim.  iii.  16.  Dr.  Tregelles 
(Pn'/itcd  Text,  etc.,  p.  234)  appears  to  have  viewed  it  in  the 
same  light.  But  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether,  if  the 
genuineness  of  ^fo?  here  were  demonstrated,  its  bearing  would 
be  favorable  to  the  Athanasian  doctrine.  Standing  without 
the  article,  in  contrast  with  Oeov  used  emphatically  and  abso- 
lutely, it  would  seem  almost  necessary  to  regard  the  word  as 
used  in  a  lower  sense,  as  Ori2:cn  (/;/  J^oa?/.  t.  ii.  §§  2,  3,  Opp. 
iv.  50  ff.)  and  Eusebius  {De  EccL  Thcol,  ii.  14,  17)  take  the 


ON  THE    READING   "  ONLY-BEGOTTEX  GOD  "  285 

predicate  Oed^  in  ver.  i  ;  and  we  should  thus  have,  not  the 
ecclesiastical  doctrine  of  the  proper  deity  of  Christ,  but  a 
cSpi'rr/wr  Bedc,  like  the  Logos  of  Philo.  The  ancient  Arians 
were  very  ready  to  call  the  Son  « fi-i-oynn/c  0e6^ ;  this  appellation, 
in  their  view,  happily  distinguished  him  from  the  Father, 
who  alone  was  God  in  the  highest  sense,  as  unbegotten, 
uncaused,  and  without  beginning. 


XIV. 
NOTE  ON  THE  TEXT  OF  JOHN  VHI.  44. 

[Prepared  at  the  request  of  the  New  Testament  Company  of  the  American  Biblical 

Committee.] 

We  are  unable  to  accept  torrfKEv,  regarded  as  the  impe 
of  OTT/KL),  as  the  true  reading  in  this  passage. 

1.  Because  there  appears  to  be  no  proof  of  the  use  of  an 
imperfect  of  (tt/jku  in  the  whole  range  of  Greek  literature. 
The  existence  of  the  form  nuKu,  with  an  imperfect  *Vrf/cor,  in 
modern  Greek  (Mullach,  Gram,  der  griech.  VulgarspracltCy 
p.  299)  does  not  go  far  toward  rendering  probable  the  use  of 
loTjjKnv  as  an  imperfect  in  thojirst  century. 

2.  It  is  certainly  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  Septuagint  or 
the  New  Testament.  The  pluperfect  form  of  'tartifu  is  always 
there  used,  as  in  classical  Greek,  for  the  intransitive  imper- 
fect, occurring  thus  in  the  Septuagint  at  least  thirty-three 
times,  and  in  the  Xew  Testament  fourteen  times,  seven  of 
which  are  in  the  (lospcl  of  John.  How  great  the  improbability 
that  in  the  face  of  this  usage  wc  should  find  here  a  needless 
form,  of  which  no  other  example  has  been  produced  ! 

3.  The  perfect  ^'77.v^M•,  in  the  sense  of  the  present,  is 
entirely  suitable  to  the  context.  The  devil  "  standeth  not 
in  the  truth  "  practically,  ''because  truth  is  not  in  him  "  as  a 
principle  of  action  :  a  regard  for  the  truth  does  not  belong  to 
his  nature.  The  imperfect  would  give  a  less  appropriate 
sense  :  it  is  the  permanent  character  of  Satan,  what  he  />, 
not  what  he  was  doing,  or  was  in  the  habit  of  doing,  at  som.e 
past  time,  which  gives  point  to  the  representation  of  him  as 
"  the  father  "  of  the  truth-rejecting  Jews. 

4.  No  one  of  the  Greek  Fathers  who  have  cited  or  com- 
mented on  the  passage  a])pears  to  have  regarded  earjiKrv  as  an 
imjKTfect.  ( )rigen,  ///  yoau.  torn.  xx.  §  22  (Opp.  iv.  343  ss., 
ed.  De  la  Rue),  clearly  takes  the  form  as  a  perfect,  in  the 


NOTE  ON   JOHN   Vlll.   44  t&J 

sense  ot*  the  present :  see  p.  343*,  »:  >«  ni  f^i)  ov^uc  pmi.  oix  lommt 

h-  r,}  aMfie.v\  p.  345',  ^/iiif  /liy  oSv  roD-  rv  rj)  oitBtteiii  wV  [sO  Huet, 
De  la  Rue]  imi/fn;  OKovaiiai  obx  "I  (^io'ii'  ■malmp'  t/i^votTet  [read  i/iifa:- 
mnnvt:,  with  Huct],  "l"  rii  nJi'Wir™  Trrpi  ti<v  itrn/tivai  BiVSi'  (v  rp  oi^iii 
irafNovAiTrc  [read  TTo/i'in'iiiTnf]  ;  and  p.  345°,  "OTTfp  i  iii^Xof  hi  rj  dJjj^ri'ii 
imx  hmiKar,  5ri  wit  iorn'  ai.ifitia  h  avTif,  af/ruf  lal  01  tic  rroTpJc  roi  fl«ijSti!lot  itT(f 
^rii.iwjfiripoi^  /oTJuairii',  iri  aSj^flno  mV  (imvi»  ofrmir.     So  HeraclcOn, 

quoted  by  Origen  (jfbi  sup.),  who  understands  the  "xx  f'^i'n^  of 
the  tiaturf  of  the  devil.  So  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Df  Ador. 
lib.  vi.  {0pp.  I.  i.  184,  185,  ed.  Aubert),  who.  after  quoting 

the  passage,  says  :  uii,jJ  n-Ji'ro  rf  «ai  irdn-wtJ/m/jiwiu;?.  i/ujinrv^wr  (.■7!; 

hli/hif.     So  Procopius  Gazaeus  on  Exod,  viii,  43  (Migne,  Pair. 

Gr.  IxXXVii.  556)  :  'O/m  -raa&Ui  <i«litTai  Tor  iVr>a^/«<f  u  *u,ini.  fthm-iK 
yip   tart,   mii  iv  ry  at-ifiilf  ovx   ioritut,  icora  r^  ru6  Zwr^pDj-  jui'^.       So 

apparently  Chrysostom,  /«  Ci-«.  ^f/7«.  vii.  2,  0pp.  iv.  676* 

(784),  ed.  Montf.  :  iel-imKyafiiaTivi<ulv<ii.Kai  miihr^ifih  ^'>iyV"n'- 
'Ev  j'Ufi  tJ  aX^if.  fnaiv,  oix  iamiiiv  •  and  Theophylact  (w  /or.) :  'a>m 

(Hii  ni  rp  liXijfldg  oi';);  ronitry  tmiyoq,  a'fj^  Tin-  ffiii^im^  ior!  irar^ji,  So  Cer- 
tainly Euthymius  {in  loc),  who  explains  '^•x  ien/iuv  by  «*  ;^<fKi, 
ein  di-QTraim-o,.  Irenaeus  {C(>«/.  //(7fr.  V.  22.  §  2),  according  to 
the  Old  Latin  version,  though  that  reads  stetit,  seems  to  have 
taken  the  verb  as  a  present  in  sense:  "  Qiwuiam  diabolus 
mendax  est  ab  initio,  et  in  veritate  non  sletit.  Si  itaque 
mendax  est,  et  non  stans  in  veritate,"  etc.  In  the  allusion 
in  Pseudo- Ignatius,  Philad.  c.  6,  iln^^,n,  \%  taken  as  a  present. 
Chrysostom  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  in  their  comments  on 
the  passage,  and  Photius  {Ad  Ampliil.  Quaest.  xlvii.,  Migne, 
Pair.  Gr.  ci.  352  ff.)  in  his  long  discussion,  have  nothing  to 
the  point ;  Eustathius,  De  Engaslrim.  c.  4  (Migne.  xviii.  620). 
But  Photius  {Ad  Amphil.  Quaest.  xlvii.)  does  seem  to  ha^e 
taken  tornm-  as  present  in  signification ;  noi  r<*,  fuMf^^ i>' >■« o>.iA(' 
i(nA.tu « r.;^  (Migne,  ci.  p.  356*).    So  Con/.  Manic/i.  iv.  8  (Migne, 

cii.      192');     'i  Jiip    lUTi    ^ici-miK.    *ai   iniiiKaTt  hv  rj  a^jjflfifl  (oriyiK ;    and 

the  same  is  true  of  the  Fathers  cited  in  the  Catmae  of 
Corderius  and  Cramer  on  John,  and  the  scholia  given  by 
Matthaei,  N.  T.  Gr.  et  Lat.  iv.  368-375.  They  certainly 
havL-  nothing  which  suggests  that  tnriKiv  was  read  as  an 
imperfect.     Other  quotations,  c.^.,  by  Clement  of  Alexandria^ 


A 


288  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

Strom,  i.  17  (Opp.  p.  369,  Potter) ;  Origen  (Opp.  ii.  126*,  iv. 
340'') ;  Macarius  Aegyptius,  Horn.  v.  3  ;  Severianus,  De  Mund, 
Great.  Orat.  vi.  c.  2  (in  Chrysost.  Opp.  vi.  497,  ed.  Montt) ; 
and  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Glaph.  in  Gen.  lib.  i.  (Opp.  i.  ii.  18), 
and  /;/  Mich.  iii.  8  (Opp.  iii.  420),  —  throw  no  light  on  the 
matter. 

Augustine  and  other  Latin  Fathers  explain  the  passage  of 
the  fall  of  the  devil,  being  influenced  by  the  stetit  of  the  Old 
Latin  version,  of  versions,  and  the  Vulgate.  Didymus  of 
Alexandria  {Cont.  Manich.  c.  16)  apparently  infers  the  fall  of 
Satan  from  the  present  tarr/Kcv,  which  suggests  to  him  a  con- 
trast with  the  past :  Ei'  6t  nai  to  e/rf/v,  Otvc  [so  Basnage,  Gallandi] 

ioTT/KEV,  dEtKvix  [rcad  (SttKi'iviv  ?]  avTuv  Trporepov  loT&fUvov  ev  tij  aA^eifi,      So 

in  his  Comm.  on  Ps.  v.  6  (Migne,  xxxix.  col.  1170''),  which  is 
particularly  worthy  of  notice.  Epiphanius  (Haer.  xxxviii.  4, 
p.  279)  in  a  very  loose  quotation  of  the  passage  substitutes 
the  aorist  i\inv?.v  for  iarnKrv ;  and  Nonnus  in  his  poetical  Para- 
phrase represents  the  word  by  /"///vcr,  as  he  does  the  following 
«yr/v  by  ^/fr,  referring  the  passage  to  the  fall  of  the  devil 
Theodoret  also  (Haer.  Fab.  v.  8)  finds  this  intimated :  rovro  6i 

"KapadjfAol ^  <jf  r;/f  a7iffeiac  tKTpnrtlc,  ravavria  rtj  a?.T^ein  'rpoei/.tro.      But  thcSC 

references  of  the  passage  to  the  fall  of  Satan  afford  no  ground 
for  believing  that  any  of  the  writers  named  took  earr/sfv  here 
for  an  imperfect  of  (tt//ku.  The  aorist,  not  the  imperfect, 
would  have  been  the  proper  tense  to  describe  that  event. 

5.  The  uncials  B^  C,  1^,  F,  G,  H,  K,  M,  S,  U,  r,  a*,  n,  and, 
apparently,  the  great  mass  of  the  cursive  MSS.  and  the 
r2vangelistaries,  read  «'\t  before  tarriKcv, 

But  it  may  be  said  that  the  important  MSS.  which  here 
read  ovk  for  "'\r,  and  the  ancient  versions  which  represent 
(C7T]Ktv  by  a  past  tense,  justify  us  in  regarding  the  word  as  an 
imperfect.  The  facts  in  regard  to  the  versions  and  the 
MSS.  are  indeed  remarkable,  and  require  explanation.  Let 
us  see  what  they  are. 

I.  The  following  important  versions  render  torrjKEv  here  by 
a  past  tense  :  the  Old  Latin  and  the  Vulgate,  which  read 
stetit ;  the  Memphitic,  Thebaic,  Gothic;  the  Armenian  and 


NOTE   ON   JOHN   VIII.    44  289 

Georgian    (according  to   the   Rev.   S.    C.   Malan),   and   the 
Harclean  Syriac  in  the  text^  which  have  a  preterite  tense ; 
and   the  Jerusalem   Syriac   (ed.   Miniscalchi    Erizzo,   i.   66), 
which  uses  the  imperfect.     On  the  other  hand,  the  Peshito 
Syriac,  the  Harclean  Syriac  in  the  margin,  the  Aethiopic,  and 
the    Slavonic  have  the   present.      (See    Malan,    The  Gospel 
accordifig  to  S.  yohn,  etc.,  London,  1872.)     Here  it  is  particu- 
larly to  be  observed,  that  of  the  nine  ver5ions  which  use  a 
past  tense  in  translating  only  one  has  the  imperfect.     But 
how  can  we   account  for  the  use  of  a  past  tense }     The 
answer  is  easy.    It  was  naturally  suggested  by  the  ai-^/jwTroKrdvo^ 
j^v  which  precedes,  and  might  also  naturally  be  used  by  those 
who  found  in  the  passage,  like  Didymus,  an  implication  of 
the  fall  of  Satan.      But  if  the  Latin  translators  had  taken 
toTfiKev  as  an  imperfect,  they  would  have  rendered  it  stabat,  not 
stetit ;  and  a  similar  remark  applies  to  all  the  other  versions 
but  the  Jerusalem  Syriac.     Most  modern  translators,  includ- 
ing all  the  early  English,  have  rendered  the  verb  in  the  past 
tense ;  and  this  rendering  has  been  given  by  a  host  of  scholars, 
from  Erasmus,  Beza,  and  Grotius  down  to  the  Rev.   S.  C. 
Malan,  who  yet  never  dreamed  of  an  imperfect  ^orvKev.     This 
may  serve  to  show  the  caution  required  in  drawing  inferences 
from  versions.      It  would  be  imprudent  to  infer  even  from 
the  isolated  case  of  the  Jerusalem  Syriac  that  the  translator 
either  regarded  EorriKev  as  an  imperfect,  or  read  t-nrriKeL  or  t'ujTT/Ku. 
The  Peshito  renders  eor/fKe  by  the  imperfect  in  Heb.  x.  11. 

2.  The  support  of  om  for  ohx  by  k,  B*,  D,  L,  X,  -^,  a2,  i,  69**, 
253,  and  Scrivener's  i,  w,  P,  may  seem  very  strong  in  favor  of 
lor^Kt:  as  an  imperfect.  But  may  it  not  merely  show  that  the 
scribes  of  those  MSS.  pronounced  the  perfect  of  icrii^i  incor- 
rectly without  the  aspirate  ? 

There  is  reason  for  believing  that  there  was  at  an  early 
date  much  confusion  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  aspirate  in 
Attic  Greek,  not  to  speak  of  the  well-known  diversities  in 
diflferent  dialects.  See  Franz,  Elcmenta  Epigr.  Graecae,  Berol. 
1840,  p.  in;  and  especially  E.  A.  Sophocles,  Hist,  of  the 
Greek  Alphabet^  Cambridge  and  Boston,  1848,  pp.  64,  65,  and 
Adolph  von  Schiitz,  Historia  Alphabcti  Attici,  Berol.   1875, 


290  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

pp.  54-58.  Speaking  of  the  period  Ol.  83,  3-OI.  94,  2  (b.c. 
446-403),  Schiitz  remarks :  "  Spiritus  asperi  usus  hac  omni 
aetate  adeo  inconstans  fuit  ac  perversus,  ut  h  nota  saepissime 
aut  ibi  omissa  sit,  ubi  scribenda  erat,  aut  praescripta  com- 
pareat  ejusmodi  vocibus,  quae  re  vera  spirit u  aspero  carent. 
Qua  re  apparet  hunc  sonum  procedente  tempore  magis  magis- 
que  neglectum  esse,  ita  ut  postremo  omnino  non  audiretur, 
neque  quisquam  in  dicendo  rationem  ejus  haberet/*  He 
illustrates  this  by  more  than  a  hundred  examples  from  vari- 
ous inscriptions,  not  including  a  long  one  which  deserves 
particular  notice,  though  it  is  exceptional  in  the  extent  of  its 
irregularities ;  namely.  No.  324  (01.  93,  i  =  b.c.  408)  in 
Kirchhoff' s  Corpus  Inscr.  Atticaniviy  vol.  i.  (Berol.  1873).  In 
this,  according  to  Schiitz,  out  of  sixty  words  which  should 
have  the  rough  breathing,  it  is  wanting  in  twenty ;  while  of 
two  hundred  and  fourteen  which  should  not  have  it,  it  is  pre- 
fixed in  one  hundred  and  twenty-two,  only  ninety-two  being 
correctly  written.  And  it  is  to  be  specially  noted  that  in 
this  inscription,  notwithstanding  the  fondness  of  the  stone- 
cutter for  the  aspirate,  we  have  eistekota  (Kirchhoff,  p.  170, 
frag,  c,  1.  19)  for  ir.niKira  (oil  ^/  for  f  see  Franz,  p.  150),  and 
KATiiTAiix  (Kirchhoff,  p.  169,  frag,  a,  I.  4)  for  Ka^hoTUoiv, 

It  is  well  known  that  ot-K  and  oix  are  occasionally  inter- 
changed in  our  oldest  uncials.  See  Scrivener,  Collatio  Cod. 
Sifiaiticiy  p.  Iv.  no.  9,  2d  cd.  ;  Cod.  Bczac,/^.  xlvii.  no.  ii; 
Tischcndorf,  Prolcgom.  to  LXX,  pp.  xxxiii.,  xxxiv. ;  and  f^'vK  for 
ovx  in  Cod.  Alex.  1  Esdr.  iv.  2,  12;  Job  xix.  16,  xxxviii.  11, 
26.  See  also  Buttmann,  Grain,  of  X.  T.  Greek,  p.  7,  Thayer's 
trans.  ;  and  Aloulton's  Winer,  p.  48,  note  1,  2d  ed. 

The  facts  thus  far  stated,  however,  are  not  alone  sufficient 
to  explain  the  concnrroice  of  so  many  important  MSS.  in  the 
substitution  of  "'^  for  o/.v  in  the  present  passage.  Other 
points  must  be  considered.  The  fact  that  the  tenses  of  'toriim 
have  partly  the  rough  and  partly  the  smooth  breathing  would 
naturally  lead  to  exceptional  diversities  of  pronunciation; 
the  very  common  aorist  ir-uv  being  pronounced  without  an 
aspirate,  there  would  be  a  tendency  to  treat  the  perfect  and 
the  pluperfect  in  the  same  way.     That  this  tendency  really 


NOTE   ON   JOHN   VIII.    44  29 1 

operated  strongly,  notwithstanding  the  counteracting  influence 
of  the  compounds  avO-,  a^-,  fc^-,  Kad-,  fied-,  v^ia-tifiL^  may  be  satisfac- 
torily proved.  Occasionally  the  tendency  to  assimilation  would 
take  the  other  direction,  and  lead  to  the  aspiration  of  such 
forms  as  iorriaa  and  f<mrv.     Of  this  also  we  find  examples.* 

Unfortunately  there  is  no  instance  except  the  one  before 

us  in  the  Septuagint  or  the  New  Testament  in  which  any 

aspirated  form  of  'iottj^  is  preceded  by  a  word  like  ovk  or  ovx^  so 

that  we  cannot  tell  what  phenomena  would  be  presented  by 

our  oldest  uncials  in  a  similar  case.     For  the  evidence  of  the 

tendency  referred  to  we  must  therefore  depend  upon  such 

information  as  we  can   obtain   respecting   the    use   of   the 

aspirate  in  the  later  uncials  and  the  cursives. 

The  collators  of  MSS.  have  not  usually  noted  the  breath- 
ings. This  has  been  done,  however,  by  Dr.  Scrivener,  in  the 
case  of  irregularities,  in  his  Full  Collation  of  Fifty  Manuscripts  y 
^dded  to  his  edition  of  the  Codex  Augiensis  (1859)  ;  and  an 
examination  of  his  collation  brings  to  light  important  facts. 

Scrivener  cites  here  for  the  reading  ovk  karriKcv  the  MSS. 
i,  w,  L**  (/>.  69**),  P.  But  that  reading  affords  no  evidence 
that  the  scribes  took  tarnKtv  for  an  imperfect.  This  appears 
at  once  when  the  fact  is  stated,  that  in  every  one  of  the 
instances  where  the  forms  of  the  perfect  and  pluperfect  of 
'lOTJiiu  occur  in  the  New  Testament,  some  of  Scrivener's  MSS., 
and  often  more  than  in  the  present  case,  prefix  the  smooth 
breathing.      For  example,  we  have   Luke  viii.   20,   iGnjKaaiv^ 

i,  W,  P  ;  XXiii.  10,  tiarriKELaav^  w,  L,  H,  P  ;  35,  norriKU^  i,  W,  H,  P  ; 
49,   eioTTfKeujav,   i,  V,  W,  H,  P,  Z,  Semcl ;   John   i.    26,    iarijKev^    i,  w,  z, 

•f^w. ;  35,  "<^^«",  i,  V,  w,  H,  P,  sein. ;  vii.  37,  also  xviii.  16  and 

XX.  1 1,  elarffKei,  i,  V,  W,  H,  P  ;   ActS  XXVi.  22,  earr^Ka^  k,  O,  p  ;  JamCS 

V.  9,  earrfKev,  j,  k,  o ;   Rom.  xi.  20,  eartjKag^  and   I  Cor.  vii.  27, 
koTfiKsv^  k,  n,  o  ;  Heb.  x.  ii,  eoTTjKE^  k,  m,  n,  o  ;  Rev.  iii.  20,  koTTiKa^ 
c,  j,  k,  1,  m,  n  ;  xii.  4,  hrrrjiKev^  d,  g,  k,  1,  m,  n. 
In  regard  to  the  use  of  the  breathings  in  the  later  uncials 


*Codex  69  of  the  Gospels  (Acts  31,  Paul  37,  Apoc.  14),  collated  by  Scrivener  (L  Gosp.,  m  Acts 
ndEpp.,  f  Apoc.),  almost  always  aspirates  tortinri\KiTi/cai\  tarii.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
•cribe  who  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century  supplied  Codex  B  with  accents  and  breathings.  Sec 
the  prdace  of  Ruenen  and  Cobet  to  their  N.  T.  ad  fid.  Cod.  Vat.  (x86o) ,  p.  Ixxxvii.  f. 


292  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

we  have  little  information,  except  general  statements  as  to 
their  irregularity,  and  the  evidence  of  this  from  fac-similes. 
There  is  an  exception,  however,  in  the  case  of  Codex  F  of  the 
Gospels,  of  which  J.  Heringa's  careful  collation  has  been 
published  by  H.  E.  Vinke  :  Disputatio  de  Codice  Boreeliano, 
nunc  Rheno-TrajectinOy  etc.,  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1843,  4^o-     This 

MS.    reads    earr/Kev,    John    i.    26 ;    effrr/Kare^    Matt.    XX.    6  ;    eoTificaaaf, 

Matt.  xii.  47  ;  earr/Kijc,  John  vi.  22,  and  earudjc^  John  iii.  29 ; 
effTT/Kdrciv^  Mark  xi.  5  ;  eoru^,  John  xii.  29;  t(rrdi,  Matt.  xxiv.  15, 
Mark  xiii.  14;  effrt^rff , -rar ,  -rwv,  Matt.  XX.  3,  6,  xxvi.  73,  xxvii. 
47 ;  ;<7r;//cf/,  Matt.  xiii.  2,  John  i.  35  ;  and  urrrfKtioav,  Matt.  xii.  46. 
Thus,  of  the  twenty-seven  examples  which  it  contains  of  the 
perfect  and  pluperfect  forms  of  kttti/u,  the  collator  has  expressly 
noted  seventeen  in  which  they  have  the  smooth  breathing. 

Another  uncial  MS.  of  the  Gospels,  Codex  H  at  Hamburg, 
has  been  recently  examined  with  reference  to  this  matter  by 
Dr.  C.  R.  Gregory,  of  Leipzig,  at  the  request  of  a  member 
of  our  Committee,  with  a  result  still  more  striking.  Of  the 
thirty-one  examples  which  it  contains  of  the  perfect  and  plu- 
perfect forms  of  larr/fxt^  twcnty-cight  have  the  smooth  breath- 
ing ;  two,  the  rough  ;  and  one  is  doubtful,  having  been  altered 
from  one  to  the  other.  The  reading  in  the  present  passage 
is  peculiar, — ov;(ffyrf/Kn>.  Dr.  Gregory  has  also  made  notes  on 
the  cursive  MS.  234  of  the  Gospels  (Acts  57,  Paul  72)  at 
Copenhagen.  In  the  perfect  and  pluperfect  forms  of  'inrT/fu  it 
has  the  smooth  breathing  ten  times,  and  the  original  smooth 
has  been  altered  to  the  rough  six  (or  perhaps  seven)  times 
besides.  It  may  be  worth  while  to  add  that  in  the  fac-simile 
of  Codex  33  of  the  Gospels,  given  by  Scrivener  in  his 
IntroductioUy  2d  ed.,  Plate  xii.  No.  34  (3d  ed.,  Plate  xiii.  No. 
39),  the  participle  ^^^-^^c  has  the  smooth  breathing.  So  in  the 
fac-simile  of  Evan.  348,  dated  a.d.  1023,  published  by  the 
Palcrog?'.  Soc.  Part  ix.  (1879),  P^-  I30- 

As  to  the  reading  ^^v  inniKn'  [sic]  for  "'\r  '^yrriKrv  in  one  place 
in  some  editions  of  Origen  and  of  Didymus  (see  above),  and 
in  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (iv.  563,  cd.  Aubert),  it  may  be  a  mere 
misprint ;  it  is  so  treated  by  the  later  editors  of  Origen 
(Lommatzsch,   ii.    264),   Didymus    (Migne,   Patr.   Gr,  xxxix. 


NOTE   ON  JOHN   VIII.    44  293 

1 105),  and  Cyril  (Pusey,  ii.  icx)).  If,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
was  derived  from  a  MS.,  as  may  be  the  case,  though  it  is 
nowhere  so  stated,  we  can  only  infer  that  the  scribe  pro- 
nounced the  perfect  fonfKei'  without  the  aspirate. 

In  view  of  the  facts  which  have  been  presented,  it  appears 
that  the  evidence  for  an  imperfect  iarfjKev  in  this  passage, 
though  it  may  at  first  seem  strong,  breaks  down  at  every 
point ;  and  till  some  proof  of  the  actual  use  of  an  imperfect 
of  ffr/>w  shall  be  produced,  we  must  regard  its  very  existence 
as  imaginary. 


XV. 

ON    THE    READING    "CHURCH    OF    GOD," 

ACTS   XX.   28. 

[From  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra  for  April,  1876.*] 

Common  Version:  **Take  heed  therefore  unto  yourselves, 
and  to  all  the  flock,  over  the  which  the  Holy  Ghost  hath 
made  you  overseers,  to  feed  the  church  of  God,  which 
he   hath   purchased  with  his  own  blood."      Received  Text: 

II/w*rT/,Y''7f  «'•'■'  ra^Toif  kui  TTni'Ti  rt^  Troiuviu,  ir  u  iftag  To  TVEifua  ru  a'^urv  iBero 
izftTKo'iinir,  Trotuali'ttv  t//v  tKK/T/ainv  rov  dtai\  f/v  TTFptFTrotr/ffnTO  Ata  Tov  M/oi*  aifiaro^. 

Various  readings:  «»•',  "therefore,"  is  bracketed  by  Lach- 
mann,  and  omitted  by  Tischendorf,  Tregelles,  Green  {Two- 
fold Nezo  Jest.),  and  Westcott  and  Hort,  but  is  retained  by 
Alford  and  Wordsworth.  T^or  rov  f^eoi-,  "  God,"  Lachmann, 
Tischendorf,  Tregelles,  and  Green  read  rniKvpiur^  "the  Lord"; 
Alford,  Wordsworth,  and  Westcott  and  Hort  retain  ''for.  But 
Tregelles  places  f^for  in  the  margin  with  a  mark  of  interroga- 
tion, implying  some  doubt  whether  it  should  not  be  regarded 
as  an  alternative  reading  ;  and  Alford,  on  the  other  hand, 
puts  KViuw  in  the  margin,  in  large  type,  as  of  nearly  equal 
authority  with  ^^"'•.     All  the  editions  named  above  read  in 

the  last  clause  '^'<'  ~(*'v  (n/inrt)^  rov  nSIm^  for  (ha  rov  'tdiov  aittaro^. 

Oi  those  who  have  written  treatises  on  the  textual  criticism 
of  the  New  Testament,  Porter,  Davidson,  and  Hammond 
give  the  preference  to  ^^y)/or ;  Scrivener  and  Milligan  defend 
(hor.  Among  recent  commentators  and  translators,  ^k>i'  is  pre- 
ferred by  Dr.  Gloag  ;  on  the  other  hand,  Meyer.  Ewald, 
Lechler  (in  Lange's  Bibclwerk)  very  confidently,  Overbeck, 
])r.  David  Hrown  (with  hesitation),  Holtzmann  (in  Bunsen's 
BihcluH'rk)y  the  new  Dutch  translation  (1868),  and  Weiz.sacker 
adopt  the  readin^^  Kjyj/or. 


♦  (The  substance  of  this  nrtii  Ir  wns  nriKin:illy  pro|)nrcd  at  the  request  of  the  New  Testament 
Company  of  the  American  Hiblical  Revisii>n  Cominiltec.J 


ON  THK    RKADINC   "  I.HfRi:H    OF   GOD  " 


295 


To  recount  the  opinions  of  the  earlier  critics,  or  to  give  a 
sketch  of  the  literature  of  the  subject,  would  carry  us  too 
far.  But  as  a  mistake  made  by  one  scholar  often  leads  many 
astray,  it  may  be  well  to  say  that  Matthaei  does  not  read  B""', 
as  stated  by  De  Wette,  Davidson,  and  Alford,  but  a'piuv  koI  Omi; 
in  both  of  his  editions ;  that  Gratz  does  not  reject  nipioi',  as  is 
affirmed  by  BloomficM  (9th  ed.},  but  adopts  It;  and  that 
although  Michaclis  defends  &""•  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Ni-'m 
Testament  (4th  ed.,  1788),  in  a  later  work  (Anmerkungen  sh 
seiner  Uebers.  d.  N.  7'.,  1 790,  ii.  407  ff.)  he  gives  the  preference 
to  Kvpiov  as  the  best  supported  reading. 

The  passage  presents  one  of  the  most  interesting  and 
important  problems  in  the  textual  criticism  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament ;  but  no  thorough  investigation  of  the  evidence  for 
the  different  readings  has  been  published,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  since  the  time  of  Wetstcin.  The  recent  accession  of 
the  Sinaitic  MS,  to  the  authorities  for  6tni  may  be  thought  by 
some  to  turn  the  scale  in  its  favor;  and  the  fact  that  this 
reading  is  received  into  the  text  by  scholars  so  eminent  as 
Professor  Westcott  and  Dr.  Hort  might  alone  justify  a  new 
discussion  of  the  question,  if  any  excuse  were  needed. 

In  stating  the  evidtnce  for  the  different  readings,  we  may 
begin  with 

1.   THE    ALITI lOKITI HS    KOK    K.mor. 


Manuscripts.- 


-A,C', 


1   and    Led.   ^ ; 


xi'  xioixii'  xu"  XI  ■  xiV  xil'  xii' 
all,  four  uncials  and  sixteen  cursives,*  As  to  date,  two  are 
supposed  to  be  of  the  fifth  century,  two  of  the  sixth,  one  of 
the  tenth  or  eleventh,  five  of  the  eleventh,  one  of  the  eleventh 
or  twelfth,  four  of  the  twelfth,  four  of  the  thirteenth,  and  one 


MS.(Ne 

*  Coll.  Ojfonl,  jB) 

puM 

A^ 

by  CraiMi  w<ih  ■» 

am' ",  bill  duct » 

mth  No. 

j6.    WaomMHC 

H  , 

Lond   iBb..  p.  ,M 

uaddlo 

ihcfvidcncerDrn,. 

\«m 

.ndScr,MS.S.''    i 

njrt-m-,   B-an. 

l<n 

Kcrf 

•ichii/ 

...«hH«l..p.,-«(.  M 

A<^u;  a—  In  Ihe  lut  sbsvc  it 

u.«l. 

juwn 

uiBioTthcAcu] 

296  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

of  the  fourteenth.  Here  the  high  character  of  the  cursives 
which  read  Kvpiw  is  particularly  to  be  remarked.  Eight  of 
them,  Nos.  13,  36,  40,  69,  73,  81,  95,  and  180,  are  marked  by 
Tischendorf  with  an  asterisk  in  the  Prolegomena  to  his 
seventh  critical  edition  as  noticeable  for  their  agreement  with 
the  text  of  the  most  ancient  copies ;  and  there  are  three 
others  at  least,  namely,  Nos.  15,  18,  and  a"*,  which  deserve 
to  be  so  marked.  The  first  in  the  list,  No.  13  (33  Gosp.,  17 
Pauline  Epist.),  is  said  by  Eichhorn  to  be  "full  of  the  most 
excellent  and  oldest  readings."  He  styles  it  "the  Queen  of 
the  cursive  manuscripts."  No.  40  Tischendorf  designates 
as  "codex  admodum  insignis;"  it  represents  the  text  of 
Euthalius.  No.  73  is  called  by  Griesbach  "praestantissimus;" 
"optimis  adnumerare  non  dubito,"  says  Birch  {Variae  LecL 
1798,  p.  ix.).  No.  180  is  justly  spoken  of  by  Scrivener  as 
"important."  Finally,  Scrivener's  "a"  represents,  according 
to  him,  "a  very  interesting  and  valuable  text, .  .  .  being  found 
in  harmony  .  .  .  with  the  most  ancient  MSS.,  and  very  con- 
spicuously with  that  most  precious  document  designated  .  .  . 
as  p"  (now  61,  formerly  Tischendorf's  "lo"").  ijntrod,  to 
Cod,  AugicnsiSy  p.  Ivi.)  The  excellence  of  most  of  the  cur- 
sives that  support  ^^•p/or,  in  contrast  with  the  inferior  character 
of  those  which  read  (hoi,  is  an  important  point,  and  will  be 
illustrated  hereafter. 

Ancient  Versions.  — The  Old  Latin  (second  century),  as 
shown  by  the  quotations  in  all  the  earlier  Latin  Fathers  (see 
below),  confirmed  more  or  less  by  the  Latin  interpreter  of 
Irenaeus,  and  the  Gracco-Latin  MSS.  D  and  E;*  the  Mem- 
phitic  or  Coptic  (third  century,  or  perhaps  the  second),  the 
Thebaic  or  Sahidic  (same  date),  the  Armenian  (fifth  century), 
and  the  Harclean  or  Philoxenian  Syriac  (a.d.  616)  in  the 
tu.irgifi,  representing  an  Alexandrian  MS.  "  very  accurate 
and  approved,"  according  to  Thomas  of  Harkel,  and  which 
certainly  exhibits  an  early  form  of  the  text,  though,  like  D, 
disfigured  by  interpolations. 


*  Domiui  is  also  the  reading  of  the  Cigas  Lihrorum,  published  by  Bclsheim,  Christumia,  1879, 
the  only  MS.  of  the  Old  Latin  rontaiuing  the  Acts  complete. 


I 


I 


ON  THE   READING  "CHURCH   OF   GOD"  197 

Fathers.  —  Irenaeus  (cir.  a.d.  iSo),  Cottt.  Haer.  iii,  14.  §  2, 
in  a  very  early  Lalin  version  (already  used,  it  is  thought,  by 
Tertullian) :  Atiendite  igitiir  el  vodis  et  omni  gregi  in  quo  vos 
Sfiiritus  sanctus  praeposuil  episcopos,  regere  ecclesiam  Domini, 
quam  sibi  comtituit  per  sangmncm  suHtn.  This  is  the  more 
important,  as  it  is  part  of  a  quotation  embracing  six  verses 
(v.  25—30),  and  therefore  probably  not  made  from  memory. 
I  know  of  no  particular  reason  for  doubting  that  this  version 
represents  the  Greek  of  Irenaeus  ;  certainly  there  is  nothing 
in  the  context  {pace  Mr.  Nolan)  to  suggest  such  a  doubt ;  and 
we  may  at  any  rate  say  with  Lachmann,  "licet  aliquando  non 
Irenaeum  sed  Latinos  novi  testament!  codices  secutus  sit 
[Latinus  inlerpres],  eos  cum  Irenaei  libris  in  plerisquc  omni- 
bus consensisse  multis  documentis  cognoscitur"  (..V.  T.  torn, 
i.  p.  X.).  But  if  it  be  assumed,  without  proof,  that  the  trans- 
lator here  followed  the  Old  Latin  version  instead  of  Irenaeus, 
we  have  at  all  events  a  testimony  for  w;pfot' which  reaches  back 
to  the  second  century. 

Apostolical  Constitutions  (third  or  fourth  century?),  ii.  61, 
§  4,  an  allusion  rather  than  a  quotation,  and  from  which, 
though  it  favors  kvi^ov,  we  cannot  draw  any  confident  infer- 
ence ;  ffinTp^Jtrr  t\%  rt/v  iii*),iieiav  Tnii  wvpiov,  l/v  irrtunrod/aarn  ry  liifiafi  rou 
XpiOToi  Toir  tiyajnifiiroK,  roi  npunrtUuv  irdoiw  UTiarui.       Here,  according   tO 

Lagarde,  Codices  x,  y,  z,  of  the  fourteenth  and  sixteenth  cen- 
turies, but  of  different  families,  with  the  edition  of  Turrianus, 
which  he  follows,  read  •1/1™,  while  Codex  w  (a.d.  nil)  has 
fcoJi,  Compare  the  allusion  vii.  26.  §  r  ;  viii.  13.  §  18.  I  do 
not  include  ii.  57.  §  13;  viii.  11.  g  3,  41.  §  4;  see  1  Pel.  i. 
18,  ig.  The  compiler  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  if  he 
refers  to  Acts  xx.  28,  may  possibly,  though  not  very  probably, 
have  interpreted  the  ^la  mii  ai/uirof  nw  itinv  a.s  equivalent  to  •''«  r. 
ui/i.  r.  lAoi.  uiof-,  as  is  done  by  Erasmus  {Paraphr),  Limborch 
(though  he  prefers  the  reading  «"p™),  John  Milton,  Lenfant 
and  Beausobre,  Docderlein,  Van  der  Palm  (note  in  his  Dutch 
trans.),  Granville  Penn,  and  Mr.  Darby.  But  if  he  read  s™' 
in  the  Acts,  he  would  hardly  have  substituted  the  unusual 
expression,  "the  church  of  the  Lord."  which  occurs  else- 
where, I  believe,  but  twice  in  the  Constitutions  (ii.  2a  §  9, 


298  CRITICAL   ESSAVS 

43-  §  4)»  for  his  familiar  phrase,  "  church  of  God,"  which  he 
uses  at  least  sixteen  or  eighteen  times. 

Athanasius  (fl.  a.d.  328,  d.  373),  in  Ep,  i.  ad  Scrap,  c.  6,  as 
edited,  reads  (huv\  but  Cod.  Reg.  i,  of  the  tenth  or  eleventh 
century,  and  "egregiae  notae"  according  to  Montfaucon,  has 
Kiy)V»r,  and  three  other  good  MSS.  xp^^rov.  (Athan.  Opp.  i. 
^53^  ed.  Bened.,  or  ii.  544**  in  Migne*s  Patrol,  xxvi.)  That 
the  true  text  of  Athanasius  here  is  either  /cvp/ou  or  xp^frrov  is 
made  almost  certain,  I  think,  not  only  by  the  passage  cited 
by  Tischendorf  from  his  treatise  against  Apollinaris,  but  by 
many  other  passages  in  the  same  work.  See  below.  Supple- 
mentary Note  A,  p.  325  ff. 

Didymus  of  Alexandria  (a.d.  309-395),  De  Trin,  ii.  8.  §  2 
(Opp.  col.  621^  in  Migne's  Patrol,  xxxix.),  quotes  the  passage 
ii/KWTtvi'c'c  •  •  •  '^"*  '"^'  «'^'«»'  diuaro^^  with  the  reading  Ktfpiw,  So  also 
in  his  treatise  Dc  Spiritn  SanctOy  c.  24  (Opp.  col.  1054*),  as 
preserved  in  the  Latin  tran.slation  by  Jerome.  In  a  reference 
to  the   passage   in    Cramer's  Catena  (p.  337),  he   uses  the 

expression   ''v  ^ot/ni>iif)  b  iTFpie7roif/aaTo  6  auTt/p  rc^  tdiif)  alfian, 

Chrysostom  (a.d.  347-407)  quotes  the  passage  with  the 
reading  k'vIov  in  //om.  xi.  ///  Jtp,  ad  Eph,  (on  Eph.  iv.  12,  Opp. 
xi.  83'  (95),  ed.  Montf.).  Here  the  MSS.  of  Savile,  Mont- 
faucon, and  Field  present  no  variation,  and  Matthaei's  MS. 
of  Chrysostom  confirms  the  reading  (see  his  N,  T,  Gr,  ct  Lat. 
viii.  92,  note  on  ICph.  iv.  9).  That  Chrysostom's  text  in  his 
Comm.  on  the  Acts,*  as  edited  by  Montfaucon,  which  reads 
^toi-  twice  (Opp.  ix.  333  (372)),  has  been  corrupted,  as  often 
elsewhere  (sec  Tregelles,  Textual  Criticism,  p.  335),  is  proved, 
I  think,  by  five  distinct  considerations :  {a)  By  the  context, 

as    Mill    perceived,  //   /^  <>  (Uauorf/g  iTtp  ryg  tKKAT/aiag  ov6e  tov  al/iaroi 

t^iinuTo  rui'  Hirrov,  k.t.'/.,  though  this  alouc  might  not  be  decisive. 
(/?)  By  the  extract  in  Cramer's  Catena  on  the  passage  (pp.  336, 
337),  shown  to  belong  to  Chrysostom  instead  of  Ammonius, 
not  only  by  its  contents,  but,  what  has  not  been  noticed, 


*  That  fhor  stands  in  the  text  prefixed  to  the  comment  is  hardly  worthy  of  notice,  as  editors 
and  transcrilxirs  vcn'  often  in  such  cases  conformed  the  text  to  that  of  the  copies  with  which  they 
were  familiar.  Sec  Wctstcin's  .V.  T.  ii.  8(7;  also,  TischcndorTs  notes  on  Acts  xi.  ao,  p.  97,  and 
I  Cor.  vii.  5,  p.  489,  bottom. 


ON  THE    READING   "CHURCH   OF  GOD 


tnURC 


^ 


expressly  ascribed  to  Chrysoslom  (t™  xpimari^av  instead  of 
TowaJmn)  in  the  PaHs  MS.  of  this  catena  (Cod.  Coislin.  xxv., 
i>.  No.  IS  of  the  Acts),  which  is  much  older  and  better  than 
the  Oxford  MS.  (see  Cramer,  p.  446,  and  his  Preface,  p.  iv.). 
This  catena  reads  twice,  in  both  MSS.,  niu/iah'Kv  r.  «.  n^  siv.ion 
where  Montfaucon  has"."i\*  (r)  By  the  anonymous  commen- 
tary on  the  Acts  published  by  Finetti  with  the  works  of 
Thco|)hylact.  from  a  MS,  in  the  Medicean  Library  at  P'lor- 
cnce,  and  which  here,  as  often  elsewhere,  abridges  Chrysos- 

tom.  This  reads  'Owrl  ^°P°  ™''  ir'-rl'I'aTo^  Ix""'  t^b  ^fiporiw/ai'.  TToi/ati- 
itw    Tip:  fiwAijtriov  roi'    KVplav.       '\fini>  Koi  3/Ji?  avayaf    rou   Kiipiov   iarlv  !/ 

IvJu^ia.  (Tkeophylacti  0pp.,  ed.  De'Rossi  and  Finetti,  iii. 
620',  or  iii.  II 15°  in  Migne's  Patrol,  cxxv.)  (^d)  It  has  not 
been  observed  that  this  reading  of  Chrysostoni  in  the  catena 
is  further  confirmed  in  part  by  one  or  more  of  Savile's  MSS. 
In  his  edition  of  Chrysostom  (vol.  iv.  p.  855),  for  the  text  of 

Montfaucon,  ri-n,   vmimivHV  n,v  h.  nr  Orot;  Ho'v  ml  SnTfpa  [ac.  awi^^^']  ■ 

he  gives  the  various  reading,  "iiWiMidWi?,  rot  xtip/ownn-inj /«Ai«n'o.f 
(f)  Adding  to  these  considerations  the  fact  that  Chrysostom 
on  Eph.  iv.  12  unquestionably  reads  wpon,  we  cannot  reason- 
ably hesitate,  I  think,  to  regard  the  catena  as  preserving  the 
true  reading  here.  If  Dr.  Tregelles  is  right  {Printed  Text, 
p.  232)  in  regarding  the  Homilies  on  the  Acts  as  not  really 
Chrysostom's,  this  last  argument  falls  away  :  but  the  others 
appear  to  be  decisive,  and  we  have  then  two  authorities  for 
tvpim  instead  of  one.  J 


>l«,  ud  pTciaec,  pp.  v: 


•So  Che  besi  MSS.  of  Chiymiom  ii.  /or.,  In  it 
accoidingly  adoplcd  by  ihe  tFdn»Lilors[>rChrywi1i>m'& 
ol  the  Fuhcn.  Se«  Pui  11.  (OifDrd,  iSji),  p,  j^j, 
UhUSS. 

the  true  rsHliog  of  ChiyMHUHD.  Id  hit  Him.  iv,  (aL  iiv.)  in  Jtait.  (on  John  i.  i9,  Opp.  vUi. 
S6  t»).  cd.  Uonlf.).  ttaE  prinled  ediDou  rod:  E(  &i  otMxf^  ^1.  Bill!  l^-tptJOli  tV 
aapti,  fii/  Sav/iAogf  ■  iiri  1/  ^mipuaif  ilia  r^r  ini/ndr,  «.  T.  i.  Bui  htii  S«vile  iCbij'' 
Opp,  li.  61J,  1.  =7)  gim  ihe  Y«riou>  iraJijig,  Ara  Taiir6  ^r/viv.  If  ftnvtpiillr/  iv  napiii,  i  yap 
^vtauei^.  c.  T.  y.  Thu  i>  raafintiHl  by  the  Lodo  miulaiioa  of  Chryvntom's  Htunilia  on 
John  nude  in  the  iifteiath  nnlury  by  FisnceMO  Accolliof  Areno  (Fnncucus  Anluiiit}.  which 
foAt:  "  Proplerca  uiquil.  Qui mani/titnlHt  txt  /h  enrit*,"  vxz. 

CTimer'i  cAEen*  on  1  Tim.  ui.  t6  likewise  pretervet  ihe  genuine  tut  of  Chrytovtoni  iq  c^po- 
lilJHi  tD  Ihe  lut  of  Monifaucon,  and  i>  here  eonlitiaed  by  an  Old  Luin  Tenion  aS  Ihii  Fitbet,  u 
t«  Rinsulwd  by  Dt.  W.  U.  Ward,  in  hit  valuable  utiiJi  on  ihii  puafe  in  the  BiilMhtiM  Smrr* 


fo.J«. 


JThe  (nmlatm  orOirynHtnm'i  Horn 


HI  Iht  Atk,  in  the  <  Ixfonl  Libiaiy  of  Ihe  Fuhen, 


300  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

Euthalius  (5th  century).     See  p.  296. 

Pseudo-Cyril  (sth  century  ?),  De  saiictA  et  vivif.  Trin,  c.  26, 
published  by  Cardinal  Mai  as  Cyril's,  but  regarded  by 
Dr.  Tregelles  [Account  of  Printed  Text,  p.  232,  note  f),  to 
whose  judgment  I  defer,  as  belonging  to  a  later  author:  Tipoo- 

f^rri:  .  .  ,  Kvpiov  ,  ,  .  dia  tov  cufiaroq  tov  IdioiK       {CyrilH   Opp.    viil.   1 185^ 

in  Migne  Ixxv.) 

Constantine  VI.  and  Irene,  Letter  to  Pope  Hadrian  I. 
{Divalis  sacra  ad  Hadrian,  papam)  at  the  time  of  the  second 
Nicene  Council  (a.d.  ySy) :  "  Et  iterum  divinus  .  .  .  apostolus 
...  sic  mandavit  :  Pascitc  grcgcm  Domini  cum  disciplina, 
quam  acquisivit  proprio  sanguined  {Conciliay  ed.  Coleti,  viil 
677^  678\) 

Theodorus    Studita    (a.d.  759-826),  Epist,  lib.  ii.  ep.  56: 

ofHJv  ovTu  Kiv^wevovaav  Ttjv  enK/jfaiav^  f^v  TrepiETroif/iJaro  Kvpiog  dta  tov  oiKeiov  atfiarog. 

(In  Sinnondi  Opp,  Var  v.  379^  or  Migne  xcix.  I269^) 

Antonius,  compiler  of  Melissa*  (8th  century.^  12th  cen- 
tury .^),  in  "  Loci  communes  Sententiarum  .  .  .  collecti  per 
Antonium  et  Maximum  monachos,"  etc.,  Genev.  1609  (ap- 
pended to  Stobaeus),  Scnn,  clxxiii.  p.  286 :  Upookx^^  -  -  •  «v»<<w 

.  .  ',  ihii  T.  irT.  aijiaTog. 


have  shown  that  the  text  of  these  Homilies,  as  it  appears  in  modern  editions  (as  those  of  Com- 
melin,  Savile,  Morel  [which  commonly  goes  under  the  name  of  Fronto  Ducaciis),  and  the 
IJencdiciines  [''here  not  Montfaucon  "]),  is  founded  on  MSS.   (particularly  the  Paris  MS.  No. 

cent.  X.  \ 

729        ...   -  .     ,  which  represent  a  corrupt  recension  of  the  text,  in  opposition  to  the  Paris 

u  (E  of  Oxf.  trans.)  /  "^  ^  *^*^ 

MSS,  No.  725'     ',  726       ',  727        ',  and  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  New  College,  Oxford,  which  con- 
A  u  c 

tain  the  old  text.  conHrmed  by  the  Catena  of  Andreas  the  presbyter  (not  later  than  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, for  tlic  MS.  is  of  that  age),  Occumcnius,  Theophylact,  and  the  scholia  in  MSS.  of  the  Act«;. 
Savile  has  corrected  words  and  phrases  here  and  there  from  the  New^  College  M.S.  The  P.iris 
MS.'^.  728  and  73  suppl.  "  exhibit  a  text  compiled  from  old  and  new,  and  with  alterations  peculi  ir 
to  itself.  Of  the  six  Parisian  MSS.  a  full  collation  w.is  made  for  '  the  Library  of  the  Fathers'; 
of  N,  we  hu\c  at  present  but  a  partial  collation." 

They  have  acconlinyly  translated  fmm  this  older  text.  (.See  Preface  to  the  Homilies  on  the 
Acts,  P.irt  IL,  Oxford,  1852,  pp.  vi.-x.) 

I  quote  from  their  transl.uion,  p.  595:  — 

"  /«  ivhich  the  Holy  ti/tpst  hath  made  ycu  oi'erseerst  to  feed  the  Church  of  God.  See,  it 
is  from  the  Spirit  ye  have  your  ordination.  This  is  one  constraint:  [then]  he  says,  To  feed  the 
Church  of  the  Lord.^  \xi\  another  obligation :  the  Church  is  the  Ix>rd's.  And  a  third:  which 
he  hath  purchased  with  his  own  blood." 

*  C.wc  and  many  others  call  him  Antonius  Melissa.     But  this  seems  to  be  an  error.    Melissa 
was  the  title  of  his  compilation. 

"  y  Hence  it  appears  that  St.  Chr>'s.  reads  \\vpntv  not  (^fv/f  in  this  text,  though  in  the  citation 
the  scribes  give  it  according  to  the  other  reading,  (rhor.' 


ON  THE   READING   "CHURCH   OF  GOD*'  3OI 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  quotations  given  by  Wetstein 
(iV.  7".  ii.  597,  598),  to  which  I  must  content  myself  with 
referring  for  want  of  space,  from  Origen  (a.d.  230),*  Gregory 
of  Nyssa  (a.d.  370),  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (a.d.  412),  Eutherius 
(not  "Eucherius")  of  Tyana  (a.d.  419),  Theodoret  (a.d.  423), 
see  especially  his  Third  Dialogue,  Nestorius  (a.d.  428), 
and  Joannes  Maxentius  (a.d.  520),  —  seem  altogether  incon- 
sistent with  the  supposition  that  they  could  have  regarded 
"  the  blood  of  God  "  as  a  Scriptural  expression.  We  may 
with  great  probability  consider  these  writers  as  supporting 
the  reading  Kvphv,  or  possibly  in  some  cases  (as  in  that  of 
Theodoret),  xp^^ov.  To  these  I  would  add  Eustathius  of 
Antioch  (fl.  a.d.  325),  who  maintains  that  he  has  shown 
ttza^eg  t6  Seiov  tov  xpi<^"^  'xvevfw.  (see  the  passagcs  preserved  by 
Theodoret  in  Migne's  Patrol,  xviii.  681)  ;  who  affirms,  as 
quoted  by  Gelasius,  "vesaniunt  et  bacchantur  et  furiunt  et 
insaniunt  et  suis  mentibus  excesserunt,  qui  Deo  Verbo  passi- 
onem  applicare  praesumunt "  (Migne,  xviii.  694)  ;  who  says, 
as  quoted  in  Syriac  by  Sabarjesus  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Orient. 
III.  i.  542),  **  Si  quis  dixerit  Deum  Verbum  quascumque  cre- 
aturarum  passiones  passum  fuisse,  maledictus  esto  in  caelo  et 
in  terra,"  and  who,  like  Theodoret,  in  discussing  this  ques- 
tion, meets  the  argument  of  his  adversaries  founded  on  i  Cor. 
ii.  8  (see  Migne,  xviii.  681'),  but  seems  never  to  have  heard 
of  an  argument  from  Acts  xx.  28.  Sabarjesus  (ibid)  also 
quotes  "  Gregory  "  ("  perhaps  Thaumaturgus,"  says  Asse- 
mani) as  saying,  "  Stultus  est  et  insipiens  qui  affirmat  Deum 
Verbum  cum  suo  templo  passiones  tulisse."  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus  (fl.  a.d.  370)  is  shocked  at  the  idea  that  our  Saviour 


*The  passages  of  Origen  cited  by  Wetstein  are  Cont.  Cels.  ii.  36  (h.irdly  relevant)  and  vii. 
16  (see  cc.  13-17),  0pp.  i.  416,  705,  ed.  De  la  Rue.  To  these  may  be  added  Comm.  in  Joafi. 
t. xxviii.  c.  14,  (WK  fiTf^fiai'ev  6  #euf  /6}oc,  a.  r.  >.  ;  i-  xxxii.  c.  17.  0pp.  iv.  392»le,  446b;  and 
especially  Comm.  in  Afatt.  t.  xvi.  c.  8  ad  fin.,  Opp.  iii.  726,  727.  "  The  gcnlhead  of  Clirist,"  as 
Redepenning  remarks,  *'  Origen  everywhere  taught  had  no  share  in  his  suffering  "  {Ort'^cnfs,  ii. 
410,  n.  7).  The  expression  "  Deum  crucifixcrunt,"  which  Dr.  Burton  ascril>cs  to  Origen  (  Testim. 
of  iht  Anie-Nicent  Fathers  to  the  Div.  0/  Christ ,  pp.  223,  312),  re«;ts  only  on  the  notoriously 
untrustworthy  authority  of  the  Latin  translation  of  Riifinus.  (Oriccn,  Opp-  ii.  676b.)  The 
reader  of  Dr.  Burton's  book  needs  also  to  be  warned  that  the  comments  ascribed  to  Origen  in 
Catenae  arc  often  of  very  doubtful  genuineness.  See  the  Preface  to  vol.  ii.  of  De  la  Rue's 
edition. 


302  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ry  i(J/>  avTov  0e6rirri  nddo^  Ai^aaOai  {Epist,  CCiii.  ad  Nectafium  /  0pp. 

iii.  333*,  in  Migne  xxxvii.).     Amphilochius  of   Iconium  (fl. 

A.D.  370)  also  says  :  Ei  //tv  wv  ^e<Jr;/f  liraBtv,  f/rraf  rd  ^Ao^iaov  (MignC, 

Patrol.  Gr,  xxxix.  lOO**),  with  much  more  of  the  same  sort 
(Migne,  xxxix.  104s  108*,  113***;  and  Sabarjesus  in  Assemani, 
as  above). 

We  may  notice  here  some  misleading  references  :  Eusebius, 
Comm.  in  Isa.  xxxv.  9,  10  (0pp.  vi.  34iS  in  Migne  xxiv.), 
cited  by  Wetstein  and  many  others,  seems  to  me  to  prove 
nothing.  The  rf*a  Kvpiov  belongs  to  Isaiah  ;  and  the  oi^  alrhq 
Atf/jov^Ti  e/.vTp6aaTo  rtft  iditf)  aifiari  may  as  well  refer  to  I  Pet.  i.  18,  19, 
and  Eph.  i.  7,  as  to  Acts  xx.  28.  Equally  inconclusive  is  the 
passage  referred  to  in  the  Epistle  of  Maximus  to  Nicander : 

Ka6o7Majv  SKK/jfaiai;  Kal  rov  ravrrfv  AC  difiautq  oIkeuw  ko)  l^cx)Koim>  Kara  di/.rfotv 

QfmitadfjLEvov  Kvfitov  (0pp.  cd.  Combcfis,  ii.  47,  or  Migne,  xci.  92*). 
The  Epistle  of  Ibas  to  Maris  or  Mares  (not  "  Marinus  ")  has 
been  cited  on  both  sides  without  reason.  In  the  passage 
referred  to,  the  Greek  text  or  version  reads  "God,"  while 
three  independent  Latin  versions  have  "  Lord " ;  but  the 
passage  is  not  a  quotation,  and  it  may  be  doubted  whether  it 
contains  even  an  allusion  to  Acts  xx.  28.  See  Conciliay  ed. 
Coleti,  iv.  I577^  1578^  vi.  132'';  and  the  translation  of 
Facundus  Hermianensis,  Pro  Dcf.  trium  Capitnlornmy  lib.  vi. 
c.  3  (Mi^ne,  Ixvii.  665"). 

We  come  now  to  the  Latin  Fathers.  Their  quotations 
arc  of  interest  only  as  serving  to  determine  the  reading  of 
the  Old  Latin  version. 

Lucifer  of  Cagliari  (fl.  a.d.  354,  d.  371),  De  non parcendo  in 
Dcnm  dcliuquciitihus  (Migne,  xiii.  997*) :  Attcndite  .  .  .  regere 
ccclcsiain  Domini .  .  .  sanguine  suo. 

The  author  of  Quacst.  Vet.  et  Xov.  Test,  (a.d.  370),  Q.  97: 
Attcndite  .  .  .  regere  eeclesiani  Domini  yesn  (Migne,  xxxv. 
2296).  This  is  ascribed  to  Hilary  the  Deacon  by  Cave  and 
many  others,  and  was  written,  as  Cave  remarks,  about  a.d. 
370  (see  Quaest.  44).  It  was  formerly  attributed  to  Augustine, 
and  appears  in  many  editions  of  his  works. 

Jerome  {cir.  a.d.  345-420),  Epist.  146  (cil.  85)  ad  Evangelum 
(al.  Evagriinn) :  Attendite  .  .  .  ut  rcgeretis  eccles.  Domini .  .  . 


ON   THE   READING   "  CHURCH   OF   GOD  "  3O3 

sanguine  sua.  (0pp.  i.  1193  ;  Migne,  xxii.)  So  in  his  Comtn. 
in  Ep,  ad  Tit,  i.  5  (0pp.  vii.  563  ;  Migne,  xxvi.) :  Attendite 
.  .  .  pascere  eccles.  Domini  .  .  .  per  sanguinem  suum.  That 
Jerome's  text  is  here  faithfully  preserved  is  evinced  by  the 
fact  that  the  passage  is  cited  in  precisely  the  same  words  by 
Sedulius  Scotus  (8th  or  9th  century)  in  his  Collect,  in  Ep.  ad 
Titunt  (Migne,  ciii.  243**),  who  is  here  borrowing  from  Jerome ; 
and  by  Amalarius  of  Metz  (9th  century),  De  Eccles,  Offic.  ii. 
13  (Migne,  cv.  1089),  who  expressly  quotes  from  Jerome. 

Ambrose  of  Milan  (a.d.  340-397),  De  Spir.  Sancto,  ii.  13. 
§  152  (Opp,  ii.  663,  ed.  Bened.,  or  Migne,  xvi.  775**)  :  Atten- 
dite .  .  .  regere  eccles.  Dei,  as  edited.  But  it  has  not  been 
observed  that  the  Benedictine  editors  in  their  appendix  of 
"Variae  lectiones  inter  omissas  non  contcmnendae  "  inform 
us,  "  Quidam  mss.,  regere  ecclesiam  Domini''  Now  when  we 
consider  that  this  reading  is  supported  by  the  other  authori- 
ties for  the  Old  Latin  version,  and  that  the  tendency  of 
transcribers  would  be  to  conform  their  text  to  that  of  the 
Vulgate  rather  than  the  reverse,  it  seems  very  probable  that 
these  MSS.  represent  the  true  reading  of  Ambrose.  That 
he  did  not  read  Dei  here  is  confirmed  by  various  passages 
of  his  writings:  e.g.  De  Incam.  c.  vi.  §52:  "cum  utique 
Scripturae  dicant  quia  Christus  secundum  carnem  passus  est, 
non  secundum  divinitatem  "  ;  comp.  c.  v.  §§  37,  40 ;  De  Fide, 
ii-  c.  7,  §§  56-58 ;  c.  8,  §  65  ;  and  v.  c.  8,  §  106,  "quod  crea- 
tura  omnis  sine  passione  aliqua  divinitatis  Dominici  sanguinis 
redimenda  sit  pretio." 

Arator  (a.d.  544)  in  his  poetical  Paraphrase  of  the  Acts, 
lib.  ii.  lines  850-853  (Migne,  Ixviii.  221*"),  favors  the  reading 
Domini  ox  Christi :  "  —  Servatc,  ministri,  |  Ecclesiam  Christi 
\al.  Christus]  pretium  quam  sanguine  nobis  |  Fecit  in  orbe 
suo ;  famuli  retinere  laborent  |  Quae  Dominus  de  morte  dedit." 
I  do  not  know  for  what  reason  Wetstein,  Gricsbach,  Scholz, 
and  others  cite  this  work  under  the  name  of  Alcimus. 

The  collection  of  Scripture  passages  called  the  Specnlumy 
ascribed  on  very  sRght  evidence,  and  against  strong  pre- 
sumptions, to  Augustine,  but  at  any  rate  a  sort  of  authority 
for  the  Old  Latin  version,  quotes  the  passage  thus  :  "  Atten- 


304  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

dite  .  .  .  universe  gregi,  in  quo  sanctus  Spiritus  conlocavit 
vos  esse  episcopos,  ad  pascendam  ecclesiam  Jesu  Christi." 
{Spec.  c.  3  ;  Mai,  Nov.  Pair.  Bibl.  i.  ii.  p.  10.)  The  Speculum 
often  quotes  very  loosely ;  but  it  will  be  admitted,  I  think, 
that  in  a  loose  quotation  yesu  Christi  would  be  more  natu- 
rally substituted  for  Domini  than  for  Dei* 

The  argument  from  silence  must  be  used  with  caution ; 
but  considering  the  nature  of  the  writings  of  Tertullian, 
Cyprian  (see  especially  his  Testiin.  ii.  6),  and  Novatian  {De 
Regtila  Fidei  sive  de  Trinitate),  it  seems  almost  incredible 
that  they  should  not  have  cited  this  passage  if  they  had  the 
reading  Dei ;  and  I  think  we  may  reasonably  regard  them  as 
decidedly  confirming  Domini  as  the  reading  of  the  Old  Latin 
version. 

We  see  thus,  if  I  mistake  not,  that  all  the  authorities  for 
the  reading  of  the  Old  Latin  version  whose  testimony  is  of 
any  weight  favor  the  reading  "Lord."  The  only  apparent 
exception  is  Primasius,  who  is  too  late  to  be  of  any  impor- 
tance, flourishing  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  and 
who,  though  preserving  some  readings  of  the  Old  Latin,  is 
so  poor  an  authority  that  Dr.  Tregelles  remarks  in  his  Book 
of  Revelation  in  Grceky  etc.  (London,  1844),  p.  xxvii.,  note  f, 
'*  I  have  purposely  omitted  the  readings  of  the  ancient  Latin 
version  cited  by  Sabaticr  out  of  Primasius ;  many  of  the 
readings  so  cited  are  undoubtedly  really  ancient,  but  many  of 
them  have  been  iiidnbitahly  modernized,  —  perhaps  by  tran- 
scribers and  editors."! 


♦C.irclinal  Mai  .issiijns  the  .M'^.  of  the  Spt'culmn  (designated  by  Tischendorf  as  "  m  ")  to  the 
5>ixth  or  seventh  ccntiir>'.  Ikring  of  inturt.->t  as  perhaps  the  oldest  copy  that  contains  the  famous 
passage  i  John  v.  7  (it  h.u>  als  j  the  spurious  Epistle  to  the  Laodiccans),  it  may  be  well  to  note 
that  Rcifferschcid,  a  much  better  authority  a>  I  supix-»sc,  dalCN  it  as  *'  Saec.  viii.-ix."  {Die 
ri^mischeti  Bibliothekfn^  in  the  Sitzungsherichtc  J.  pkil.-hist.  CI.  J.  kat's.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.  zu 
WUtty  Bd.  i.  1865,  p.  753.)  Hartel  agrees  with  him  (IVcf.  to  his  edition  of  Cyprian,  p.  xxv. :  see 
also  p.  34).     [On  this  note  compare  the  *'  Postscript,"  p.  330  f.] 

\  A  more  careful  investigatitm  shows  that  Primxsius  is  an  important  authority  for  the  Old 
Latin  m  the  Apocalypse,  but  that  in  other  btxj'cs  of  the  N.  T.  he  follows  the  Vulgate.  —  We  may 
here  aj;ain  note  some  irrelevant  reference^:  The  .Acts  of  the  Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  258  or  256), 
Sfftt.  79  (al.  80),  merely  use  the  txprcssion  "ecclesiam  Domini  gubcrnantes,"  or  in  the  Greeki 
-/);•  Ikk'/..  ftenv  KV.it III  ('.)iTfr.  iConciiia,  ed.  Colcti,  i.  8i5<',  836'1«\)  Auj»ustine,  Con/.  Parmen. 
i.  1?  'al.  7,  al.  6),  cited  by  Wetstcin  and  manv  other*,  •^im-'ly  has  "  ille  Dominus  noster  qui  emit 
fotu:u  inundum  pretio  sanguinis  sui."     (Aug.  0pp.  ix.  i.  7ih,  ed.  Par.  alt.  1837.) 


ON  THE   READING   "  CHURCH   OF   GOD  "  305 

We  now  proceed  to 

II.    THE  AUTHORITIES   FOR  THE  READING  Oeov. 

\f  A  VTTC/^DIDTC  fc»     R       *_      —^-  ^3  »5  37         46         65 

IVlA.NUbCKll'lb.  K,    D,    xv'    Xll'    XI  or  XII*    ad.  1087*    XIII*    Xl'    Xlll' 

66*  /)\        68  84  3j        154       1^2      Lect.  12  ^  •/       -.  "        u  ^ 

xn  (•)'   xn*  xTT;^^:  T^*  xV*  x-v*  -7^  >   ^nd  ex  silcntio,  "on 
which,"  as  Scrivener  remarks,  "one  can  lay  but  little  stress," 

*  ;  in  all,  two  uncials  and  fourteen 


7 

13 

16 

39 

56 

64 

c*' 

C" 

X* 

XI' 

X' 

7* 

xn* 

XII* 

xv' 

XIV 

cursives,  with  eight  in  which  the  reading  is  merely  inferred 
from  the  silence  of  collators.  As  to  date,  passing  over  the 
silent  witnesses,  we  have  two  of  the  fourth  century  (middle), 
one  of  the  tenth,  four  of  the  eleventh,  one  of  the  eleventh  or 
twelfth,  three  of  the  twelfth,  two  of  the  thirteenth,  and  three 
of  the  fifteenth.  Of  this  whole  number,  Tischendorf  marks 
three  only  with  an  asterisk  as  noticeable  for  their  frequent 
agreement  with  the  oldest  MSS.  :  No.  25,  of  which  Griesbach 
says,  **  melioribus,  nee  tamen  optimis,  accensendus  est  "  ; 
No.  68,  of  which  he  says,  "  interdum  quidem  cum  optimis 
libris  consentit "  ;  and  Lect.  12,  of  which  Scrivener  remarks, 
"it  contains  many  valuable  readings  (akin  to  those  of  Codd. 
A,  D,  E)  but  numerous  errors."  We  ought  also,  I  think,  to 
add  c*",  though  its  reading  is  only  inferred  ex  silcntioy  as  it 
appears  to  be  well  collated.  Of  this  Scrivener  says,  "it  is 
one  of  our  best  authorities,  being  full  of  weighty  and  probable 
variations  from  the  common  herd."  With  these  exceptions, 
the  cursives  that  support  ^rov  are  of  a  very  inferior  character 
(see  the  special  examination  in  Griesbach's  note) ;  and,  as  a 
whole,  they  are  not  to  be  compared  in  value  with  those  that 
read  wp/ov.     This  will  be  illustrated  in  the  proper  place. 

Ancient  Versions.  —  The  Peshito  Syriac  (4th  century, 
in  its  present  form })  in  Lee's  edition,  and  in  eight  MSS., 
including  four  very  ancient,  in  another  as  a  late  correction, 
and  another  in  the  margin  (see  Supplementary  Note  B)  ;  the 
Vulgate  (fir,  a.d.  385)  ;  and  the  Harclean  or  Philoxenian 
Syriac  in  the  text  (a.d.  508,  rev.  616).  The  Aethiopic  of  the 
Polyglot  has  a  word  which  may  represent  /cip/of  or  ^for,  but  I 

*  [Tbeie  last  two  MSS.  are  now  numbered  by  Dr.  Scrivener  184  and  186  respectively:  see  his 
IntrvdmctiOMt  etc,  3d  ed.,  p.  a6o.] 


306  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

think  favors  t^eov ;  *  on  the  other  hand,  Piatt's  edition,  with 
most  of  the  MSS.,  supports  the  reading  xpt^ov.  (See  Supple- 
mentary Note  B,  p.  329  below.) 

Fathers.  —  Athanasius,  Ep.  i.  ad  Serap,  c.  6,  as  edited, 
reads  ^fw ;  but  the  MSS.  vary.     See  above,  under  I.  p.  298. 

Epiphanius  (fl.  a.d.  368),  Hacr.  Ixxiv.c.  6,  transferred  from 
the  AncoratHS^  c.  69 :  lipoGkx^rt  (+  Ak  Anc.)  .  .  .  £v<^  ed  v^a^  {ifi,  le 
Anc)  .  .  .  T^oLfi.  vfiiiq  {Afic.  om.  iv)  .  .  .  r.  kuKA.  r.  iiEni).  Not  quoted 
in  proof  of  the  deity  of  Christ,  but  of  the  Holy  Spirit.f 

Basil  the  Great  (fl.  a.d.  370),  Moral,  Ixxx.  c.  16  (0pp.  ii. 
316  (442),  ed.  Bened.) :  upoakx^re  ovv  . . .  noifi.  T.  EKKA.  Tov  dew.  Not 
quoted  for  any  dogmatic  purpose.    [Compare  p.  310  n.f] 

Cyril  of  Alexandria  (fl.  a.d.  412,  d.  444),  Quod  B.  Maria 
sit  deipara,  c.  22  (0pp.  ix.  28 1^  ed.  Migne;  in  his  Patrol. 
Ixxvi.) :  i\pocix^^  y^p  •  •  •  ^^^ . . .  <Jm  r.  aifi.  r.  idiov.  Here  the  word 
ffeov  is  repeated  and  commented  on.  This  is  the  earliest  and 
the  ofi/y  example  which  I  find  in  the  Greek  Fathers  of  the 
quotation  of  this  passage  in  reference  to  the  deity  of  Christ. 

Pseud- Athanasius  (uncert.),  Testim.  ex  S.  Script,  c.  3  (Opp. 
ii.  4*,  ed.  Montf. ;  Migne,  xxvii.) :  trpooix^^  •  •  •  ^wfievU^  [sic]  .  .  . 
iv  <!}  vfi.  ideTo  . . .  TTotfi.  r.  Uka.  t.  Oefw.  Quotcd  in  proof  of  the  deity 
of  the  Spirit. 

Antiochus  the  Monk  (fl.  a.d.  614),  Horn.  Ixi. :  Ufxxjixf're . . . 
(frrm/coToif  om.)  .  .  .  -^otfi.  r.  ckk/..  r.  (kov.  (Migne,  Ixxxix.  iGiT*.) 
Again,  Hovi,  cxxii.  :  rrfKKjex^T^  •  '^^f'l' .  .  .  fita  r.  16.  aifiaroc.  (Mignc, 
tdid,  181 2^)  In  both  places,  quoted  for  no  dogmatic 
purpose. 

Pseudo-Chrysostom  (uncert.),  Dc  S.  Joan.  Apost.  Scrtn. 
(Chrys.  Opp.  viii.  pars  ii.  135  (785),  ed.  Montf.) :  wf  <o^  o  a>-/f>f 
nar/t)c:   x^oinavari  r.  lkk/..  tov  Oeav,      Montfaucou   remarks,    "Jure 


*  The  word  egziabhcr  is  apparently  used  for  Kifitur  only  when  the  translator  regarded  kvoio^ 
as  equivalent  to  Jehovah.  To  take  the  examples  in  the  pre:»ent  chapter:  in  ver.  19  it  represents 
KVftioq,  in  w.  21,  24,  25,  27,  33,  tt,  t,r  ;  but  it  does  not  stand  for  ki  fuoc;  in  the  phrase  d  KVpto^ 
'I^cubc;  vv.  21,  24,  35.     Sec  Dillmann's  Lex.  Ling.  Aeth.^  col.  1192.    [Compare  p.  330,  note*.] 

t  I  venture  to  suggest  here  a  small,  but  not  unimportant,  emendation  of  the  text  of  Epiphanius. 
Even  in  the  recent  editions  of  Dindorf  and  Oehler  we  read,  /^^  "  r/tr//  //  i^iaKuvai  rttl  rri'tiuaro^ 
Ktii  rov  /('r.ov.  rrpnni x^'^ .''  n.r.'/ .,  as  above,  as  if  the  quotation  began  with  nirfj.  Read, 
/}  (11  rij  ij  iSkik.  h  r  '/ ..  —  "  rhc  ministr\'  of  the  Spirit  and  of  The  Word  [i.e.  the  ministry  to  which 
they  appoint]  is  Mr  same"  —  which  is  illustrated  by  the  two  quotations  that  follow,  viz.  Acts  xx. 
28  and  I  Tim.  i.  12. 


ON  THE   READING    "  CHURCH   OF   GOD  '*  307 

banc  orationem  praetermisit  Savilius,  utpote  indignum  quae 
legatur;    nam  est   otiosi  cujusdam  Graeculi,   ut  nemo   non 
videt." 
An  Anonymous  Scholiast  in  Cramer's   Catena   (p.   338) : 

T17V  tKKAtfaiav  .  .  .  f/v  y&p  ^ffoi  7rept€7roir/aaTo  6  Oed^  did  rov  alfiarog  rov  lAiov  .  happei 
oh  .  .  .  KQi  fjoidev  ev6oidaetg  [-ff^r  ?]  aKoieiv  Ixrrrep  'lovdaloi  atfia  kqI  au/ia  Oeov  to 

aurifpwv,  k.tX  The  Writer  has  just  quoted  John  vi.  47-58.  The 
same  scholion  is  found  in  MSS.  No.  15,  18,  and  37,  though 
the  first  two,  as  well  as  No.  36,  from  which  Cramer  published 
his  Catena,  read  Kvpiov  in  the  text. 

CEcumenius  (tenth  century }) :  npoaix^re  ovv'. . .  Oeov  . . .  6id  r.  16. 
(u/mTo^.  (0pp.  i.  260*,  in  Migne,  cxviii.)  This  is  merely  the 
text ;  there  is  no  allusion  to  Oeov  in  the  commentary. 

Theophylact  (eleventh  century),  or  rather  the  commentary 
No.  2  published  under  his  name  by  Finetti  from  a  Vatican 
MS.*  Just  as  in  CEcumenius,  whose  text  and  comment  are 
copied  verbatim.     (Opp.  iii.  1016*',  in  Migne,  cxxv.) 

I  do  not  follow  Bengel  in  citing  the  Orthodoxa  Confessio 
Eccl.  Orient.,  P.  i.  Q.  85  (Kimmel,  Libri  synib.  Eccl.  Or, 
p.  158),  as  that  document  belongs  to  about  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  also  quotes  i  John  v.  7  (P.  i.  Q.  9). 

Tischendorf  should  not  have  cited  Pope  Caelestine  I.  (a.d. 
423),  Ep,  xviii.  ad  Syn.  Eph,  (Migne,  1.  5o8S  or  Concil.,  ed. 
Coleti,  iii.  114S**),  as  an  authority  for  the  Greek  here,  as  the 
Greek  text  of  this  Epistle  is  plainly  a  mere  translation  from 
the  Latin  which  it  accompanies  :   upockx^rF.  kavroiq  koX  nday  nj 

€iyi?,tf,  17 f  ii/ii.  T.  TTv,  T.dy.  ira^ev  £7riaK67Tovg,  dioiKeiv  r.  Ik.  t.  Beov,  f/v  irEpien. 

TV  i<5*>  aifiari,  This  is  shown  also  by  the  translation  of  other 
passages  of  Scripture  in  the  same  Epistle. 

The  earliest  writer  not  Greek  who  seems  to  have  quoted 
this  verse  with  the  reading  "  God  "  is  the  Egyptian  monk 
Orsiesius  or  Oresiesis  (fl.  a.d.  345),  De  Inst.  Monach,  c.  40 
(Migne,  Patrol,  Gr.  xl.  S^^Q") :  "  scientes  vos  reddituros  ratio- 
nem  pro  omni  grege,  super  quern  vos  Spiritus  sanctiis  constituit 
inspicere  et  pascere  ecclesiavt   Dei,   quam  acq  nisi vit  proprio 

•The  designation  of  this  commentary  by  Griesbach  and  Scholz  as  "  Thcoph.  2,"  and  of  that 
■lemioticd  above  under  I.  as  "  Theophyl.  3,"  has  led  to  the  erroneous  statements  by  Davidson, 
Trcfdles,  and  others,  that  Theophylact  reads  ^f oi;  twice,  and  KVpiov  three  times. 


308  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

sanguined  But  we  have  him  only  at  third  hand.  The 
treatise  was  written  in  Coptic,  then  translated  into  Greek, 
from  which  version  Jerome,  as  he  tells  us,  dictated  to  a 
notaritis  his  Latin  translation,  in  which  alone  it  has  come 
down  to  us. 

The  Latin  Fathers  who  have  quoted  this  verse  with  the 
reading  Dei  are  all  later  than  Jerome,  most  of  them  much 
later,  and  only  attest  what  is  already  settled,  the  reading  of 
the  Vulgate.  I  will,  then,  simply  name  those  in  whom  I 
have  found  the  reading  Dei  down  to  the  time  of  Beda  in  the 
eighth  century,  referring  to  the  places. 

Caelestine  I.  has  been  already  cited  (p.  307)  ;  next  come 
Cassian  (cir.  430),  De  Incani.  vii.  4  (Migne,  1.  204*");*  Julianus 
Pomerius  (a.d.  498,  al.  Prosper  Aquitanus),  De  Vita  conteinp. 
ii.  3.  §  I  (M.  lix.  446"),  bis ;  Paschasius  the  Deacon  (a.d.  501, 
al.  Faustus  Rejensis),  De  Spir.  satict.  ii.  10  (M.  Ixii.  21'**); 
Fulgentius  (a.d.  507),  De  Fide,  c.  19,  al.  60,  and  Cont.  Fabian. 
fr.  33  (M.  Ixv.  699^  807') ;  Anon,  (sixth  century.?)  Brev.  Fidei 
cont.  Arian.  (M.  xiii.  662***);  Pope  John  II.  (a.d.  532-5),  Ep.  ad 
Senat.  (M.  Ixvi.  22**);  F*errandus  (a.d.  533),  Ep.  iii.  ad  AncU. 
c.  14  (M.  Ixvii.  902**,  903');  Primasius  (a.d.  550),  /;/  Apoc.  \ni. 
10  (M.  Ixviii.  852');  Pope  Martin  I.  (a.d.  649),  Ep.  i.  (Lat.  and 
Gr.  M.  Ixxxvii.  129'',  or  ConciL,  ed.  Coleti,  vii.  386"^  see  also 
col.  95");  Beda  (a.d.  701),  Super  Act.  Ap.  Expos.,  in  loc.  (Opp. 
iii.  986*,  ed.  Migne,  in  Patrol,  xcii.) ;  and  Anon,  (eighth  or 
ninth  century),  Dc  xlii.  Mans.  Fil.  Isr.  c.  13  (M.  xvii.  24*). 
I  refer  to  this  last  treatise,  often  printed  with  the  works  of 
Ambrose,  merely  because  it  is  cited  by  Sabatier,  and  might 
be  mistaken  for  a  witness  to  the  Old  Latin.  But  Sabatier 
assigns  its  date  to  the  time  of  Beda  or  Rabanus  (Bib.  Sac. 
Lat.   Verss.  Ant.  i.  p.  Ixii.). 

The  allusion  of  Arcadius,  delegate  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
at  the  Council  of  liphesus,  a.d.  431  (Act.  ii.  —  Concil.^  ed. 
Coleti,  iii.  1147-48),  does  not  determine  the  reading:  "pro 
ecclesia  Dei,  quam  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  sanguine 


*  Following  a  mistake  of  Grieshach  in  copying  from  Wetstein,  Scholz,  Tischcndorf  (eds.  18491 
1859),  Alford,  Porter,  Davidson,  and  Scrivener  substitute  Cassiodorus  for  Cassian. 


ON  THE   READING    "  CHURCH   OF    GOD  "  3O9 

sue  3,Cquisivit,  (7r.  I'^f/)  r^^  i«.  tov  deov,  f/v  6  Kvpioq  ^fiuv  *I.  X.  r^  kavrov 
(Ufiari  iT£f)itTroiTj<jaTo. 

Of  the  Latin  writers  named  above,  Cassian,  Paschasius, 
Fulgentius  (dis),  Ferrandus,  Pope  John  II.,  Primasius,  and 
Beda  cite  the  passage  with  reference  to  the  deity  of  Christ ;  the 
anonymous  authors  of  the  Breviariitm  Fidei  and  the  treatise  De 
xlii.  Mansionibiis  adduce  it  in  proof  of  the  deity  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  ;  the  others  do  not  quote  it  for  a  doctrinal  purpose. 

On  the  use  of  the  expression  "  the  blood  of  God,"  and  many 
kindred  expressions,  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  see  Sup- 
plementary Note  A,  p.  320  ff. 

III.    AUTHORITIES   FOR  THE   READING  Kvp'vov  koI  Beov. 

Manuscripts.  —  C^  H,  L,  P,  all  of  the  ninth  century  and 
of  inferior  character,  with  more  than  one  hundred  and 
ten  clirsives  (cent,  x.-xv.),  most  of  them  of  little  value. 
Nos.  _L,  JL,  —^—f  -3L,  96   jM    137  and  i±^  are  marked  with  a 

Xll'  XV'  XorXl     XIV    XI    XIIT    Xl  XII 

star  by  Tischendorf  as  distinguished  from  the  rest  by  a  more 
frequent  accordance  with  the  oldest  copies,  but  none  of  them 
seems  in  the  Acts  remarkably  distinguished  in  this  respect. 
Most  noteworthy,  perhaps,  are  No.  31  (Gosp.  69),  and  No. 
137  which  has  a  singular  agreement  with  the  eccentricities 
of  D  and  with  the  margin  of  the  Harclean  Syriac. 

Anxient  Versions. — The  Slavonic,  of  the  ninth  century. 

Fathers.  —  Theophylact,  as  edited  by  Sifanus,  —  No.  i  of 
the  Commentaries  on  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  published 
under  the  name  of  Theophylact,  —  has  this  reading  in  the 
text,  with  no  remark  on  the  words  in  the  commentary.  (0pp. 
iii.  777^y  ed.  Migne ;  Patrol,  cxxv.) 

MSS.  No.  3,  95**,  and  the  Arabic  of  the  Polyglot  read 
Kv^ov  eeov ;  and  No.  47  Bf^ov  kqI  Kvp'iov.  The  Georgian  version 
(sixth  century)  is  cited  by  Scholz  as  reading  Kvpiov  tov  deoi. 
But  we  have  no  trustworthy  edition  of  it. 

IV.   authorities   for  the   reading   xp^GToi'. 

Manuscripts.  —  None. 

Anxient  Versions.  —  The  Peshito  Syriac  in  all  editions 
but  Lee's,  and  in  many  MSS.  (one  of  the  sixth  century,  others 


3IO  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

of  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth),  both  Jacobite  and  Nes- 
torian  (see  Supplementary  Note  B) ;  the  Aethiopic  in  Piatt's 
edition,  and  in  most  of  the  MSS. ;  and  the  Erpenian  Arabic, 
made  from  the  Syriac. 

Fathers.  —  Athanasius,  Ep,  i.  ad  Scrap,  c.  6,  in  three 
MSS. ;  see  above,  under  I.  p.  298;  Theodoret  (a.d.  423),  Int 
Ep.  ad  Philip,  i.   i,  2  (0pp.  iii.  560^,  ed.  Migne  ;    Patrol. 

Ixxxii.)  :    lipootx^re  .  .  .  vfi.  kBero  .  .  .  not/a.  r.  h.  r.  xp^^rrov  ;   and    Pscud- 

Athanasius,  Dial  i.  cofit,  Maced.  c.  13  (0pp.  ii.  550^  ed. 
Bened. ;  Migne,  xxviii.  1312**),  quoting  precisely  like  Theo- 
doret, above.*  Pseudo-Fulgentius  (sixth  century),  Pro  Fide 
Catli.  c.  9  (Migne,  Ixv.  716^^)  :  Attendite  gregem  Christie  in  quo 
vos  Spiritus  sanctus  constitnit  cpiscopos.  Yox  the  Speculum^ 
which  \i2i^Jesii  Christie  see  above,  under  I.  p.  303  f.f 

Let  us  now  attempt  to  weigh  the  evidence.  The  question 
lies,  of  course,  only  between  the  readings  Kvpim)  and  feot*. 

The  MS.  authority  for  the  rival  readings  may  seem,  at 
first  view,  nearly  balanced ;  but  I  must  regard  it  as  decidedly 
preponderating  in  favor  of  Kf/a/ov.  k  and  B  are  excellent  MSS., 
but  we  must  not  overestimate  their  value.  One  of  the  two 
is  often  wrong,  for  they  often  differ ;  and  the  cases  in  which 
they  arc  both  wrong,  though  much  rarer,  are  sufficiently 
numerous  to  teach  us  that  their  combined  testimony  is  far 
from  decisive.  One  clear  example,  unless  we  suppose  these 
two  MSS.  right  in  opposition  to  all  the  other  MSS.  and  all 
the  ancient  versions,  and  to  internal  evidence,  is  to  be  found 
in  Acts  xvi.  32,  where,  for  the  less  familiar  expression  rovy6yov 


*  Gamier  attributes  this  Dialogue  to  Theodoret,  and  publishes  it  as  Dial.  iv.  de  Sfir.  sancto 
among  seven  Dialogi de  Trinitate  which  he  ascribes  to  that  author;  others,  as  Pctavius,  Combe- 
hs,  and  Du  I'in,  more  correctly,  as  Schulzc  thinks,  assign  it  to  Maximus  the  Confessor  (a.u.  645). 
Tischcndorf  cites  it  both  under  *'  Dial>i«act'd  "  and  *'  Thdrt''.'^''-,"  as  if  these  were  two  indeiicndent 
authorities. 

t  Other  authorities  cited  for  ;YptfT~oh  ^re  not  quotations,  and  afford  no  proof  that  Acts  xx.  a8 
was  in  the  mind  of  the  writer;  a^  Origcn,  />«•  Orat.  c.  28,  xftfOTOv  loVi/CauiviW  tjuhq  ru*  tfii(^ 
(iiufirt  ;  Exhort,  ad  Mart.  c.  12,  (,  uDjonixi mij  tjUnq  ru  envrnv  rifiiu  aiunri^  and  c.  50, 
<\)r!-r:t:()  riuiu  an/art  roi<  'Iz/nor  i/)nfuia^^r,ntv  (Opp.  i.  252*",  282*1,  and  309c,  ed.  Dc  la  Rue). 
The  hreviarium  of  Kasil  referred  to  by  Welstein  and  others,  which  Davidson  says  "  can  only 
mean  Hasil's  Regulac  brevius  tractataf^"  where  he  has  "  searched  for  it  in  vain,"  is  simply  the 
summary  or  headinq  of  his  Mitral.  Ixxx.  c.  1^1,  quoted  under  II.  above,  p.  306,  and  amounts  to 
nothing.     It  has  merely  the  expression  (',)(^  rro/uyvf^  T/wJdrwv  ;^f/jf(7rot'. 


ON  THE   READING   "CHURCH   OF  GOD  "  3II 

TWKvpiov,  H  and  B  have  substituted  the  more  familiar  rdvAdyov 
Tovdeov,  as  I  believe  they  have  done  here.*  In  the  Acts  and 
Catholic  Epistles,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  without  a  thorough 
examination,  A  is  right  nearly,  if  not  quite,  as  often  as  k. 
The  MS.  authority  for  Kvphv  is  made  exceedingly  strong  by 
the  fact  that  its  uncials  represent  both  the  Alexandrian  and 
the  Western  forms  of  the  text,  and  that  it  embraces  nearly 
all  of  the  best  cursives.  In  cases  where  our  chief  uncials 
differ,  the  testimony  of  those  MSS.  which  are  remarkable 
for  their  frequent  or  general  agreement  with  them  is  obvi- 
ously of  special  importance.  To  show  how  great  is  the 
superiority  of  the  cursives  which  support  Kvpiov  over  those 
which  have  ^^ov^  we  need  not  go  far,  though  numerous  exam- 
ples of  a  striking  character  will  be  found  in  the  Acts,  (a) 
The  omission  of  ohv  in  ver.  28  is  supported  by  k,  A,  B,  D,  1 3, 
I5»  36,  81,  180,  o*";  of  these  six  cursives,  all  but  one  read 
«i'p<oi',  and  none  reads  ^^ov,  {p)  In  the  last  clause  of  the  verse 
the  reading  rf«a  rot)  ai^aro^  rov  \fiinv  is  found  in  K,  A,  B,  C,  D,  E, 

i3»  I5»  3^  33,  34»  36,  40,  69,  73,  81,  105,  130,  142,  156, 
163,  180,  a,  c,  m,  of  Scrivener,  and  Lect.  12.  Of  the  fifteen 
cursives  t  which  support  Kvpiw^  twelve  have  this  reading ; 
while  of  the  fourteen  which  support  ^^'^'i'  only  one  has  it, 
Lect.  12;  or,  if  we  include  those  counted  ex  silcntio^  of 
the  twenty-two  which  read  ^foy  only  two  have  it.  (c)  In 
ver.  29  tyii  without  a  conjunction  is  the  reading  of  «*, 
A,  C*,  D,  13,  15,  36,  81,  130,  180,  all  of  which  cursives 
read  Kvpiov.  (d)  In  the  same  verse,  oUa  without  rm-o  is  the 
reading  of  k.  A,  B,  C*,  D,  13,  15,  36,  6S,  69,  105,  163, 
180,  a*".  Of  these  nine  cursives,  seven  support  nvphv^  and 
only  one,  No.  68,  ^for.  We  see  clearly,  then,  that  in  the 
present  case  k  and  B  are  caught  in  bad  company ;  which 
affords  a  strong  presumption  that  they  are  in  the  wrong,  and 


•See  particularly  Tischendorfs  note  on  that  passage,  and  to  his  five  examples  in  which  "  /M  . 
r.  titov  non  solct  fluctuare,"  add  Acts  xiii.  46,  xvii.  13,  xviii.  11.  For  other  instances  of  the 
agreement  of  K  and  B  in  readings  manifestly  or  probably  false,  see  Matt.  vi.  8,  viii.  9,  ix.  33,  xxvii. 
49:  Mark  IT.  3i;  Luke  xv.  ax;  John  x.  18,  xix.  41;  Acts  xii.  25,  xxviii.  la;  Gal.  ii.  la;  Eph.  i. 
1$:  >  Thess.  ii.  7;  Heb.  vii.  x;  Jas.  i.  17;  a  Pet.  ii.  X3. 

t Sixteen,  including  B-C.  II.  7  [see  p    295  ii.^J;  bat  I  do  not  know  how  this  MS.  read* 
in  the  last  clause. 


311  CRITECAL   ESSAYS 

that  the  uncials  and  cursives  which  usually  agree  with  theal 
are  right. 
The  I 


!  numerous  MSS.  which  read  >ti>f:iDii  nai  Oeoi  seem  to  me 
to  confirm  the  reading  t-p™'.  "  The  church  "  (or  "  churches  ") 
"  of  Gi>ii "  being  a  familiar  expression,  occurring  eleven 
times  in  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  and  "  the  church  of  The 
Lord"  being  unique,  if  <i\v'"»'  were  original,  «a'  s™.  or  i>f>i  would 
be  a  natural  marginal  addition  or  interlineation,  which  would 
readily  pass  into  the  text.  Further,  when  «"«■  had  been  inti 
duced  into  some  MSS.  by  unconscious  substitution  of 
familiar  expression  for  the  unusual  one,  or  by  the  substitution 
of  the  marginal  Hiof-  by  those  who  were  pleased  with  that 
reading,  copyists  of  MSS.  with  iipi'irt',  finding  that  others  had 
the  reading  H'oi;  would  think  themselves  safe  if  they  took»i 
both  into  the  text.  But,  as  Tischendorf  says,  "  Quis 
additurus  fuisset,  si  "n"' » -i'  invcnisset  ?  " 

The  authorities  for  t/KoroD  also,  such  as  they  are,  seem  to 
favor  the  reading  nr,™.  rather  than  ft™.  The  abbreviation  sr 
resembles  kt  more  than  iTi- ;  and  in  a  version  or  quotation  the 
substitution  of  "  Christ  "  for  "  Lord  "  (but  not  so  for  "  God  ") 
might  have  seemed  a  matter  of  indifference,  or  have  been 
unconsciously  made.*  A  deliberate  falsification  of  the  text 
is  the  last  supposition  to  be  resorted  to.  That  xf"^''''  has 
played  a  great  part  as  a  marginal  gloss  for  either  readi 
appears  from  the  fact  that  it  is  found  in  no  Greek  MS. 

The  authority,  next,  of  the  Ancient  Versions  decidedly 
confirms  the  reading  opfm'.  It  is  supported  by  the  three  oliiirst, 
the  Old  Latin,  the  Memphitic,  and  the  Thebaic,  which  carry 
us  back  to  a  far  earlier  date  than  any  of  the  authorities  for 
"'"i'j  and  these  are  confirmed  by  the  Armenian,  with  the 
margin  of  the  Harclean  Syriac,  and  indirectly,  I  think,  by. 


uur^_ 

ion^^^ 
bat 
laU 
took»^^H 

-n  to 
sr 

the 

d-) 
een 
:ext 


[iickichir,  187s,  iL  tir)-.  cat 
cd.»  p.  308.  Eng.  Dam.,  odop 
o.p.  .fcj,  Eng.), 


n  enjuupiet.  EvraM,  who  rcHli ''  Lor<l,"  id  hu  punphru 
ulici  u  I  tnnilotWD  {Dit  i/ni  rrjlttt  EvAng.  •-  ^.  AfaiuU 
1.  ;»].  Reod.  who  in  hii  TiM.  Ckr^liioHt.  ii.  341.  ■>■  >.  ad 
ic  Tnding  K\ipim\  acIualEy  cilu  Acts  xx.  iZ  (ibHt.  p-  ti^,  dime, 

4  ipcilit  of  (he  rciidiTig  "  pascaiit  ec^LBtiam  Ckriiti  "  u  Ibu 


L. 


ON  THE   READING    "CHURCH   OF  GOD  "  313 

those  that  read  "  Christ,"  though  their  testimony  is  more  or 
less  uncertain.  That  Jerome  should  adopt  the  reading  Dei 
in  the  Vulgate  need  excite  no  surprise,  or  that  the  Monophy- 
site  translator  of  the  Philoxenian  or  Harclean  Syriac  should 
prefer  the  reading  favorable  to  his  doctrine. 

The  evidence  of  the  Fathers  is  pretty  well  balanced,  but 
the  earlier  testimony  (as  that  of  Irenaeus),  though  not  abso- 
lutely free  from  doubt,  favors  >^vpiov  rather  than  ^fof-.  The 
authorities  for  Kvpiw  also  represent  the  principal  divisions  of 
the  Christian  world.  (See  the  detailed  statements  above.) 
I  have  already  observed  that  the  earliest  and  the  only  Greek 
Father  who  quotes  the  passage  as  bearing  on  the  deity  of 
Christ  is  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  in  the  fifth  century,  who  adduces 
it  once.  In  connection  with  this  point,  I  may  quote  the  im- 
portant remark  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Sheldon  Green :  "  Accord- 
ing to  the  common  reading,  the  passage  bears  strongly  upon 
more  than  one  great  dogmatic  controversy,  and,  accordingly, 
had  this  form  possessed  established  currency  in  the  age  of 
those  disputes,  its  employment  as  a  dogmatic  weapon  ought 
to  be  of  no  unfrequent  occurrence  in  the  writings  of  that 
age;  whereas  the  contrary  is  evidently  the  case."  {Devel- 
oped Criticism  y  etc.,  p.  112.) 

We  will  now  consider  the  internal  evidence.  What  supposi- 
tion will  best  explain  the  various  phenomena.^ 

Alford  says :  **  If  ^^ov  was  the  original,  but  one  reason  can 
be  given  why  it  should  have  been  altered  to  M-p/oi;,  and  that 
one  was  snre  to  have  operated.  It  would  stand  as  a  bulwark 
against  Arianism,  an  assertion  which  no  skill  could  evade, 
which  must  therefore  be  modified.  If  (itoi  stood  in  the  text 
originally,  //  was  sure  to  be  altered  to  Mp/ot." 

I  perceive  no  ground  for  this  confident  assumption,  and 
must  reject  it  for  the  following  reasons:  (i)  The  Arians 
were  as  devout  believers  in  the  sacredncss  of  Scripture  as 
their  adversaries,  and  would  equally  have  regarded  a  delib- 
erate falsification  of  the  record  as  a  horrible  impiety.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  they  tampered  with  the  text  in  any  other 


314  CRITICAL   ESSAVS 

passage  of  the  New  Testament.*  The  absence  of  l  John 
V.  7  from  our  MSS.  of  the  Greek  Testament  and  from  the 
ancient  versions  is  not  now  ascribetJ  to  them.  (2)  Such  an 
attempt  would  have  been  absurd  and  useless.  The  Arians 
did  not  have  possession  of  the  orthodox  copies ;  and  how 
would  a  wilful  corruption  of  their  own  have  helped  them  in 
controversy  ?  It  was  sure  to  be  detected,  and  to  expose  them 
to  shame.  (3)  We  have  no  evidence  that  the  Arians  were 
troubled  by  the  passage ;  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
quoted  by  any  Greek  Father  in  the  Arian  controversy.  (4)  The 
reading  "'"'■  would  have  been  really  favorable  to  the  Arians. 
They  did  not  hesitate  to  apply  the  term  "'«  to  Christ,  but 
lowered  its   meaning.     They  were  fond,  as  we  learn   from 

AthanasiuS,    of     "  calling     Ti,t>   HtdTi/ra  rut   /.Of-v    imft/rvi'"  ;     of 

saying  that  "  Gad  suffered  through  the  flesh,  and  rose 
again";  and  of  using  the  bald  expression  "the  blood  of 
God."     Referring  to  such  expressions,  Athanasius  exclaims; 

^■f.  r^v  oromoc  nai  r^r  ^/oaw/zmi  !      'A/inai-iitf  ra   rolniTa  TM^^/iara  Cont. 

ApoUinar.  ii.  11-13.  (See  Supplementary  Note  A,  p.  320  ff.) 
And  very  naturally.  "  .-V  Cc  /  whose  blood  was  shed,"  says 
Professor  Stuart,  "  must  surely  be  a  "tit  dtiTtpof,  as  the  Arians 
would  have  it,  and  not  the  impassible  and  eternal  God,  which 
I  believe  the  Logos  to  be."  {Amcr.  Bibl.  Repository  for 
April,  1838,  p.  315.)  We  do  not  find,  however,  that  the 
Arians  and  Apollinarians  ever  appealed  to  the  reading  ""•o  in 
this  passage.  They  justified  such  language  on  other  grounds. 
(S)  This  hypothesis  does  not  explain  the  existence  of  the 
reading  Lord  m  authorities  which  reach  back  to  a  century  or 
more  before  the  Arians  were  heard  of. 

In  truth,  Dean  Alford's  theory  of  wilful  alteration  would 
have  been  much  more  plausible,  if  he  had  ascribed  the  sub- 
stitution of  «'p;™  for  "f"^  to  the  orthodox.  But  such  an  impu- 
tation would,  I  believe,  be  doing  them  great  injustice.  If 
they  had  found  the  word  ^tm  in  the  text,  they  would  have 
been  much  more  likely  to  reverence  it  as  containing  a  mys- 
tery; and  there  was  less  occasion  to  stumble,  as  the  opinions 


ON   THE   READING    "CHURCH   OF   GOD  "  315 

of  the  earlier  Christian  Fathers  respecting  the  passibility  of 
the  Logos  differed  from  those  which  afterwards  prevailed. 
They  also  used  the  words  0e6^  and  deus  rather  loosely.  From 
an  early  period  there  were  many  rhetorical  writers,  like  Ter- 
tullian  and  Lactantius,  who  were  fond  of  startling  and  para- 
doxical expressions,  which  would  also  suit  the  popular  taste. 
(See  Supplementary  Note  A.)  At  a  later  date  the  doctrine 
of  the  comtnunicatio  idiomatuni  bridged  the  difficulty.  In 
the  Latin  Vulgate  the  reading  Dei  has  been  undisturbed, 
being  found,  apparently,  in  all  the  MSS. 

But  though  we  reject  the  supposition  of  a  wilful  alteration 
of  the  text  on  the  part  either  of  the  Arians  or  the  orthodox, 
it  may  still  be  said  that  ki^^w  may  have  been  a  marginal 
explanation  of  ^eoi>,  which  would  readily  and  innocently  be 
substituted  by  those  who  might  stumble  at  the  harshness  of 
the  latter.  This  is  possible^  but  not  very  probable ;  for  the 
natural  marginal  addition  would  rather  have  been  the  unam- 
biguous ^/j«irou,  which  has  been  found  in  no  Greek  MS.  "The 
churches  of  Christ  '*  occurs  once  in  Paul's  writings ;  and 
'•the  blood  of  Christ^'  ''Christ  died,"  and  "  Christ  suffered," 
are  familiar  expressions. 

On  the  other  hand,  supposing  Kvpiov  to  be  the  original  read- 
ing, we  can  easily  explain  all  the  variations  without  resorting 
to  the  hypothesis,  a  priori  extremely  improbable,  of  a  delib- 
erate corruption  of  the  text.  We  have  only  an  example  of 
what  has  occurred  in  a  multitude  of  instances,  the  substitu- 
tion by  the  copyist  of  a  familiar  expression  for  an  tinusual  one  ; 
a  substitution  often  made  unconsciously,  but  sometimes,  per- 
haps, because  the  more  common  form  had  been  noted  in  the 
margin.  The  expression  "the  church  "  (or  "churches")  "of 
God  "  occurs,  as  has  already  been  remarked,  eleven  times  in 
the  Epistles  of  Paul,  while  "the  church  of  the  Lord''  is 
found  nowhere  else  in  the  New  Testament  ;  the  former 
expression  is  also  frequent,  while  the  latter  is  rare,  in  other 
early  Christian  writings ;  see,  e.g.,  the  statement  respecting 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  under  I.,  above,  p.  297  f.  The 
resemblance  of  i  Pet.  v.  2  to  the  present  passage,  —  Vioi^a- 

pare  rb  iv  vfuv   iroi/ivtov  tov  deov,  kniaKOTrovvT^q  (om.  by  ^*,  B,  and 


3l6  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

perhaps  derived  from  kmoKdirovg  in  Acts  xx.  28),  «.  r  ?..,  —  "  might 
aid,"  as  Dr.  Tregelles  remarks,  "in  suggesting  roideuv.'* 

This  tendency  of  transcribers  to  substitute  the  familiar 
expression  for  the  unusual,  which  would  be  particularly  strong 
in  the  present  case,  may  be  illustrated  by  a  few  examples. 

Acts    XV.    40,    Trapadodetg   ry    xoptTi   rov   Kvpiov.       "The   graCC   of 

God'*  being  a  very  common  expression,  and  occurring  in  a 
similar  passage  (xiv.  26),  Oeoi  is  here  substituted  for  Kipiov  by 
C,  E,  H,  L,  P,  and  all  but  about  six  of  the  cursives.  For 
Acts  xvi.  32,  where  w,  B,  seem  to  be  clearly  wrong,  see  above, 
p.  3iof. 

James   iii.   9,    for  rbv  Kiptov  ml  narkpa^  the   familiar  rbv  debv  Kal 

irarkpa  has  been  substituted  in  K,  L,  and,  apparently,  all  the 
cursives  but  two. 

I    Pet.  iii.    15,  for  Kvpicv  61  rbv  xP^orhv  dyidaare,  ic.  r.  A.,  xipiov  6e  rbv 

Oedv  appears  in  K,  L,  P,  and,  apparently,  all  the  cursives  but 
seven. 

Col.  iii.  15,  for  v  f'lp^v  rov  xpio^ov,  k'^,  C^  D*,  E,  K,  L,  and 
all  but  about  seven  of  the  cursives  read  v  elpijvtj  rov  $eov ;  comp. 
Phil.  iv.  7,  and  <J  Oeuc  rf/g  Eipip'tK  in  Rom.  xv.  33,  and  passages 
cited  in  last  paragraph  of  this  page. 

Col.  iii.  22,  for  oo,^niuevoi  Tuv  Kiptov,  j<,  D*^,  E**,  K,  and  all  but 
about  twelve  of  the  cursives  read  <>o^?.  tuv  (ho  v,  the  more  com- 
mon expression. 

Eph.  v.  21,  for  h'  ::)63u  ;t/>'^ ''>»•,  K  reads  h  <><5/?w  Kvpi(>t\  comp. 
Acts  ix.  31  ;  2  Cor.  v.  11  ;  and  most  of  the  cursives  ev  <>.  ficoi^ 
comp.  Rom.  iii.   18;  2  Cor.  vii.   i,  and  the  use  of  the  verb 

2  Thess.  iii.  16,  for  o  Kvpio^  -ffi:  api/vjiq,  F,  G,  L,  seven  cur- 
sives, and  many  Latin  IMSS.  read  «  ^to^  rfj^  nprfvjjg  \  comp.  Rom. 
XV.  33,  xxi.  20  ;  Phil.  iv.  9 ;  i  Thess.  v.  23  ;  Heb.  xiii.  20.  — 
For  other  examples,  see  Col.  iii.  16  ;  2  Thess.  iii.  3  ;  Acts  viii. 
22,  24.  I  will  only  notice  further  that  in  the  single  instance 
in  which  wc  have  the  phrase  «'  fKK/rfnint  -ncai  rnv  xpf^'f^r^  Rom. 
xvi.  16,  the  MSS.  3,  23,  42,  69,  106,  120,  177,  a***"',  k"",  and 
two  of  Matthaci's  ChrysOvStom  MSS.,  read  f^rov.  See  Wet- 
stein,  Scholz,  and  Scrivener ;  Tischendorf  does  not  note  the 
variation. 


ON  THE   READING    "CHURCH   OF   GOD*'  317 

Thus  I  think  it  clearly  appears,  that  on  the  supposition 
that  nvfjiuv  was  the  original  reading,  the  variations  may  be 
easily  and  satisfactorily  explained ;  and  we  may  adopt  the 
language  of  Dr.  Tregelles,  who  remarks  that  "even  if  the 
evidence  for  ekk.  rov  Kvpiov  had  not  been  so  strong,  it  would  have 
been  confirmed  by  its  peculiarity,  and  by  the  immense  proba- 
bility of  the  familiar  phrase  being  substituted  for  it."  {Account 
of  the  Printed  Text,  etc.,  p.  233.) 

BengeVs  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  reading  ^vpiov  is  as 
follows :  "  Ex  LXX.  apud  quos  saepe  dicitur  'nKK/jjaia  Kvphv." 
The  "saepe**  is  seven  times  in  all:  viz.,  Dcut.  xxiii.  i,  2, 
3  (dis),  8 ;  I  Chron.  xxviii.  8 ;  Mic.  ii.  5,  the  phrase  being 
applied  to  the  congregation  of  Israel.  Of  this  far-fetched 
explanation  it  is  enough  to  say  that  there  appears  to  be  no 
reason  why  the  cause  of  error  assigned  should  not  have 
affected  the  other  passages  where  7  kioC/jjma  rov  Hfov  (in  the  sin- 
gular or  plural)  occurs  in  the  New  Testament  as  well  as  Acts 
XX.  28.  But  in  these  eleven  passages  the  various  reading  Kvpiw 
is  not  once  found,  according  to  the  critical  editors,  in  a  single 
MS.     Bengel's  hypothesis,  therefore,  has  no  foundation. 

Another  argument  of  Dean  Alford  and  many  others  for  the 
reading  Beov  is  this.  Paul  is  the  speaker.  He  has  used  the 
expression  "church'*  (or  "churches")  "of  God''  eleven  times 
in  his  Epistles,  but  never  "church  of  the  Lord.''  Does  not 
Pauline  usage,  then,  strongly  confirm  the  genuineness  of  deov 
here  ^ 

I  agree  with  those  who  regard  Pauline  usage  as  very  im- 
portant in  its  bearing  on  this  question.  In  the  divided  state 
of  the  external  evidence,  it  is  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  a 
decisive  consideration.  But  it  has  been  strangely  misappre- 
hended. 

Paul  has  used  the  phrase  {n)  ^k.  or  (u  es.  (roi)  eeoh  eleven  times, 
eight  times  in  the  singular,  three  in  the  plural.  But  has  any 
respectable  commentator  in  any  one  of  these  passages  under- 
stood him  to  mean  Christ  by  Q^ov}  In  four  of  them  (i  Cor.  i. 
2;  2  Cor.  i.  I  ;  I  Thess.  ii.  14;  2  Thess.  i.  4)  Christ  is  in  the 
immediate  context  clearly  dist  in  squished  from  ^^^k  ;  and  in  none 
of  the  others  (i  Cor.  x.  32,  xi.  16,  22,  xv.  9 ;  Gal.  i.  13  ;  i  Tim. 


JlS  CRiriCAL   ESSAVS 

iii-  5.  'S)  has  Dean  Alford  suggested,  or  would  it  occur  to 
any  reader,  that  Wfuf'  is  used  as  a  designation  of  Christ.  So 
far,  then,  as  the  phrase  in  question  is  concerned,  the  appeal 
to  the  usage  of  Paul  shows  that  it  is  extremely  improbable 
that  he  would  have  employed  it  here  to  describe  the  church 
as  belonging  to  Christ. 

Let  us  look  a  little  further.  What  is  the  usage  of  Paul  io 
the  rest  of  this  discourse?  Examine  the  use  of  the  words 
if'piof  and  flfiic  in  vv.  19,  21,  24,  25,  27,  32,  35  ;  note  especially 
w.  21  and  24.  Is  it  not  clear,  without  argument,  that  the 
usage  of  the  apostle  here  favors  the  supposition  that  he 
would  employ  -ff"""  rather  than  Ce™  to  denote  Christ  in  ver.  28  ? 

If  he  had  occasion  to  describe  the  church  as  belonging  to 
Christ,  he  might  have  used  the  name  "Christ,"  as  he  has  done 
in  Rom,  xvi.  16 ;  but  in  such  a  connection  as  this,  in  speaking 
of  the  Chief  Shepherd  of  the  flock,  after  reference  to  the 
iclffwiffoi,  —  overseers  of  the  church,  but  ser\'ants  of  Christ,  — 
it  was  particularly  appropriate  that  «'>"\  should  be  used,  the 
terra  by  which  the  apostle  especially  delights  to  designate 
Christ  in  his  exaltation;  see  Phil.  ii.  9-1 1.  Arator  in  his 
paraphrase,  quoted  above  under  I.  p.  303,  seems  to  have  felt 
the  point  of  the  expression  :  "  Famuli  retincre  laborent  Quae 
Dominus  de  morte  dedit."  See  also  on  this  matter  Words- 
worth's note. 

But  much  more  is  to  be  said ;  and,  as  two  or  three  of  the 
passages  to  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  have  been 
sometimes  appealed  to  in  theological  controversy,  I  beg  that 
it  may  be  understood  that  I  am  not  attempting  to  argue  a 
doctrinal  question,  which  would  here  be  out  of  place,  but 
wish  simply  to  call  attention  to  certain  important  facts  in 
relation  to  the  New  Testament  use  of  language. 

If  rni  etuii  here  denotes  Christ,  we  have  '<•  OrO;  used  absolutely, 
not  as  t'<4r  is  predicated  of  the  >^iy<K  /'"apto^  in  John  i.  1,  but 
assumed  as  a  designation  of  Christ  in  his  mediatorial  rela- 
tion, and  this  when  the  term  has  just  before  been  used  in  the 
same  discourse  in  marked  distinction  from  Christ.  What  is 
Pauline  usage  in  regard  to  this  point  ? 

The  term  Si6r.  occurs  in  Paul's  writings,  not  including  tU 


ON  THE  READING  "  CHURCH  OF  GOD  "  319 

Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  more  than  five  hundred  times.  How 
does  he  employ  it  ?  We  all  know  that  his  habitual  use  of 
language  in  his  Epistles  is  in  perfect  accordance  with  i   Cor. 

viii.  6,  w'^"^  ^V  ^fof  b  iraT^p,  k^  ov  ra  Trdvra  Kal  r/fielq  e'lq  avrdv,  kqI  nc  Kvpto^ 

*i)?ff<nf  XpiffTo^,  6c  01;  TO.  Trdvra  Kal  ^fieic  6c  avTov.  I  need  not  refer  to 
other  passages,  as  Eph.  iv.  5,  6;  Phil.  ii.  9-1 1.  Paul  certainly 
had  a  most  exalted  conception  of  Christ,  —  see,  e.g.,  Col.  ii. 
9,  i.  15-20 ;  but  I  am  now  speaking  simply  of  his  jise  of  lan- 
guage;  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  generally  sharply  dis- 
tinguishes ^m  and  x9^ot^\  e.g.,  i  Cor.  iii.  23,  xi.  3  ;  i  Tim.  ii. 
5.  Has  he  ever  given  the  name  Qf^k  to  Christ }  Alford  him- 
self finds  only  one  instance  in  all  his  writings  in  which  he 
supposes  him  to  have  done  so ;  viz.,  in  Rom.  ix.  5.  But  I 
need  not  say  that  the  application  of  Bi6q  in  Rom.  ix.  5  depends 
on  the  punctuation  and  construction,  on  which  the  most  emi- 
nent scholars  have  differed ;  and  when  we  observe  that  Lach- 
mann,  Buttmann,  Kuenen  and  Cobet,  and  Tischendorf  *  have 
so  punctuated  the  passage  as  to  exclude  the  reference  to 
Christ,  and  that  their  construction  has  been  adopted  or 
favored  by  commentators  so  able  and  unprejudiced  as  Riick- 
ert  (2d  ed.),  Fritzsche,  Liicke,!  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Ewald, 
Clausen  (author  of  the  Hermeneutik),  Van  Hengel,  and  Jow- 
ett ;  by  such  a  grammarian  as  Winer,  and  by  many  eminent 
recent  translators,  as  Holtzmann  (in  Bunsen's  Bibclwerk), 
Noyes,  Oltramare,  Lipsius  (in  the  Protestanten-Bibcl),  Pro- 
fessor Godwin,  Davidson,  Volkmar,  Weizsacker,  and  in  the 
new  Authorized  Dutch  Version  (1868),  we  can  hardly,  I 
think,  rely  with  any  confidence  on  this  supposed  exception  to 
the  otherwise  unifortn  usage  of  the  apostle.  J  And  consider  the 
extent  of  this  usage,  the  exceeding  frequency  with  which 
the  words  in  question  occur  !    If  the  usus  loquendi  of  a  writer 


*So  Dr.  Hort;  see  the  note  on  the  passage  in  Westcott  and  Hort's  Gr.  Test.,  vol.  it. 

t  D*  Invocatione  Jtsu  Christi,  Part  I.  (1843),  P-  8;  and  MS.  notes  of  his  Lectures  on  Romans, 
taken  by  Professor  £.  J.  Young. 

JOn  Eph.  V.  5  and  Tit.  ii.  13,  on  which  few  would  now  lay  any  stress,  it  may  be  enough  to 
refer  to  Alford,  Meyer,  Huther,  and  Winer:  and  on  Col.  ii.  2,  if  we  adopt  the  reading  701'  uvcrij- 
piov  rnv  Beov,  Xpirrmr,  to  the  notes  of  Bishop  Ellicott  and  Dr.  Lightfoot,  Westcott  and  Hor». 
and  Wieseler  (on  Gal.  i.  z). 


320  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

is  ever  to  be  regarded  in  textual  criticism,  I  hardly  see  how 
there  could  be  a  stronger  case  than  the  present. 

In  treating  a  critical  question  like  this,  we  must  not  con- 
found the  style  of  the  fourth  century,  or  even  of  the  second) 
with  that  of  the  first,  or  allow  ourselves  to  be  unconsciously 
influenced  by  the  phraseology  with  which  custom  has  made 
us  familiar.  We  find  in  some  writers  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
second  century  and  afterwards,  —  or,  as  some  suppose,  even 
earlier,  —  when  the  application  of  the  names  6t6g  and  deus  to 
Christ  had  become  frequent,  such  expressions  as  the  blood, 
the  sufferings,  the  birth  and  death,  the  burial  and  resurrection 
of  God ;  but  I  need  not  say  how  foreign  this  language  is  from 
the  style  of  the  New  Testament. 

It  appears  to  me,  then,  in  fine,  that  the  evidence  of  MSS., 
ancient  versions,  and  the  early  Christian  writers,  when  fairly 
weighed,  decidedly  preponderates  in  favor  of  the  reading 
^vfuov ;  and  that,  even  if  the  external  testimony  for  (few  were 
far  stronger  than  it  is,  we  should  not  be  justified  in  adopt- 
ing it,  in  the  face  of  the  extreme  improbability  that  Paul 
(or  Luke)  should  have  here  used  an  expression  so  foreign 
from  his  own  style  and  that  of  the  New  Testament  writings ; 
especially  when  the  origin  of  ^'^or-  and  of  all  the  other  varia- 
tions can  be  so  easily  and  naturally  explained,  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  KVfHov  is  the  genuine  reading. 

Two  matters  of  interest  remain  which  require  some  further 
notice,  and  which,  for  convenience,  have  been  reserved  for 


SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES. 

A.  — ON  THE  USE  OF   SUCH    EXPRESSIONS  AS   "THE    BLOOD    OF 
GOD"   IN   THE   WKrriNGS  OF  THE   CHRISTIAN   FATHERS. 

In  a  few  passages  of  early  Christian  writings  the  expression  "  the  blood  of 
God"  occurs;  and  it  is  urged,  not  without  plausibility,  that  "  nothing  short  of 
scriptural  authority  could  have  given  early  vogue  to  a  term  so  startling."  The 
Fathers  who  use  it  are  thus  regarded  as  indirect  witnesses  to  the  genuineness  of 
the  reading  ^for  in  Acts  xx.  28. 

If  the  writers  who  employ  this  expression  used  it  in  such  a  connection  as  to 
show  that  this  particular  passage  was  in  their  minds,  and  if  they  were  generally 


ON   THE   READING    **  CHURCH   OF   GOD'*  32 1 

careful  not  to  use  startling  expressions  analogous  to  this  without  some  Scripture 
precedent,  the  argument  would  have  much  weight.  But  so  far  as  my  examination 
of  their  writings  has  extended, —  which  indeed  has  not  been  exhaustive,  —  the 
reverse  is  true.  Though  language  of  this  sort  was  freely  used  by  some,  and 
strongly  condemned  by  others,  and  though  the  passage  would  seem  to  have  a 
direct  bearing  on  the  Patripassian  controversy  and  on  the  Gnostic  controversies  of 
the  second  and  third  centuries,  yet  I  cannot  Hnd  that  it  was  ever  adduced,  on  the 
one  hand,  by  way  of  justification  of  such  expressions,  or  that,  on  the  other, 
attempts  were  made  to  explain  it  away.  Other  passages,  far  less  relevant,  were 
appealed  to;  but,  concerning  this,  altuni  silentium.  The  reading  iki/v  had  doubt- 
less found  its  way  into  some  MSS.  as  early  as  the  first  part  of  the  fourth  century; 
but  it  had  not  become  current;  it  had  not  attracted  attention;  and  it  is  not  till 
the  fifth  century  that  we  find  it  actually  quoted  in  reference  to  the  deity  of  Christ 
and  the  propriety  of  such  language  as  "  the  blood  of  God." 

llie  expression  aijia  Htov  occurs  in  Ignatius,  £p^.  c.  l,  avai^GyrrvpTjaavTeg  kv 
atfiari  f^env  ru  ffi')-} fvikov  fpyov  Tc/eicj^  ('nrypTiffaTe,  according  to  the  Shorter 
Greek  form  of  the  Epistles,  and  in  the  Syriac  version  of  the  Three  Epistles  as 
published  by  Cureton;  the  Old  Latin  version  of  the  Shorter  form  reads  "  in  san- 
guine Chrisii  Dei  ";  and  the  Longer  Epistles,  ev  aiuari  XfufTTov.  The  Armenian 
version,  made  from  the  Syriac,  omits  the  phrase  altogether;  and  Petermann,  in 
his  edition  of  Ignatius  (p.  6),  says,  '*  Equidem  dixerim,  primitus  scriptum  esse 
XpiGToij  deinde  ex  nota  Monophysitae  cujusdam  marginali  in  textum  irrepsisse 
fkw,  ac  deinde  vocem  ;f/)mrai>  excidisse."  Bunsen  puts  a  comma  after  a'l^ari,  and 
connects  ifeov  either  with  to  av^ytviKov  (^Die  drei  iichten  .  .  .  Briefe  des  Ignatius^ 
1847,  PP-  42f  86,  n.  7),  or  with  ipyov  (^IlippolytuSy  i.  95,  2d  ed.).  But  for  brevity 
I  waive  all  question  of  the  reading,  or  the  construction,  or  the  genuineness  of  the 
Epistles,  which,  so  far  as  I  can  venture  at  present  to  judge  (and  this  is  the  view 
of  eminent  scholars),  cannot  be  regarded  as  earlier  in  any  of  their  forms  than  the 
latter  half  of  the  second  century.  The  phrase  suits  the  style  of  these  Epistles 
very  well,  and  the  only  point  important  to  notice  is  that  there  is  nothing  in  the 
context  to  suggest  in  the  slightest  degree  a  reference  to  the  passage  in  the  Acts. 
The  appeal  sometimes  made  to  Ignat.,  Jiovi.  c.  7,  rests  on  a  false  reference  of 
oirroi',  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  ^fou  after  ;r<5//a  is  probably  spuri<nis. 

The  next  example  is  in  Tertullian  {^Ad  Uxor.  ii.  3)  :  "  Non  sumus  nostri,  sed 
pretio  empti;  et  quali  pretio?  sanguine  Dei."  Here,  again,  there  is  no  allusion 
in  the  context  to  Acts  xx.  28;  and  even  Burton  admits  (  Testivi.  of  the  Ante- 
Nicene  Fathers  to  the  Div.  of  Christy  2d  ed.,  p.  25)  that  **  his  words  bear  such  a 
direct  reference  to  another  text,  i  Cor.  vi.  19,  20,  that  we  cannot  say  whether  he 
had  the  words  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Ephesians  also  in  mind."  I  will  add  that 
Roensch,  who  in  his  Das  Netie  Testament  Tertullian' s  (1871)  has  collected  with 
great  care  all  the  allusions  of  Tertullian  to  passages  of  the  New  Testament  as 
well  as  his  quotations,  finds  no  allusion  in  his  writings  to  Acts  xx.  28. 

The  remaining  example  of  this  expression  is  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Qitis 

dives  salvetuTf  c.  34)  :  "  Not  knowing  how  great  a  treasure  we  bear  in  an  earthen 

vessel,  dwdfiet  Oeov  Trarpb^  hat  aiuari  Oznv  rraa^of  Kfu  i^pdatj   rrvEvparoi;  ayinv  rrrp/ 

Tereixtafxivov."    Here,  again,  there  is  in  the  connection  no  allusion  to  Acts  xx.  28. 

These  are  all  the  examples  that  have  been  adduced,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  from 


333 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


the  Aaie-Nicene  Falhers,  of  Ihe  expression  "blood  of  God."*  They  are  found 
in  highly  [hetorical  n  titers,  ttmarkaljle  genernlly  for  the  harshness  and  eiiiava- 
gtnce  of  Iheit  language.  They  are  connecled  with  a  laip  nuinbet  of  kindred 
expreESons,  in  which  the  Kalhers  speak  of  Ihe  hirlh,  conception,  flesh,  body, 
tullciin^,  death,  ciuciiixion,  burid,  anit  resurtcctiuD  of  God,  (uc  which  no  Sccipt' 
are  precedent  can  be  plea^ted,  but  which  are  founded  merely  on  inference. 
Under  thiae  circunutancea,  it  seems  to  me  extremely  rash  to  single  out  this,  one 
of  the  rareit,  and  claim  that  it  implies  the  exlttenee  of  (be  reading  "'"''  in  .\cct 
XX.  xS,  against  the  very  strong  presumption  that,  if  il  bad  existed  there,  il  would 
often  have  been  directly  appealed  lo. 

I  regret  that  the  nhoUy  nnexpecled  length  to  which  the  preceding  discossiun 
faai  extended  forbids  any  detailed  illuslTalion  of  what  has  been  slated  in  regard 
to  Ihe  language  of  Ihe  Christian  Fathers,  and  of  Ihe  extent  1^  which,  when  the 
use  of  friic  and  i/chi  as  appellations  of  Christ  had  become  familiar,  they  use  the 
musi  harsh  and  startling  cipressiuns  without  Scriptural  authority,  and  simply  as 
the  result  uf  inference.  1  can  only  refer  lo  Ihe  collection  of  such  expresuons 
given  by  WcWein  in  his  note  on  Acts  xx.  sB  {A'.  T.  ii.  596  f,),  and  add  some 
reference!  to  passages  not  noticed  by  him. 

See  Ignatius,  Horn.  c.  6 ;  "  Suffer  me  to  be  an  imitator  ™i  ■rr&Bav^  tw  ^oi'  fioK." 
Here,  again,  there  are  various  readings  (see  Upsius,  Text  dtr  drti  syr.  Britft, 
pp.  77,  78).  Eph.  c.  lE:  a  yap  H™(  ^/iiiv  'iTiainn'  a  Xpurrif  fmv^iitfiii  i-^rii  Mopiot. 
— Talian,  Or.  ad  Grate,  e.  13:  "rejecting  rii-  iiaKUvn  [the  Holy  Spirit]  -rot 
tmrovMrnc  Stoi." — Melito,  Ex  Strut,  dr  PaisioHt,  ap.  Anastasium  Sin.:  a  0;i[ 
irfnoiSiv  i«ra  dtfiiif 'IffpovX/ndof,  but  in  the  Syriae:  "God  was  put  to  death  1  the 
King  of  Israel  was  slain  by  an  Israelilish  right  hand"  (see  Curelon.  Sfiin'l.  Syr. 
p.  55,  cf.  p.  56;  or  OtlOi  Corp.  Apel,  CAriit.  h.  pp.  416,  433,  444  (f..  and  459, 
n.  119).  Cureton  has  some  doubt  whether  this  and  some  other  pieces  in  which 
•imilar  language  occurs  belong  lo  Meliloi  there  may  lie  a  confusion  between 
Melito  and  Meletiua,  '■  the  honey  of  Attica,"  who  flourished  in  the  fourth  ceutury. 
Sec  his  Spieil.  Syr.  pp.  96,  97.  —  Tetlullian,  as  might  be  expected  from  his  fiery 
intensity  of  feeling,  and  the  audadlies  of  his  glowing  slyle.  has  much  language 
of  the  kind  referred  to.  See,  e.g.,  De  Carni  Chrisli,  c,  5.  Afler  speaking  of 
the  "  passiones  Dei,"  he  exclaims :  "  Quid  enim  inJignius  Deo  .  . ,  nasci  an  mori? 
camem  gestore  ati  crucem?  circumcidi  an  suffigi?  educari  an  sepeliri  ?  in  praeiepe 
dcponi  nn  in  nionimetilo  recondi?  .  .  .  Nanne  vere  crucihxus  est  Deus?  nonne 
vere  mortuus  est,  ut  vere  crucifixus?  nunne  vere  resuscilalus,  ulvere  scilicet  mor- 
tuus?"  He  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  "  inlcrcmptorcs  Dei."  On  the  passage  jus! 
cited,  which  contains  Ihe  famous  sentence  Cerium  til,  quia  imfinisMit,  so  often 
misquoted,  I  would  refer  lo  Ibe  valuable  notes  of  Mr.  Norton,  Gtnuinentst  of 
the  Gosf/ls,  2d  ed.,  iii.  175  (f.,  or  ii.  272  ft  Eng.  ed.  For  other  examples  of  simi- 
lar language  in  TerluUian,  see  iHJ.  c.  4;  Adt'.  Mariien.  ii.  16  (morluum  Deiim), 
27  (Deum  crucifixnm);   iv,  13  (quia  Deus  hamQ  natus  erat);   v.  5   (nativitas  et 


•  la  ih*  Paul.  Samsi.  Quattl.  (Q.  iv,),  jBcribed  to  Dionywiu  of  Aleisodii*,  wn  have  i)w 
imiionrd  a>pa  Tit  ii;  "><•  ro'v  llior  wiiv 'li/auii  X/ifarii.' (C«ciV..«j.  Colcli,  i.  SSSb):  bui 
.  Huiton  BhaiiUI  aiX  have  ciled  this  work  u  he  hu  done,  ugcibei  wilh  the  »-aiIIcil  Epuik  of 
»irsiu>  »g=ir«  IW  o<  SamoBB  fBunm.,  r,.lim.  p.  15  f..  ,=  !..  16..  wr4'9l.--i'>'0"l  ™^» 
:  rudn  of  ibeir  probable  gpunouineci.    See  Ludnet'i  Werii,  U.  iSj  K,  wl.  1S39. 


ON  THE   REAX>ING   "CHURCH   OF   GOD  "  323 

caro  Dei);  De  Patient,  c.  3.  — Ircnaeus,  Cont.  Haer.  v.  19,  §  i :  '*  [Maria]  per 
angelicum  sermonem  evangelizata  est,  ut  portaret  Deum."  —  Clement  of  Alexan- 
dria, Paed.  ii.  c.  3,  p.  1 90,  ed.  Potter:  roi:q  -it^aq  ivi-rtv  a'vTuv  aaiaiu  -rrtfuCiJcd- 
fuvoc  6  ari-oof  fieog  Kat  Kipin^  rtjv  o/uv.  Ibid.  c.  8,  p.  214:  if^iu^tv  rov  H(6i-. — 
Hippolytus,  De  AniichristOy  c.  45  (Migne,  Patrol,  x.  764'*)  :  rhv  iv  Kot/ia  irapHi- 
vov  (nn'ei/.Tfufiivoi'  Bebv  /.o^^ov.  Ex  Semi,  in  Elcan.  et  Annam  :  wf  6  <iT0CTo/.nf 
/iy«,  To  de  ird<T;fa  yui^v  inip  i/fiuv  iffifi//  Xparog  u  tkuq  (Migne,  col.  864*^).  '0 
Btit^  is  in  the  same  way  added  io  i  Cor.  v.  7  in  MS.  number  116,  and  in  one  MS. 
of  Chrysostom;  and  that  passage  is  so  quoted,  according  to  Wctsteii;,  by  the 
Lateran  Council.  Such  cases  are  instructive.  —  Novatian,  Df  Ke^\  Fid.  sire  de 
Trin.  c.  25,  opposes  those  who  argued,  "  Si  Christus  Deus,  ChristiLs  autem  mor- 
tuus,  ergo  raortuus  est  Deus."  —  Synod  of  Anlioch  (a.d.  269,  Epist.  ad  Dionys. 
et  Max.  (in  Routh,  Rel.  Sacr.  iii.  312,  2d  ed.)  :  /'^oc  7/r  n-  ^ncTTpl  owtn^aujuivit^  t<^ 
di-Hpurrivu;  and  see  what  precedes.  —  Siln'lline  Oracles,  vi.  26,  <1)  ^ihw  u  fiaKapi- 
croi.ii^*(fi  deuf  k^travi-cOr, 'y  vii.  66,  r/i/uon',  o'vk  *}ro>f  ror  aiv  th6i\  ut;  iror'  t/.ovctv 
'lofH^di-ov  ev ':Tp(fx^f}(yi  [Friedlieb  vi^areoci'];  viii.  28S,  Kai  i^ugovci  fieu  paTricT/jara 
X^polv  dvayvoit;,  quoted  by  Lactantius,  iv.  18;  viii.  462.  (U^ai  axpdvroKJt  6ebv  an'ic, 
TTapi^ivt,  /cd/To/f.  See  also  vii.  24.  — There  is  a  great  abundance  of  such  language 
in  Lactantius;  see  Inst.  iv.  cc,  10,  14,  18,  22,  26,  29,  30.  —  Alexander  of  Alex- 
andria, De  Anima  et  Corpore^  c.  5  (Migne,  xviii.  595,  cf.  603),  preserved  in  Syriac 
*and  Arabic :  "  Quaenam.  oro,  necessitas  Deum  coegit  in  terram  descendere,  car- 
ncm  assumere,  panniculis  in  praesepi  involvi,  lactante  sinu  ali,  baptismum  in 
famulo  suscipere,  in  crucem  toUi,  terreno  sepulcro  infodi,  a  mortuis  tertia  die 
rcsurgcre?"  —  Apostolical  Constitutions,  lib.  viii.  (late)  c.  i,  §  4:  otl  axr^x^Ph^^^ 
fifoi'  (jravpov  v^ifuii-ev  alaxvvfK  Kara^povi/caq  6  ^fof  /djof,  koX  in  CLTredave  koi 
vrdoTj  Kat  avioTTj,  k.  t.  /.. 

The  subject  has  been  very  imperfectly  presented,  but  the  foregoing  references 
and  citations  may  be  sufficient  to  estal)lish  the  position  taken.  They  may  also 
serve  to  show,  in  reference  to  the  argument  that  t^toi  is  the  /ectio  durior^  that 
expressions  which  seem  very  harsh  to  us  were  well  suited  to  the  taste  of  many  in 
the  second  and  third  centuries.  And  how  ready  the  Christian  Fathers  were  to 
confound  their  own  inferences  with  the  language  of  Scripture  may  appear,  to  take 
a  single  example,  from  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  who  says:  T/f  fVt  roanvrov  ^kurivE\\ 
wf  }i^  f3ov?^atku  fie  TO.  tcjv  Evayyt'/.iuv  tkordicrn'  dnnKa?.eiv  ri/v  dyiav  Trap' 
diifiv;  (^Quod B.  Maria  sit  deipara^  c.  23;  Opp.  ix.  284^,  in  Migne,  Ixxnx).  One 
who  thinks  the  Fathers  would  have  been  very  scrupulous  about  using  such  expres- 
sions as  pwo>ei7/f  f^cdf,  aipa  ffeoi;  etc.,  unless  they  had  found  them  in  Scripture, 
may  look  into  Sophocles^s  Greek  Lexicon,  under  such  words  as  dfie/.i^eo^^  tieo- 
ytw^rcjp,  0£okt6vo^^  Gtour/rup,  tftoKdrup,  and  0t:o:7pnuf'/rcjp,  to  say  nothing  of  OtoTo- 
ifof.  The  title  Dei  aina  applied  to  Anna,  the  mother  of  the  Virgin,  became  so 
popular  that,  as  Wetstein  remarks,  Clement  XL  had  to  issue  an  edict  against  it, 
as  ofTensive  to  pious  ears. 

One  very  early  passage,  wrongly  supposed,  as  I  think,  to  speak  of  "  the  suffer- 
ings of  God,"  requires  a  little  discussion,  which  has  been  reserved  for  the  present 
place. 

In  the  First  Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthians  (c.  2),  we  read 
tA  TFoJdijfiaTa  avTov  iv  Trpb  otpdaAfidv  vucjv^   tov  Otul   being   the   near   antece- 


3"4 


CRITICAL  ESUTS 


dent.'  Bat  u  Ihe  term  0(6!,  with  ur  uithoul  the  ariic1«,  U  throughout  the  Episile 
applied  exclusively  lo  the  Kalher.  anil  u  a>ca  in  iimrkeil  ili&linctiuii  frum  Chiul  (tet, 
t^.,ce.  1,7, 12,16,20,41,46,49,50,58,  59),  this  reference  of  the  oin.ii  would  seem 
to  make  Clement  a  Palripassian;  and  such  is  the  view  o(  Lipsiol  (_De  Cltm.  Ram. 
Ep.  ad  Car.  priort,  pp.  loi,  lOi),  eonip.  Hellwag,  in  the  Titel.  Jakrb,  1848, 
p.  355  f.  Bnl  this  supposition,  as  well  as  the  Buppcisitiou  that  the  second  person 
of  the  Trinity  is  inlenited  by  the  roi',  Heov  preceding,  is  so  entirely  out  uf  harmony 
with  the  re*t  of  the  Epiitle  (sec  above,  and  in  reference  lu  the  blcxid  of  Christ, 
cc.  7,  13.  2l|  49).  that  I  should  regard  as  much  more  probable  the  conjecture  of 
fioH^ltaTa  for  iraff^iuira.  proposed  by  the  lirst  editor  of  the  Epistle,  Patrick  Voung 
CJuniiu),  and  adopted  by  Fleury  (//ill.  Bed.  liv.  ii.  e.  33),  WhitLy  {^Ditq.  Mtd. 
p.  iS),  Hilgenfeld  (A".  T.  txtra  Can.  i.  p.  5,  note),  and  Donaldson  (^/cjf. 
FalAtri,  1S74,  pp.  157,  158).  The  older  forms  of  the  Mu  and  11  were  sometimes 
hardly  di-itinguiihable;t  and,  as  Dr.  Lightfuot  (in  lot.')  remarks,  "  the  con(u«oD 
of  fiaHvr^.  itaHirrit.  In  Ign.  /Wjr.  7,  and  fmUf/fiaTa,  7ra%iara,  in  Ign.  Smyrn.  5, 
■hows  that  the  Interchange  would  be  caiy."  And  1  do  not  perceive  much  force 
in  the  remark  that  "the  reading  iiaHrniara  would  destroy  the  propriety  of  (he 
eipres^ons  in  the  parallel  clauses  ...  'the  words  in  your  Aearls,  the  sufferingi 
before  your  tyts.'  "  The  eyes  of  the  mind —  what  Cleoienl  calls  rii  Au/irth  n/t 
iivxf/i:  (c-  >9)  and  ol  iK^aXt^ol  r^  no/iilior  (c.  36)  are  certainly  referred  lo;  and, 
ihe  use  of  such  language  with  iiaSii]fiara  is  perfectly  paralleled  hy  ripi  KaiiiSocty 
(ruv  a-K0<n6hjv)  xpo  6if8aX/iuv  Ixwr,  in  Iren.  //atr.  iii.  3,  g  3;  comp.  Ctnst. 
Apail.  ii.  36,  %  I,  and  Marl.  Polye.  c  I.  See  also  Analol.  Can.  Pauh.  c.  5: 
"Xpaniiv  Koi  7ii  X(jioriii'  luX  KaTii^rrpl^iaHai  /lal^ iiara  »ai  tranr/tiara.  But 
the  coDJEClure,  however  plausible,  does  not  seem  necessary;  we  have  only  lo  sup- 
pose a  somewhat  negligent  use  of  ai-Tm  (of  which  we  have  an  example  near  Ihe 
end  of  the  same  chapter,  and  others  in  cc.  32,  34,  36,  50),  referring  lo  Christ  in 
lAe  mind  of  the  v/riUr,  though  not  named.  I1iis  is  the  view  of  Dr.  Ssmuel 
aarke  ((Tar*!,  iv.  569),  RSssler  {Bildiolkii  d.  Kirchtn-VlUrv,  i.  47.  n.  a), 
Martini  {Gnek.  du  Dogma  von  dtr  CollMl  CAris/i,  p.  24,  note),  Domcr  (Ltire 
von  Jir  Pirsen  Chtiili,  i.  139,  or  p.  99,  Eng.  trans.),  Bunsen  {Ifippalylus,  i.  46. 
,  note,  ad  ed.),  Ekker  [De  Clem.  Jiom.  Episl.  p.  92,  note),  and  Reuss  {Tlihl. 
ChrititnHi,  ii.  326,  3'  (d.).  For  such  a  use  of  nv^i^,  see  Luke  ii.  38,  xvii.  16; 
Acts  XV.  5;  1  John  ii.  la,  a?,  28,  and  other  places;  and  comp.  Wahl,  Claris  Jv.  T. 
S.  v.  a\itl>i.  2  c.  hb-dd,  and  Winer,  Grant.  \  22.  3,  and  §  67. 1.  d.  In  the  passage 
in  question  I  adopt  the  punctuation  of  Ltghtfool  and  Gebhardt  (who  put  a  colon 
after  a/iKoi'/jn™) ,  and  their  interpretation  of  f^Jmliwe.  Obscfvtng,  ihcii,  that 
Clement  has  just  borrowed  a  saying  introduced  in  Acts  xx.  35  liy  ihe  phrase 
"  remtmbering  Ihe  words  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  how  natural  that,  wilh  Christ  in 
mind,  he  should  go  on  to  say,  "  and  diligently  giving  heed  to  his  words  ye  had 
laid  them  up  in  your  hearts,  and  his  suFfcrings  were  before  yuur  eyes  "  \  1  refer, 
it  will  be  seen,  both  of  Ihe  aiirnii's  lo  Christ.    This  is  also,  perhaps,  favored  liy 


nvJydifc 


uJ  tp,*ri 


opia-R[«k  form  o[  M  io  Uhlenuim^^ 
id  Donaldson,  u  referred  Kt  abAve. 


ON  THE  READING  "CHURCH  OF  GOD  325 

the  use  of  the  plural^  tov^  7.6} ov^  avrov;  comp.  in  this  Epistle  cc.  13,  46;  also 
Acts  XX.  35;  I  Tim.  vi.  3,  ConsL  ApoU,  viii.  45;  whereas,  except  in  Kev.  xvii.  17, 
xix.  9,  where  the  reference  is  to  the  words  of  a  particular  prophecy,  we  always 
have  in  the  New  Testament,  and  I  think  in  the  Apostolical  Fathers,  b  /.o>of,  not 
oi  a6)oi,  Tiiv  dtov.  X  The  general  resemblance  in  sentiment  (noticed  by  Professor 
Lightfoot)  between  c.  2  of  Clement  and  c.  13,  in  which  "the  words"  of  Christ 
are  twice  appealed  to,  lends  confirmation  to  this  view,  on  which  I  have  dwelt  the 
longer,  as  no  notice  is  taken  of  it  in  the  editions  of  Cotelier,  Jacobson,  Hefele, 
Dressel,  Lightfoot,  Gebhardt,  and  Harnack,  or  in  any  other  within  my  knowledge.* 

An  important  passage  of  Athanasius  remains  to  be  considered,  which  I  (juote 
in  full,  as  different  views  have  been  taken  of  its  bearing.  Con/.  Apollinar.  ii. 
14  (Opp.  i.  951,  ed.  Bened.,  or  Migne,  x<vi.  1156^)  :  f^hdaiKrv  61  aiua  6t:ov  6i;\[a 
caphug  rTaf}a(h6(l)Kaaiv  a'l  yfiat^u,  i/  tkuv  ()ui  aafjKo^  TraOui-Ta  Kai  avaarnv-a.  ' Xptia- 
vuv  TO.  Toinvra  ro/.fir/uara,  tTztuMj  fif/TE  dtov  a/,f/6ivbv  tuv  vibv  tov  f^trw  bfio/.oyovciv. 
kl  6e  ayiai  yfXujKii  kv  aapKi  Oeov  Kal  oapKog  6eov  ai'Hpuzov  yEvnukvov,  cufia,  Kiii 
Tzafkic,  Kal  avdarcusiv  Kr/pvrrovm  atj^aro^  (hov,  avdaraatv  ek  veKpuv  yE^>o/nh'r/i'.  I 
would  propose  a  different  punctuation  of  the  last  sentence,  —  placing  a  comma 
after  KTipirrovat^  and  removing  it  after  ^evofikvov  and  after  the  last  dtov.  We  may, 
then,  translate  as  follows:  "  But  the  Scriptures  have  nowhere  spoken  of  *  blood 
of  God  *  apart  from  the  flesh,  or  of  Goii  as  having  suffered  and  risen  again  through 
the  flesh.  Such  audacities  belong  to  the  Arians,  since  they  do  not  confess  that 
the  Son  of  God  is  true  God.  But  the  holy  Scriptures  speak  of  blood  and  suffer- 
ing and  resurrection  in  the  flesh  of  God  and  of  the  flesh  of  God  become  man,  — 
a  resurrection  from  the  dead  of  the  body  of  God." 

I  have  italicized  certain  words  made  emphatic  by  position.  Here,  for  aJ/ia  6'fof 
fiixn  onpKu^,  the  edition  of  Athanasius  ex  OJicin.  Commeiinianay  1601  (i.  503*), 
reads  aiua  Btov  Koff  vfiag,  which  is  also  the  reading  of  the  Paris  edition  of  1627 
(i.  645***^).  Wetstein,  who  used  the  former  edition,  quotes  the  passage  with  i/ficn; 
for  iudg  (probably  a  misprint,  as  the  two  words  are  often  confounded),  where- 
upon Dr.  Burton  charges  him  with  inserting  Katf  t'/uur  "  from  his  own  head,"  and 
leaving  out  the  words  ^/^rx  napKd^^  **  upon  which  the  whole  meaning  of  the  pas- 
sage turns."  (^Testimonies  of  the  Ante-Xicene  Fathers^  p.  20  f.)  This  is  unjust 
to  Wetstein;  and  the  charge  is  the  more  unfortunate,  as  Dr.  Burton  himself  imme- 
diately misquotes  the  edition  (the  Benedictine)  which  he  professedly  follows,  sub- 
stituting &LX^  capKu<;  for  (^id  capKoc  in  the  second  clause ;  and  in  citing  the  last 
sentence  (p.  22)  omits  the  last  clause,  which  is  important  as  determining  its  con- 
struction. He  has  also,  if  I  mistake  not  (I  would  speak  with  deference),  miscon- 
strued and  mistranslated  the  sentence.f 

•  This  explanation  is  adopted  by  C.  J.  H.  Ropes  in  the  Presbyterian  Quarterly  and  Princeton 
Revievf  for  April,  1877,  p.  331,  and  by  Wicsclcr  in  the  Jahrb.  /.  deutichc  rhi-oi.^  1877,  P-  357- 
Lightfoot  regards  it  as  admissible,  St.  Clement  of  Rome,  Apjxjndix  (London,  1877),  P-  403- 

t  He  renders:  "  But  the  Holy  Scriptures,  speaking  of  God  in  the  flesh,  and  of  the  flesh  of  God 
when  he  became  man,  do  mention  the  blood  and  sufferings  .Tnd  resurrection  of  the  body  of  God." 
But  if  aifjia,  k.  T.  A.,  is  connected  with  nuiii<ir<i(\  what  docs  cdftKur  depend  on  ?  I  venture  to 
think  that  the  construction  I  have  adopted  is  confirmed,  and  the  whole  passage  illustrated,  by  c.  16 
(Migne,  col.  it6o«).  In  answer  to  those  who  ask,  "  How  did  they  crucify  the  Lord  of  glory,  and 
not  crucify  the  Word  ?  "  Athanasius  says,  "  they  nailed  the  body  of  the  Word  to  the  cross.  He 
was  God  who  was  rejected;  rjdpKo^  6e  Oeov  kqI  xl'i'\f/c  rb  -a^^oc.  Kat  v  fUhnror,  Kal  r/ 
ovnarnciq  ytyovt." 


326  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

In  saying  Ibikt  [be  Scriptures  nowhere  a'ifa  ^ni  ^'X"  mtp"^  wapa£ed£>iaiaiv, 
AChanasius  meani,  as  I  unilersland  him,  that  they  have  nuvherc  used  this  uakol 
eipressiun.  As  Dr.  Humiihry  remarks,  "if  '<rnv  were  the  reading  in  aar  tw 
[Acts  nx.  j8],  there  would  be  menlion  of  the  blood  of  God  .i;^a  oa/wif."  {Comm. 
OH  lilt  Jai  Bf  Ike  Aposlh!.  jJ  eil.,  p,  164.)  Mr.  Darby  ukcs  the  sonic  view  uf 
the  language  of  Atbaimsius  in  the  note  on  Acts  ex.  i%  in  bis  new  translation  of 
the  New  Testament  (3d  ed.,  1872).  This  view  seenu  la  me  to  be  confitiiied  by 
the  whole  tenor  of  the  treatise  against  Apollinnris,  as  well  as  \fj  many  paricalar 
passages.  See,  for  example,  lib.  ii.  c.  13  (Migne,  col.  1153'') :  Hue  oii'i'  ;>;;«- 
^n,  hri  dtAt  It  iih  aapnic  naSin/  xal  avaarit ;  ei  jiip  fhi^  6  iia  eapKbf  rraHljv  tal 
avaarA;,  wa/h/rliii  tprlTi  mil  rJir  narfpa  mi  tAv  BopitX^rnv,  /hiii,  c.  tg  (Migne. 
col.  1165")  !  a&Taiot  oI<v  0!  rf  diiTirn  avrav  wiBo^  nTJjwiijtnrrr.  See  also  lib.  i. 
°c-  3>  5i  tli  IS>  30;  lib.  iL  ec.  3,  7,  11,  11.  "The  Scriptures,"  says  Athanasius, 
"M  iihi  TDV  tiii6/iaTH(  rnii  ivSpiliTUii  rS  iriiflo[  tariiai,  «oi  ovx  i''ep9'>iv'- 
a IV'  ...  irrpi  H  r^  8iitiiTBc  rou  Xijwii  rf/v  dTporrtrjjra  «oi  T^v  a^paari- 
TfTu  6iiohr)mnti  "  (lAi'i/.  lib.  ii.  c.  18}  1  and  neither  he,  not  those  with  whom  he 
ai^es,  seem  ever  to  have  thought  of  t!ie  passage.  Acts  xx.  28,  as  oppoung  this 
view  on  the  one  hand,  or  favoring  it  on  the  other. 

The  use  of  the  phrase  rlifii  on/i<i)r  may  require  farther  notice.  Dr.  Burton,  in 
discussing  this  passage  uf  Athanasios  (u6i  supra,  p.  il),  makes  an  asseniun 
which  even  his  own  Iranslalion  does  not  justify.  "  Since  that  Father  tells  us,"  he 
says,  "that  the  Scriptures  lio  sprat  of  thi  btami  of  Cud,  we  ask,  where  else  do  they 
speak  of  it,  except  in  Acts  xx.  aS?" —  He  does  not  otiterve  that  Athanasius  rep- 
resents the  Scriptures  as  speaking,  uot  of  the  blood  and  suffering  and  resurrecliun 
"  of  God"  but  "  of  theyfciA  of  God,"  or,  according  to  bU  rendering,  "  of  the  body 
of  God";  expressions  which  Alhanasius  here  and  cUewfaere  employs  to  denote 
the  flelh  or  body  which,  together  with  a  human  soul,  i  6r/>(  Jj/of  assumed.  He 
does  not  mean  that  the  Scriptures  use  even  theM  expressions;  hm  thai,  in  speak- 
ing of  the  blood  and  pasuon  and  resorrectjon  of  Christ,  they  do  not  use  the  word 
0ior,  which  is  a  leim  Aix"  oapudi,  one  that  does  not  suggc...!  or  imply  the  flesh  ur 
human  nature,  bat  such  naines  as  j/iiimic  which,  as  he  says,  is  not  given  •f'X" 
aapiiA;;  that  is,  it  implies  the  incarnation.  Wre  niv  nS  tjwrriJf  6m/ia  <!ij-n  1^ 
aofHtir  npeaiyrrai-  imi^  aiaitoifiti  rilM/ian  tA  irdrtof  aai  ifldiiQmc  rm-  piv  Uab- 
im  ypi^avTOt.  «.r.?.,  citing  Acts  xsvi.  23;  1  Cor.  v.  7;  ■  Tim.  ii.  5,  6;  3  Tim.  ij. 
8,  (Crs»/.  ApelliHur.  ii.  a.)  Thus  he  refers  repeatedly  to  J  Pet.  iv,  i,  where  we 
read  that  "  Chriil safSeitA  for  us  in  the  flesh."  (See  Or,  iii.  cent.  Arian.  cc.  31, 
34i  Conl.  Afollinar.  ii.  18,  19.)  It  is  just  because  the  word  Swr,  without  modi- 
fication, does  not,  like  xP"'^^%  suggest  "  the  flesh" ,  in  other  words,  because  it  is 
(i<,fa  on^i^c,  that  Athanasiu's  regards  such  expressions  as  fujiii  ftab  and  h  Sthi  jrra- 
6tti  nai  avisni  as  senseless  and  blaspbeiaons  (see  above,  p.  315). 


Before  entering  upon  this  subject,  I  wish  to  express  my  hearty  thanks  to  Di. 
William  Wright,  Professor  of  .Arabic  in  the  Uiiiveisily  of  Cambridge,  for  very 
important  and  inleresling  information,  moit  kindly  communicated,  concerning  the 
Syriac  and  Aelhiopic  MSS,  in  the  British  Museum.     The  siatemenu  here  tnade 


it    /->TTTT«/-.«   r\C.  ^r\T-.    »» 


ON  THE  READING  "CHURCH  OF  GOD  '  327 

respecting  their  readings  in  Acts  xx.  2S  all  rest  on  his  authority.     For  a  detailed 
account  of  the  MSS.,  his  Catalogues  are  of  course  to  be  consulted. 

Of  the  Syriac  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum,  the  following  read  in  Acts  xx.  28 
"  the  church  of  Goi/" :  — 

Addit.  14473  (6th  century);  171 21,  f.  59*  (6th  century);  14472,  f.  39**  (6th 
or  7th  century);  18812,  f.  35*  (6th  or  7th  century);  and  14470,  f.  i6o*»  in  its 
later  supplement  (9th  century).  It  is  also  found  in  Addit.  171 20  (see  below)  as 
a  late  correction;  and  in  1 4681  (12th  or  13th  century)  as  a  marginal  variant,  the 
text  reading  "  of  Christ." 

The  reading  "  God  "  is  also  found,  as  is  well  known,  in  a  Syriac  Lectionary  in 
the  Vatican  Library,  No.  21,  dated  A.D.  1042  (see  Adler's  uVovi  Test.  Ferss.  Syr. 
p.  16 ff.),  in  a  MS.  brought  by  Dr.  Buchanan  from  Travancore,  "Codex  Malaba- 
rcnsis,"  now  in  the  Library  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  No.  i.  i,  2,  which 
Dr.  Lee  considers  500  years  old;  and  a  MS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  "  Dawk. 
23,"  which  he  regards  as  "  much  older."  ♦  Dr.  Lee  admitted  the  reading  "  God  " 
into  the  text  of  his  edition  of  the  Syriac  New  Testament  in  1816,  on  the  authority 
of  these  three  MSS. 

Of  the  Syriac  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum,  the  following  read  "  the  church  of 
Christ"  (or  the  Messiah)  :  — 

Addit.  1 71 2  O,  "written  in  a  good  regular  Estran^ela  of  the  sixth  century"; 
ahered  "at  a  much  later  period  into  *  of  GotV  "  (Dr.  Wright) ;  14448  (a.d.  699- 
70o)»  *"•  '43*;  7157*  ^-  <2i»,  "  a  very  fine  MS.  of  the  year  a.d.  768"  (Wright;  see 
also  Scrivener,  Introd.,  2d  ed.,  p.  279,  n.  2);  14474  (9th  century);  146S0  (12th 
or  13th  century);  17124  (a.d.  1234);  and  14681  (12th  or  13th  century)  in  the 
/<rx/,  but  with  "of  God"  as  a  marginal  variant.  —  The  two  MSS.  numbered  7157 
and  14448  are  Nestorian. 

Respecting  the  Syriac  MSS.  in  other  libraries,  I  have  little  information.  We 
may  set  down,  I  suppose,  as  supporting  the  reading  "of  Christ"  the  MSS.  on 
which  the  printed  editions  that  have  that  reading  were  founded,  or  in  which  no 
variation  was  noted  by  the  collator;  but  our  knowledge  of  them  is  imperfect. 
Among  these  editions  are  those  of  Widmanstadt  (1555),  resting  on  one  or  two 
Jacobite  MSS.;  the  edition  of  Tremellius  (1569),  who  used  a  Heidelberg  MS.; 
that  of  Lc  Fevre  de  la  Boderie  (Fabricius  Boderiartus)  in  the  Antwerp  Polyglot 
(vol.  V.  1572),  in  which  he  used  a  MS.,  dated  1188,  brought  by  Postel  from  the 
East;  that  of  Rapheleng  (1575),  who  used  a  "Cologne  MS.,"  but  Marsh  thinks 
this  was  probably  identical  with  the  one  just  mentioned;  that  of  (iutbier  (1664), 
who  had  a  MS.  borrowed  from  L'Empereur;  and  that  published  by  the  Propa- 
ganda at  Rome,  in  1703,  from  a  copy  made  by  Antonius  Sionita  in  161 1  from 
three  MSS.  belonging  to  the  College  of  Maronites.  (See  Hug's  Introd.^  Part  i, 
§  69,  p.  215,  Fosdick's  trans.)  Two  Nestorian  MSS.  in  the  Vatican  Library,  No. 
16  (al.  10),  assigned  by  Assemani  to  the  thirteenth  century,  and  No.  17  (al.  9), 
dated  a.d.  15 10,  described  by  Adier  (^ithi  supra ^  p.  20  ff.),  also  have  that  reading. 
To  these  I  can  only  add  the  MS.  Ff.  2.  15  in  the  Library  of  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  Ridley's  No.  14,  who  says  that  it  is  dated  \.\>.  1524;   and,  what  is 

•See  the  letter  of  Dr.  Lee  in  Hug's  I nt  rod  net  ion,  trans,  by  Wait,  i.  363-370,  and  his  Prole- 
gpimena  in  Bibl.  Pol.  Land,  mitt.,  iii.  §  4,  c  14.  I'm  Dr.  Payne  Smith,  in  his  Cat.  0/ Syr. MSS. ^ 
in  the  Bodleian  Library,  assigns  "  Dawk.  23  "  to  the  fourteenth  century. 


328  CRITICAI.   ESSAYS 

note  inpoTUnl,  "  a  Syriac  MS.  of  about  looo  yean  old,  belonging  to  Mr.  Pdnet 
of  Magdalen  Lullegc,"  monlioncd  by  the  Kev.  J.  U.  Munis  {Sricct  IVvrti  af  S. 
Bphratm  Ikt  Syrian,  OxtiiccJ,  1847,  p.  395,  nolcj.* 

We  have  thus  an  iiiieresting  question  teipecting  ihe  primitive  reading  of  the 
PeihilQ  in  this  piisage.  A  nvajoiily  uf  Ihe  eliltit  MSS.,  id  fur  as  our  infonnali'iii 
■I  present  exlends,  suppurt  Ihe  reading  "  the  chuich  of  Cnd";  and  .t-  iiiM-in-  is 
found  in  nil  Greeli  MS.,  and  in  hut  Tevi  patriitic  quotatiuni,  ii  it  not  probable  thai 
Oeov  was  oiiginally  read  liy  the  Syiiac  IranBlalur? 

Thii  ii  a  queatiun  on  which  I  am  not  qualified  lo  eipri;ss  a  confident  opinion; 
but  I  will  state  the  considcTBlion*  which  incline  me  lu  a  diilerert  view. 

(1)  The  MS.  evidence  for  both  Tendings  exiendt  back  to  the  lixlh  century; 
but  it  is  important  \o  milice  that  all  the  NeaitiriiLn  MSS.  have  the  reading 
"Christ,"  while  the  Jacotiite  ut  Munophyute  MSS.  are  divided.  Ihe  majority  in 
point  of  number,  including  one  of  the  sixth  century,  also  supporting  that  reading. 
In  the  conlroversies  of  Ihe  fifth  ccnlury,  when  It  became  known  Ihal  some  Greek 
MSS.  supported  the  reading  <*'•»;  and  after  the  PhiioKcnian  Syriac,  prepared  at 
Ihe  instance  of  a  leading  Monophy^ile  hlshup,  had  adopted  this  reading  in  the 
text,  it  is  not  strange  Ihal  some  of  Ihe  Jacobilea  or  Monophy^tes  should  have 
terrtdtd  (as  ihcy  ihoughi)  iheir  copies  of  (he  Pesiiiio  by  Ihe  Greek  or  by  ibe 
Fhiloxenian,  and  thitt  llius  the  reading  "God  "  -ihould  have  found  its  way  into  a 
considerable  number  of  MSS.,  since  il  is  a  reading  which  would  especially  favor 
the  Monophysile  doctrine.f  Latin  inHuence,  so  far  as  it  went,  would  also  lend 
in  the  same  direction.  I  lay  no  nlress  upon  ihe  fact  that  Ihe  Ne^turians  (as 
Sabarjesus  at  Ihe  end  of  the  tenth  cenluty)  ikar^J  their  adversaries  nilh  cor- 
rupting this  pass,ige  and  Heb.  ii.  9  (see  .^sscmani,  Bibl.  Ori<nt.  iii.  i.  %Ai'i- 
Such  charges  amount  to  lillle  on  one  side  or  the  other.  But  we  must  consider 
the  probabililiei.  Had  "God"  been  the  original  reading,  ihe  Ncstotians  unre 
not  likely  deliberately  10  change  it  to  "  Christ,"  which  must  have  been  found  in 
few,  if  any,  Greek  MSS-i  Ihey  would  rather  have  substituted  "  Lord,"  which  has 
BO  much  very  ancient  aulhorily;  but  paswng  this  by,  if  Ihey  had  Ihus  corrupted 
the  tent,  how  could  Iheir  reading,  in  opposition  to  Ihe  text  which  had  been  handed 
down  (or  centuries,  hnve  found  its  way  inio  a  majority  of  Ihe  MSS.  of  Ihe  hostile 
sect,  after  controversy  had  become  billec?t 

■  The  pauagE  of  EphrKtn  which  gave  occaiion  10  Mr.  Moirit'i  nou  reult:  "FlwCcam  it  [Ju- 
diiun],  Ihou  Ihsim  r«blel  aJiihlthing  ii  ih; ckath  odiI  ihy  blood  10  it:  ii  took  [vpoa  il]  Ihe 
Bkxxl  of  C«l,  kUI  h  U  tuicd  avriy  tmin  IhineF  .  .  .  li  hung  God  upon  IIk  CnH,  and  all  etc- 

■iBliViiMktaiechini."  — ^^I^Mm  i.  ctHctriutigtki  Faith,  ctf.  (Opp.  Syi.  el  Lm.  iii.  iB^n 

Ta  Ihe  MSS.  mtntioiinl  abave  ace  u>  be  added,  ai  I  am  inrormol  by  Mi.  McOdlun,  Col.  Cotl. 
Xov.  op.  Oion.  ]J4,  twelnh  century,  and  four  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  —  one  liHinceBrli 
eeniury,  one  not  rjiied,  one  oightteodi  woiufy,  one  ninoi™nih  ceniuiy.  So  ihe  MS.,  ofaboui  ihe 
ninth  nnlury,  belonging  10  the  Syiiin  Pnitestuii  Collie  ai  BeiiQli  and  ileuiilKd  by  Di.  luac  H, 
Hill  in  ibe  Pncttdimp  e/  Un  Amir.  Oritnl.  Sx.  for  Oct..  1877.  vol.  a.  p.  cilvu. 

T "  lacobilajum  codicet  poiL  edJum  verijoncin  PhQcHteaianam  ad  lexlum  Giaecunt  cmrigi 


-Wieb 


11,  fiiJ.  p 


ON  THE  READING  "CHURCH  OF  GOD  "  329 

That  the  Nestorians  were  not  the  authors  of  the  corruption  appears  probable 
from  the  similar  case  of  Heb.  ii.  9,  where  their  MSS.  and  some  Jacobite  MSS.  also 
read,  "  For  he  apart  from  God  (;t^/;if  ^^ov  for  x^f^^''-  ^tfjv)  tasted  death  for  all 
men";  while  most  of  the  Jacobite  MSS.  read,  "  For  God  himself ,  in  his  grace^ 
tasted  death  for  all  men."  That  the  reading  A'w/>if  ^foi'  was  not  invented  by  the 
Nestorians  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  was  current  two  hundred  years  before 
they  existed,  being  found  in  the  MSS.  of  Origen  and  many  other  ancient  Fathers 
(see  Tischendorf,  and  Bleek  in  ioc),  whereas  the  Jacobite  reading  has  in  Greek 
no  MS.  support. 

It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  the  authority  of  the  Synod  of  Diamper  is 
against  them.  In  the  Acts  of  that  Council  (a.d.  1599)  the  Nestorians  are 
charged  with  maliciously  corrupting  both  Heb.  ii.  9  and  Acts  xx.  28.  *'  Nam  ipsi 
Nestoriani,  a  Diabolo  acti,  veriiatem  Catholicam  scilicet  Deum  pro  nobis  passum 
sanguinemque  fudisse  fateri  nolunt."  (Mansi,  Concil.  Coll.  Nova  seu  SnppUmcn- 
tuMty  etc.,  torn.  vi.  col.  24.)  That  very  learned  and  judicious  body  also  restored 
to  the  Syriac  text  the  passage  about  the  Woman  taken  in  Adulter}',  the  reading 
"the  love  of  C<?</,  because  he  laid  down  his  life  for  us,"  i  John  iii.  16,  the  Three 
Heavenly  Witnesses,  I  John  v.  7,  8,  and  some  other  gems  from  the  Clementine 
Vulgate.* 

Should  it  be  urged  that  the  majority  of  the  oldest  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum 
collection  support  the  reading  **God,"  though  very  ancient  MSS.  are  found  on 
both  sides,  I  would  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  most  or  all  of  these  MSS.  come 
from  the  monastery  of  St.  Mary  Deipara  in  the  Nitrian  desert,  a  Jacobite  estab- 
lishment, and  that  what  is  really  remarkable  is  the  fact  that  they  do  not  all  have 
that  reading.f  The  tendency  to  alter  the  reading  "Christ"  to  "  God  "  is  illus- 
trated by  the  MSS.  Addit.  17120  and  146S1;  see  above,  and  note  the  changes  in 
Rich's  MS.  7157,  described  by  Tregelles  {Textual  Criticism,  p.  262,  n.  2). 

(2)  The  genuineness  of  the  reading  '*  Christ  "  is  favored  by  its  existence  in  the 
Erpenian  Arabic,  made  from  the  Peshito. 

(3)  It  is  also  favored  by  the  fact  that  all  or  most  of  the  earlier  Fathers  of 
Syria  and  its  neighborhood,  as  Eustathius  (^f  Antiuch,  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia, 
Theodoret,  Nestorius,  Amphilochius  of  Iconium,  the  Gregories,  and  Fulherius  of 
Tyana,  appear  to  have  been  averse  to  such  expressions  as  "  the  blood"  or  **  the 
sufferings  of  God  ";  see  p.  319  f.  Perhaps  Kphraem  is  an  exception  (see  the  note 
quoted  above) ;  but  he  was  a  poet,  and  fond  of  extravagant  and  paradoxical 
language.  Moreover,  Sabarjesus  quotes  him  as  saying,  "  Deus  Verbum  ne(iue 
passus,  neque  mortuus  est."     (Assemani,  Bibl.  Orient,  iii.  i.  542.) 

Such  being  the  state  of  the  case.  I  incline  i>retty  strongly  to  the  belief  that 
"  Christ "  was  the  original  reading  of  the  Peshito  in  Acts  xx.  28. 

The  Aethiopic  version  as  printed  in  Walton's    Polyglot,  as   has   already  been 


•Sec  La  Croze,  Hist,  du  Christianisme  des  Indes,  1758,  i.  341  ff. 

t  **  Ncque  td  mirum  est,  quod  lacobitarum  potissimum  libri  in  Europam  translati  sunt.  Etenim 
qui  in  Nitriae  deserta  confugerunt  ibique  in  monasterio  Marine  Dciparac  sedcs  fixcrunt,  Monophy- 
sitae  erant  et  codices  attulcrunt  ex  lacobitarum  monasicriis:  dcinJc  plus  omnino  commercii  fuit 
ecclesiae  occidentali  cum  lacobitis  quam  cum  Ncstorianis,  qui  intcnoris  .Asi.ie  tr.ictus  incolebant." 
— ^  Wichelhaus,  ubi sttp.y  p.  147. 


33° 


CUmCAL   ESSAYS 


mentioned  (see  p,305  f,),  uses  n  uoid  regarded  by  Griesbach,  Tiscbendar/.  and 
others  as  amtiiguous,  but  which  seenis  to  me  lo  support  Ihe  reading  "IJud."*  But 
the  Polyglot  text  (from  the  Komaa  ediliun  at  1548-49)  represenls  but  a  iiagle 
Mri.,  parts  of  wMch  in  the  Acts  were  defective,  and  supplied  hy  the  native  editors 
from  llie  Greek  or  the  Vulgaie.  Thomas  Pell  Plait's  edition,  printed  for  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  in  lS3o,winn1ao  made,  in  (he  Acts  and  Epistles, 
from  a  single  MS.  (Tregelles,  Tifx'mrl  Criririin.p.  3x6.)  This  edilinn  rendt 
"Christ."  In  this  uncertainly  about  the  text,  the  following  account,  for  which  I 
am  indebted  to  Dr.  Wright,  of  the  readings  of  the  Aethinpic  MSS.  in  the  British 
Museum,  is  of  special  interest :  — 

Orient.  526,  f.  67»;  527,  f  III*;  519,  f.  gj";  530.^39";  and  531,  f.  78*,  aetee  J 
in  rending  "church  of  CArist,"  Or  531,  f.  116'',  omits  the  word  Ctn'i/altogethcr.fl 
Or  528,  r.  l8»,  has  "church  of  Cm/,"  using  the  wt 

"  These  MSS.."  Dr.  Wright  remarks. "  are  itll  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  ■^ 
centuries;  but  we  have  none  older  in  the  British  Museum." 

I  would  add  that  Dr.  Ughitoot  has  kindly  examined  for  me  the  only  01 
the  Memphilic  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  containing  the  Acts,  or  at  least  the  I 
onlv  one  accesiiible  at  the  time,  vii.  Orient.  424,  and  states  thai  "  the  reading  ik  % 
clearly  rov  nvplov," 

POSTSCRIPT. 

On  p.  304,  note  *,  the  MS.  of  the  Sfieculum,  published  by  Caidinal  Mai,  igi 
spoken  of  as  "  perhaps  the  oldcnt  copy  thai  cunta 

V.  7."  I  have  not  yet  had  the  opportunity  of  examining  Ziegler's  llalitfrag, 
dtr  PatilinisduH  Britfi  nrbsl  BruehslUtiiH  eiiur  V9rliieroit}"iiiamsilun  I 
ifl:ung  il.  trUen  yehannitbriefei  uki  PcrgumtntUalltTH  dtr  eketnaligin  J 
uiigir  Sli/lsiibliolhfk  (Marbnrg.  1876),  but  in  the  Thepl.  LiUralurblaU  for  J 
15,  1876.  there  ii  an  interesting  notice  of  the  volume  by  Dr.  Reusch,  who  si 
that  the  Freiwng  MS.  mentioned  in  the  title  just  Ei»^n  c 
sage  in  the  following  form  (supplying  the  gaps)  :  —     - 

"  el  spiritus  e[st  testimonium,]  quia  spiritus  est  Veritas. 
qui  testificantur]  in  terra:  spiritus  etaqua  et  5a[nguis,  ct  Ire! 
lur  in  uelo :  Pater  e[t  Verhum  el  Spiritus  ssnctus,  et  hi]  tre 

As  this  Freising  fragment  of  the  Old  Latin  version  (conl 
v.  31)  is  said  to  be  "of  the  seventh  century  at  the  latest,"  it  is  probably  « 
to  the  distinction  of  being  the  oldest  Latin  copy  in  which  the  Three  Kea 
Witnesses  have  yet  appeared.     The  Iji  Cava  MS.  of  the  ^'ulgati 
speculum,  contains  the  spurious  Epistle  to  the  Laodiceans,  is,  indeed,  r 


when  Kvptn^  W3a  regarded  by  ihi 
cpRHmcative  af  //^dc.  dk  u^mp 
fl-ri^:  in  vtr.  16,  for  »-(.,! K)f ; 


ON  THE  READING  "CHURCH  OF  GOD  "  33 1 

Cardinal  Mai  to  the  seventh  century;  but  Tischendorf  assigns  it  to  the  eighth, 
and  Ziegler,  as  the  result  of  a  special  investigation,  would  place  it  even  later. 

In  regard  to  the  authorship  of  the  Speculum,  the  opinion  expressed  above 
(p.  3031.),  and  in  the  American  edition  of  Orme's  Memoir  of  the  Controversy 
respecting  the  Three  Heavenly  Witnesses  (pp.  187,  188),  is  confirmed  by  Ziegler, 
who  remarks,  as  quoted  and  indorsed  by  Dr.  Reusch,  that  "  the  Speculum  is  not 
by  Augustine,  but  by  an  unknown,  probably  African  author;  and  that  it  is  not 
even  certain  whether  he  took  this  verse  with  the  Heavenly  Witnesses  from  a  MS. 
of  the  Bible,  or  added  it  himself;  at  any  rate,  the  citation  in  the  Speculum  is  of 
no  more  importance  than  that  in  Vigilius."  As  the  passage  was  quoted  by  Vigilius 
Thapsensis  (cir.  484)  and  by  Fulgentius  (507-533),  we  need  not  be  surprised  to 
find  it  in  a  Latin  MS.  of  the  sixth  century. 


XVI. 
ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.   5. 

[From  \^t  Journal  of  th*  Society  0/  Biblical  LiUrature  and  Exfgttit  for  1881.]  * 

We  shall  understand  better  the  passage  to  be  discussed, 
if  we  consider  its  relation  to  what  precedes  and  follows  and 
the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  written. 

In  the  first  eight  chapters  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
the  Apostle  has  set  forth  the  need  and  the  value  of  the 
gospel  as  "the  power  of  God  unto  salvation  to  every  one 
that  bclie^oeth  ;  to  the  Jew  first,  and  also  to  the  Greek."  In 
view  of  the  present  blessings  and  the  glorious  hopes  of  the 
Christian  believer,  he  closes  this  part  of  the  Epistle  with 
an  exultant  song  of  triumph. 

But  the  doctrine  of  Paul  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
strongest  prejudices  of  the  Jews  and  their  most  cherished 
expectations.  It  placed  them  on  a  level,  as  to  the  condi- 
tions of  salvation,  with  the  despised  and  hated  Gentiles. 
The  true  Messiah,  the  king  of  Israel,  the  spiritual  king 
of  men,  had  come ;  but  the  rulers  of  their  nation  had 
crucified  the  Lord  of  glory,  and  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
had  rejected  him.  They  had  thus  set  themselves  in  direct 
opposition  to  God.  They  had  become  IwdBum  arrb  roi  .vp/crroi, 
outcasts  from  the  Messiah  and  his  kingdom.  Christians,  a 
large  majority  of  them  Gentiles  by  birth,  were  now  the  true 
Israel.  No  rite  of  circumcision,  no  observance  of  the  Jew- 
ish Law,  was  required,  as  the  condition  of  acceptance  with 
God  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  Messianic  blessings  ;  no  sac- 
rifice but  self-sacrifice  :  the  only  condition  was  fixith,  as  Paul 
uses  the  term, —  7^  practical  belief  and  trust  in  Christ,  and 


*[The  article  by  Dr.  Dwighi,  lo  which  Professor  Abbot  makes  frequent  reference  below,  and 
which  rh'fends  the  opposite  opinioti  to  that  nniiitait-.cd  by  Dr.  Abbot,  may  be  found  in  the  same 
number  of  the  above-named  journal,  pp.  22-55  ] 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  333 

thus  m  God  revealed  in  his  paternal  character ;  a  faith  that 
carried  with  it  the  affections  and  will,  TrioTtc  sc  aydirrj^  hepywuivr/. 

How  could  these  things  be?  How  was  this  gospel  of 
Paul  to  be  reconciled  with  the  promises  of  God  to  the  "  holy 
nation"  ?  how  with  his  justice,  wisdom,  and  goodness?  Had 
God  cast  off  his  people,  "  Israel  his  servant,  Jacob  his 
chosen,  the  seed  of  Abraham  his  friend  "  ?  These  are  the 
great  questions  which  the  Apostle  answers  in  the  ninth, 
tenth,  and  eleventh  chapters  of  this  Epistle.  The  first  five 
verses  are  to  be  regarded  as  a  conciliatory  introduction  to 
his  treatment  of  this  subject,  on  which  he  had  so  much  to 
say  that  was  not  only  hard  for  the  unbelieving  Jews,  but 
for  Jewish  Christians,  to  understand  and  accept. 

The  unbelieving  Jews  regarded  the  Apostle  as  an  apos- 
tate from  the  true  religion  and  as  an  enemy  of  their  race. 
Five  times  already  he  had  received  from  them  forty  stripes 
save  one ;  he  had  been  "  in  perils  from  his  own  country- 
men "  at  Damascus,  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  at  Iconium  and 
Lystra,  at  Thessalonica,  Beroea,  and  Corinth, —  often  in 
peril  of  his  life.  By  a  great  part  of  the  believing  Jews,  he 
was  regarded  with  distrust  and  aversion.  (See  Acts  xxi.  20, 
21.)  His  doctrines  were  indeed  revolutionary.  Though  he 
was  about  to  go  to  Jerusalem  to  carry  a  liberal  contribution 
from  the  churches  of  Macedonia  and  Achaia  to  the  poor 
Christians  in  that  city,  he  expresses  in  this  Epistle  great 
anxiety  about  the  reception  he  should  meet  with  (anxiety 
fully  justified  by  the  result),  and  begs  the  prayers  of  the 
brethren  at  Rome  in  his  behalf  (Rom.  xv.  30-32).  As  the 
Jews  hated  Paul,  they  naturally  believed  that  he  hated  them. 

These  circumstances  explain  the  exceedingly  strong  as- 
severation of  his  affection  for  his  countrymen  and  of  his 
deep  sorrow  for  their  estrangement  from  God,  with  which 
this  introduction  begins.  So  far  from  being  an  enemy  of 
his  people,  he  could  make  any  sacrifice  to  win  them  to 
Christ.  They  were  his  brethren,  his  kinsmen,  as  to  the 
flesh.  He  gloried  in  sharing  with  them  the  proud  name  of 
Israelite.  He  delights  to  enumerate  the  magnificent  privi- 
leges by  which  God  had  distinguished  them  from  all  other 


334  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

nations, —  "  the  adoption,  and  the  glory,  and  the  giving  of 
the  Law,  the  covenants,  the  temple  service,  and  the  prom- 
ises." Theirs  were  the  fathers ;  and,  from  among  them,  as 
the  crowning  distinction  of  all,  the  Messiah  was  born,  the 
supreme  gift  of  God's  love  and  mercy  not  to  the  Jews  alone, 
but  to  all  mankind.  All  God's  dealings  with  his  chosen 
people  were  designed  to  prepare  the  way,  and  had  prepared 
the  way,  for  this  grand  consummation.  How  natural  that, 
when,  in  his  rapid  recital  of  their  historic  glories,  the  Apos- 
tle reaches  this  highest  distinction  of  the  Jews  and  greatest 
blessing  of  God's  mercy  to  men,  he  should  express  his  over- 
flowing gratitude  to  God  as  the  Ruler  over  all ;  that  he 
should  "  thank  God  for  his  unspeakable  gift " !  I  believe 
that  he  has  done  so,  and  that  the  fifth  verse  of  the  passage 
we  are  considering  should  be  translated,  "  whose  are  the 
fathers  and  from  whom  is  the  Messiah  as  to  the  flesh  :  he 
who  is  over  all,  God,  be  blessed  forever.  Amen,"  or  "he 
who  is  God  over  all  be  blessed  forever.  Amen."  The  dox- 
ology  springs  from  the  same  feeling  and  the  same  view  of 
the  gracious  providence  of  God  which  prompted  the  fuller 
outburst  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  chapter,  where,  on  com- 
pleting the  treatment  of  the  subject  which  he  here  intro- 
duces, the  Apostle  exclaims :  **  O  the  depth  of  the  riches  and 
wisdom  and  knowledge  of  God  !  How  unsearchable  are  his 
judgments  and  untraceable  his  ways  !  .  .  .  For  from  him, 
and  through  him,  and  to  him,  are  all  things  :  to  him  be 
{or  is)  the  glory  forever.     Amen." 

I  believe  that  there  are  no  objections  to  this  construction 
of  the  passage  which  do  not  betray  their  weakness  when 
critically  examined ;  and  that  the  objections  against  most  of 
the  other  constructions  which  have  been  proposed  are  fatal. 

The  passage  is  remarkable  for  the  different  ways  in  which 
it  has  been  and  may  be  punctuated,  and  for  the  consequent 
variety  of  constructions  which  have  been  given  it.  The 
Greek  is  as  follows  :  — 

.  .  .  Kill  t^  (l)i>  it  XfurjTor  70  Kwa  ndpKa  o  ijv  irrl  Travruv  (ko^  ev'/Xfy-TiTdc  fif  tw^ 
a'tfovn^.     'Aiii/v. 

It  grammatically  admits  of  being  punctuated  and  con- 
strued in  at  least  seven  different  ways. 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.   5  335 

1.  Placing  a  comma  after  ffap^a,  and  also  after  '^foc,  we  may 
translate  the  last  clause,  "  who  (pr  he  who)  is  God  over  all, 
blessed  for  ever." 

2.  Putting  the  second  comma  after  -aiTwy  instead  of  ^^k  \ 
"who  (or  he  who)  is  over  all,  God  blessed  for  ever." 

3.  With  a  comma  after  :rarrwv  and  also  after  ^for,  "  who  (pr 
he  who)  is  over  all,  God,  blessed  for  ever."  So  Morus,  Gess 
(Christi  Person  imd  Werk,  ii.  i.  207  f.,  Basel,  1878). 

4.  Placing  a  comma  after  ow^,  and  also  after  ^^f<5f,— '*He 
who  Is,  God  over  all,  blessed  for  ever."  See  Wordsworth's 
note,  which,  however,  is  not  consistent  throughout ;  and 
observe  the  mistranslation  at  the  end  of  his  quotation  from 
Athanasius  (Orat.  cont.  Arianos,  i.  §  24,  p.  338).* 

5.  Placing  a  comma  after  <T'^i/JK«  and  a  colon  after  rravrwy, 
the  last  part  of  the  verse  may  be  rendered  :  *•  and  from 
whom  is  the  Messiah  as  to  the  flesh,  who  (or  he  who)  is  over 
all :  God  be  blessed  for  ever.     Amen." 

6.  Placing  a  colon  after  aa/^Acn,  f^fOf  may  be  taken  as  predi- 
cate, thus:  **he  who  is  over  all  is  God,  blessed  for  ever"; 
so  Professor  B.  H.  Kennedy,  D.D.,  Canon  of  Ely  ;  or  thus, 
"he  who  was  over  all  being  (literally^  was)  God,  blessed  for 
ever."     So  Andrews  Norton. 

7.  With  a  colon  after  G(n)Ka,  6  uv  1-1  iraiTuv  Otog  may  be  taken 
as  the  subject,  and  (vAoyrr<k  as  predicate,  with  the  ellipsis  of 
«7  or  ta-iv,  making  the  last  part  of  the  verse  a  doxology, 
thus:  **he  who  is  over  all,  God,  be  blessed  (or  is  to  be 
praised)  for  ever  "  ;  or  **  he  who  is  God  over  all  be  blessed 
{or  is  to  be  praised)  for  ever  "  ;  or  "  God,  who  is  over  all,  be 
blessed  (or  is  to  be  praised)  for  ever." 

I  pass  over  other  varieties  of  translation  and  interpreta- 
tion, depending  on  the  question  whether  rravrtM'  is  to  be  taken 
as  masculine  or  neuter,  and  on  the  wider  or  narrower  applica- 
tion of  the  word  in  either  case. 

In  Nos.  1-4  inclusive,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  0  wr,  with 
all  that  follows,  including  the  designation  (kd^,  is  referred  to 


*  Perhaps  I  ought  to  add  here  as  a  curiosity  a  construction  proposed  in  the  Record  news- 
paper, in  an  article  copied  in  Christian  Of>inion  and  Revisionist  for  March  n,  18S2,  p.  222. 
The  writer  would  translate,  '*  Of  whom  as  concerning  the  flesh  Chnst  came,  who  is  over  all,  God. 
Blened  be  he  for  ever !    Amen. " 


336  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

6  xptoroc;  in  Nos.  6  and  7,  6uv  introduces  an  independent  sen- 
tence, and  f^tor  denotes  God,  the  Father.  No.  5  refers  the 
first  part  of  the  sentence  in  debate  to  0  ;rp«ffr<5c,  the  last  part 
to  God. 

The  question  of  chief  interest  is  whether  in  this  passage 
the  Apostle  has  called  Christ  God.  Among  those  who  hold 
that  he  has  done  so,  the  great  majority  adopt  one  or  the  other 
of  the  constructions  numbered  i  and  2 ;  and  it  is  to  these, 
and  especially  to  No.  2,  followed  both  in  King  James's  ver- 
sion and  the  Revised  Version  (text),  that  I  shall  give  special 
attention.  Among  those  who  refer  the  last  part  of  the  sen- 
tence to  God,  and  not  Christ,  the  great  majority  of  scholars 
adopt  either  No.  5  or  No.  7.  I  have  already  expressed  my 
preference  for  the  latter  construction,  and  it  is  generally 
preferred  by  those  who  find  here  a  doxology  to  God. 

I.  We  will  first  consider  the  objections  that  have  been 
urged  against  the  construction  which  makes  the  last  part  of 
the  sentence,  beginning  with  « <^v,  introduce  a  doxology  to 
God.  I  shall  then  state  the  arguments  which  seem  to  me 
to  favor  this  construction,  and  at  the  same  time  to  render 
the  constructions  numbered  i  to  4  each  and  all  untenable. 
Other  views  of  the  passage  will  be  briefly  noticed.  Some 
remarks  will  be  added  on  the  history  of  its  interpretation, 
though  no  full  account  of  this  will  be  attempted. 

I.  It  is  objected  that  a  doxology  here  is  wholly  out  of 
place ;  that  the  Apostle  is  overwhelmed  with  grief  at  the 
Jewish  rejection  of  the  Messiah  and  its  consequences,  and 
"  an  elegy  or  funeral  discourse  cannot  be  changed  abruptly 
into  a  hymn."  He  is,  indeed,  deeply  grieved  at  the  unbelief 
and  blindness  of  the  great  majority  of  his  countrymen  ;  but 
his  sorrow  is  not  hopeless.  He  knows  all  the  while  that  "the 
won!  of  God  hath  not  failed,"  that  '*  God  hath  not  cast  off 
his  people  whom  he  foreknew,"  that  at  last  "all  Israel  shall 
be  saved  "  ;  and  nothing  seems  to  me  more  natural  than  the 
play  of  mingled  feelings  which  the  passage  presents, —  grief 
for  the  present  temporary  alienation  of  his  countrymen  from 
Christ,  joy  and  thanksgiving  at  the  thought  of  the  priceless 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION    OF    ROMANS   IX.    5  337 

blessings  of  which  Christ  was  the  minister  to  man  and  in 
which  his  countrymen  should  ultimately  share. 

Flatt,  Stuart,  and  others  put  the  objection  in  a  very 
pointed  form.  They  represent  a  doxology  as  making  Paul 
say,  in  effect:  "The  special  privileges  of  the  Jews  have 
contributed  greatly  to  enhance  the  guilt  and  punishment  of 
the  Jewish  nation ;  God  be  thanked  that  he  has  given  them 
such  privileges  ! "  But  they  simply  read  into  the  passage 
what  is  not  there.  There  is  nothing  in  the  context  to  sug- 
gest that  the  Apostle  is  taking  this  view  of  the  favor  which 
God  has  shown  the  Jewish  nation.  He  is  not  denouncing 
his  countrymen  for  their  guilt  in  rejecting  the  Messiah,  and 
telling  them  that  this  guilt  and  its  punishment  are  aggra- 
vated by  the  privileges  they  have  abused.  So  tender  is  he 
of  their  feelings  that  he  does  not  even  name  the  cause  of 
his  grief,  but  leaves  it  to  be  inferred.  He  is  assuring  his 
countrymen,  who  regarded  him  as  their  enemy,  of  the 
sincerity  and  strength  of  his  love  for  them.  They  are  his 
brethren:  the  very  name  '*  Israelite"  is  to  him  a  title  of 
honor;*  and  he  recounts  in  detail,  certainly  not  in  the 
manner  of  one  touching  a  painful  subject,  the  glorious 
distinctions  which  their  nation  had  enjoyed  through  the 
favor  of  God.  Calvin,  who  so  often  in  his  commentaries 
admirably  traces  the  connection  of  thought,  here  hits  the 
nail  on  the  head  :  "  Haec  dignitatis  clogia  tcstimonia  sunt 
avioris,  Non  enim  solemus  adeo  benigne  loqui,  nisi  de  iis 
quos  amamus."  f 

At  the  risk  of  being  tedious,  I  will  take  some  notice  of 
Dr.  Gifford's  remarks  in  his  recent  and  valuable  Commen- 
tary on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.^  He  says:  "Paul's 
anguish  is  deepened  by  the  memory  of  their  privileges,  most 
of  all  by  the  thought  that  their  race  gave  birth  to  the  Divine 
Saviour,  whom  they  have  rejected."      But  in  Paul's  enum- 

*See  ch.  xi.  i;  2  Cor.  xi.  22. 

t  The  new  which  I  have  taken  accords  with  that  of  Dr.  Hodge.  He  sajrs:  "The  object  of 
the  Apostle  in  the  introduction  to  this  chapter,  contained  in  the  first  five  verses,  is  to  assure  the 
Jcw»  of  his  love  and  of  his  respect  for  their  peculiar  privileges."  Comm.  on  tJu  Ep,  to  tkt 
Romuuut  new  ed.  (1864),  note  on  ix.  4,  p.  469;  sec  also  p.  463. 

}[Wiih  the  paragraphs  which  follow  compare  the  additional  comments  in  Essay  XVII., 

p.  4*$'  1 


33« 

eration  of  the  privileges  of  the  Jews  he  has  in  \'iew  nol 
merely  their  present  condition,  but  their  whole  past  history, 

illuminated  as  it  had  been  by  light  from  heaven.  Will  it  be 
seriously  maintained  that  Paul  did  not  regard  the  peculiar 
privileges  which  the  Jewish  nation  had  enjoyed  for  so  many 
ages  as  gifts  of  God's  goodness  for  which  eternal  gratitude 
was  due?  But  '"his  anguish  is  deepened  most  of  all  by  the 
thought  that  their  race  gave  birth  to  the  Divine  Saviour, 
whom  they  have  rejected  "  !  *  Paul's  grief  for  his  unbelieving 
countrymen,  then,  had  extinguished  his  gratitude  for  the 
inestimable  blessings  which  he  personally  owed  to  Christ : 
it  had  extinguished  his  gratitude  for  the  fact  that  the  God 
who  rules  over  all  had  sent  his  Son  to  be  the  Saviour  of  the 
world  !  The  dark  cloud  which  hid  the  light  just  then  from 
the  mass  of  his  countrymen,  but  which  he  believed  was  soon 
to  pass  away,  had  blotted  the  sun  from  the  heavens.  The 
advcii;  of  Christ  was  no  cause  for  thanksgiving:  he  could 
only  bow  his  head  in  anguish,  deepened  most  of  all  by  the 
thought  that  the  Messiah  had  sprung  from  the  race  to  which 
he  himself  belonged. 

"  His  anguish  is  deepened  by  the  memory  of  their  privi- 
leges." Paul  does  not  say  this;  and  is  Dr.  Gifford  quite 
sure  that  this  was  the  way  in  which  these  privileges  pre- 
sented themselves  to  his  mind  ?  May  we  not  as  naturally 
suppose  that  the  thought  of  God's  favor  to  his  people  in  the 
past,  whom  he  had  so  often  recalled  from  their  wanderings, 
afforded  some  ground  for  the  hope  that  they  had  not  stum- 
bled so  as  to  fall  and  perish,  but  that  their  present  aliena- 
tion from  Christ,  contributing,  as  it  had  done,  in  the  over- 
ruling providence  of  God,  to  the  wider  and  more  rapid 
spread  of  the  gospel  among  the  Gentiles,  was  only  tempo- 
rary ?  If  we  will  let  Paul  be  his  own  interpreter  instead  of 
reading  unnatural  thoughts  between  his  lines,  we  shall  take 
this  view.  "  God  hath  not  cast  off  iiis  people,  whom  he 
foreknew,"'  "  whose  is  the  adoption,  and  the  glory,  and  the 
covenants,  and  the  promises."  "  A  hardening  in  part  hath 
befallen  Israel,"  but  only  "until  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles 
be  come  in  ;  and  so  {or  then)  all  Israel  shall  be  saved."     It 


ox   THE   COXSTRUCTION   OF   ROMAXS    IX.    5  339 

is  not  for  nothing  that  **  theirs  are  the  fathers  "  ;  that  they 
had  such  ancestors  as  Abraham,  "  the  friend  of  God,"  and 
Isaac,  and  Jacob.  "  As  touching  the  gospel,  they  are  ene- 
mies for  the  sake  of  the  Gentiles,  but  as  touching  the  elec- 
tion," as  the  chosen  people  of  God,  "  they  are  beloved  for 
the  fathers'  sake."  "  If  the  first  fruit  is  holy,  so  is  the 
lump  ;  and,  if  the  root  is  holy,  so  are  the  branches."  "  God 
doth  not  repent  of  his  calling  and  his  gifts."  "  God  hath 
shut  up  all  [Jews  and  Gentiles]  unto  disobedience,  that  he 
might  have  mercy  upon  all."  For  the  ancient  prophecy  is 
now  fulfilled  :  the  Deliverer  hath  come  out  of  Zion  ;  and 
"he  shall  turn  away  ungodliness  from  Jacob."  **  O  the 
depth  of  the  riches,"  etc.  Such  were  the  thoughts  which 
the  past  privileges  of  the  Jews,  in  connection  with  the  ad- 
vent of  Christ,  as  we  see  from  the  eleventh  chapter  of  this 
Epistle,  actually  suggested  to  the  mind  of  Paul.* 

Can  we,  then,  reasonably  say  that,  when,  in  his  grand 
historic  survey  and  enumeration  of  the  distinctive  privileges 
of  the  Jews,  the  Apostle  reaches  the  culminating  point  in 
the  advent  of  the  Messiah,  sprung  from  that  race,  a  devout 
thanksgiving  to  God  as  the  beneficent  ruler  over  all  is 
wholly  out  of  place }  Might  we  not  rather  ask.  How  could 
it  be  repressed } 

We  may  then,  I  conceive,  dismiss  the  psychological  objec- 
tion to  the  doxology,  on  which  many  have  laid  great  stress, 
as  founded  on  a  narrow  and  superficial  view  of  what  we  may 
reasonably  suppose  to  have  been  in  the  Apostle's  mind. 
And  I  am  happy  to  see  that  so  fair-minded  and  clear-sighted 
a  scholar  as  Professor  Dwight  takes  essentially  the  same 
view  of  the  matter.  (See  Joiiru.  Soc.  BibL  Lit.,  etc.,  as 
above,  p.  41.) 

2.  A  second  objection  to  a  doxology  here  is  founded  on 
the  relation  of  the  first  five  verses  of  the  chapter  to  what 
follows.  A  doxology,  it  is  thought,  unnaturally  breaks  the 
connection  between  the  sixth  verse  and  what  precedes. 


*  This  appreciative  recapitulation  of  the  distinctions  of  the  Jewish  people  would  also  serve  to 
chcdc  the  tendency  of  the  Gentile  Christians  to  self-conceit,  and  would  lead  them  tu  recognize  the 
important  part  of  the  despised  Hebrews  in  the  drama  of  the  world's  history-.  It  would  virtually 
•ay  to  them, '*  Glory  not  over  the  branches;  but  if  thou  £loriest,  thou  bearest  not  the  root,  but 
the  root  thee  "  (Rom.  xi.  i8). 


340  CRITICAL    E5SAVS  ^^^^^^H 

This  argument  is  rarely  adduced,  and  I  should  hardly  have 
thought  it  worthy  of  notice,  were  it  not  that  Dr.  Dwight 
seems  to  attach  some  weight  to  it,  though  apparently  not 
much,     (See  as  above,  p.  41  f.) 

The  first  five  verses  of  the  chapter,  as  we  have  seen,  are 
a  conciliatory  introduction  to  the  treatment  of  a  delicate 
and  many-sided  subject.  This  treatment  begins  with  the 
sixth  verse,  which  is  introduced  by  the  particle  ■''.  "  but." 
Whether  the  last  part  of  verse  5  is  a  doxology  to  God.  or 
simply  the  climax  of  the  privileges  of  the  Jews,  the  ^(  cannot 
refer  to  what  immcduttcly  precedes.  In  either  case,  it  refers 
to  what  is  implied  in  verses  2  and  3,  and  meets  the  most: 
prominent  objection  to  the  doctrine  set  forth  by  the  Apostle 
in  the  preceding  part  of  the  Epistle.  The  thought  is,  The 
present  condition  of  the  great  mass  of  my  countrymen  is 
indeed  a  sad  one,  and  not  the  Jews  as  a  nation,  but  Chris- 
tians, are  the  true  people  of  God  ;  but  it  is  not  as  if  the 
promises  of  God  have  failed.  (Comp.  iii.  3,  4.)  This  sim- 
ple statement  of  the  connection  of  verse  6  with  what  pre- 
cedes seems  to  me  ali  that  is  needed  to  meet  the  objection. 
The  argument  that  a  doxology  is  inconsistent  with  the 
Apostle's  state  of  mind  has  already  been  answered. 

3,  A  third  objection,  urged  by  many,  is  founded  on  the 
alleged  abruptness  of  the  doxology  and  the  absence  of  any 
mention  of  God  in  what  precedes.  Some  also  think  that  a 
doxology  here  would  need  to  be  introduced  by  the  particle  ■'*. 

I  cannot  regard  this  objection  as  having  any  force.  It  is 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  habit  of  Paul  thus  to  turn  aside 
suddenly  to  give  e.'ipression  to  his  feelings  of  adoration  and 
gratitude  toward  God."  See  Rom.  i.  25  ;  vii.  25  (where  the 
genuineness  of  fii  is  very  doubtful)  ;  2  Cor.  ix.  15,  where 
note  the  omission  of  a  in  the  genuine  text;  1  Tim.  i.  17, 
where  the  doxology  is  suggested  by  the  mention   of  Christ. 


11  buti  Piuli.  qiwd  al 


t,  and  «  Ac 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS    IX.   5  34I 

The  doxology  xi.  36,  as  has  already  been  noticed  (p.  334),  is 
completely  parallel   in  thought.      Far   more   abrupt   is   the 

doxology     2     Cor.     xi.     31,     oOmc  kqI  7:aryi>  rnv  KVf)Uiv  'It/fjtw  o/'tUr,  o  fji' 

e'r/n>TfTor  fif  roir  n'tdva^^  on  ov  \\*hi'6ount^  where  the  ascription  of  praise 
is  interposed  between  oUtv  and  on  in  an  extraordinary  manner. 

It  is  very  strange  that  it  should  be  urged  as  an  argument 
.  against  the  doxology  that  God  is  not  mentioned  in  the  pre- 
ceding context.  The  name  does  not  occur,  but  almost  every 
word  in  verses  4  and  5  suggests  the  thought  of  God.  So,  to 
a  Jew,  the  very  name  "  Israelites  "  ;  so  *'the  adoption  and 
the  glory  and  the  giving  of  the  Law  and  the  covenants  and 
the  service  and  the  promises  "  ;  and  so,  above  all,  o  ,r/>'<^r«r, 
the  Anointed  of  God,  the  Messiah  :  as  to  the  flesh,  sprung 
from  the  Jews  ;  but,  as  to  his  holy  spirit,  the  Son  of  God, 
the  messenger  of  God's  love  and  mercy,  not  to  the  Jews 
alone,  but  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

That  the  mention  of  Christ  in  such  a  connection  as  this 
should  bring  vividly  to  the  mind  of  the  Apostle  the  thought 
of  God  and  his  goodness,  and  thus  lead  to  a  doxology,  is 
simply  in  accordance  with  the  conception  of  the  relation  of 
Christ  to  God  which  appears  everywhere  in  this  Epistle,  and 
in  all  his  Epistles.  While  Christ,  <V  w  -h  -(iirr/,  is  the  medium 
of  communication  of  our  spiritual  blessings,  Paul  constantly 
views  them  in  relation  to  God,  ^^  oi  ra  Travm,  as  the  original 
Author  and  Source.  The  gospel  is  "the  gospel  of  God,'* 
"a  power  of  God  unto  salvation"  ;  the  righteousness  which 
it  reveals  is  "a  righteousness  which  is  of  God";  it  is  God 
who  has  set  forth  Christ  as  i/.nfjr//inov,  who  **commendcth  his 
love  toward  us  in  that,  while  we  were  yet  sinners,  Christ 
died  for  us,"  who  "spared  not  his  own  Son,  but  freely  gave 
him  for  us  all  "  ;  it  is  "  God  who  raised  him  from  the  dead  "  ; 
"what  the  Law  could  not  do,  in  that  it  was  weak  through  the 
fiesh,  God,  sending  his  own  Son  in  the  likeness  of  sinful 
flesh,  and  on  account  of  sin,"  has  done  ;  the  glory  to  which 
Christians  are  destined,  as  sons  and  heirs  of  God  and  joint 
heirs  with  Christ,  is  "the  glory  of  God";  in  short,  "all 
things  are  of  God,  who  hath  reconciled  us  to  himself  through 
Jesus  Christ,"  and  "nothing  shall  separate  us  from  the  love 
of  God,  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord." 


342  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

Though  no  one  can  doubt  that  Paul  was  full  of  love  and 
gratitude  to  Christ,  so  that  we  might  expect  frequent  ascrip- 
tions to  him  of  praise  and  glory,  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that 
there  is  no  doxology  or  thanksgiving  to  Christ  in  any  of  his 
Epistles  except  those  to  Timothy,  the  genuineness  of  which 
has  been  questioned  by  many  modern  scholars.  These 
Epistles,  at  any  rate,  present  marked  peculiarities  of  style 
and  language,  and,  if  written  by  Paul,  were  probably  written 
near  the  close  of  his  life.  And  in  them  there  is  but  one 
doxology  to  Christ,  and  that  not  absolutely  certain,  on  ac- 
count  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  word  «*>of  (2  Tim.  iv.  18); 
while  the  thanksgiving  is  a  simple  expression  of  thankful- 
ness (i  Tim.  i.  12),  xm"^ '^x^,  gratias  habco  i^oX.  ago).  One 
reason  for  this  general  absence  of  such  ascriptions  to  Christ 
on  the  part  of  the  Apostle  seems  to  have  been  that  habit  of 
mind  of  which  I  have  just  spoken,  and  which  makes  it  a 
priori  more  probable  that  the  doxology  in  Rom.  ix.  5  belongs 
to  God.  But  this  is  a  matter  which  will  be  more  appropri- 
ately treated  in  another  place. 

As  to  the  '^f,  which  Schultz  insists  would  be  necessary,* 
one  needs  only  to  look  fairly  at  the  passage  to  see  that  it 
would  be  wholly  out  of  place  ;  that  a  doxology  to  God  in- 
volves no  ajitithctic  contrast  between  God  and  Christ,  as 
Schultz  and  some  others  strangely  imagine.  Nor  does  <'*',  as 
a  particle  of  transition,  seem  natural  here,  much  less  re- 
quired.    It  would  make  the  doxology  too  formal. 

4.  It  is  urged  that  "  ^  'jj*,  grammatically  considered,  is  more 
easily  and  naturally  construed  in  connection  with  xn'f^'^k  than 
as  the  subject  of  a  new  and  doxological  clause."  (See  Dr. 
D wight's  article,  as  above,  pp.  24,  25.) 

Much  stronger  language  than  this  is  often  used.  Dr. 
Hodge,  for  example,  assuming  that  '*  ''n-  must  be  equivalent 
to  'V/rr/,  says  that  the  interpretation  which  refers  the  words 
to  Christ  is  the  only  one  "which  can,  with  the  least  regard  to 
the  rules  of  construction,  be  maintained."     {Coinm,  in  loc, 

p.  472.) 

Dr.  Dwight,  whose  article  is  in  general  so  admirable  for 


'  J  ihrb'tchfr  f:'tr  dfutiche  Theoi.,  i56S.  xiii.  4-0  f.,  477. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  343 

the  fairness,  clearness,  and  moderation  of  its  statements, 
has  expressed  himself  here  in  such  a  way  that  I  cannot  feel 
perfectly  sure  of  his  meaning.  He  says,  speaking  of  the 
connection  of  ouv  with  f^  xp^<fT6^^  "This  construction  of  6wv,  in 
cases  similar  to  that  which  is  here  presented,  is  the  almost 
universal  one,  both  in  the  New  Testament  and  in  other 
Greek."  If  "cases  similar  to  that  which  is  here  presented" 
means  cases  in  which  6  wy  (or  any  participle  with  the  article) 
is  preceded  by  a  noun  to  which  it  may  be  easily  joined, 
while  it  also  admits  of  being  regarded  as  the  subject  of 
an  independent  sentence,  and  it  is  affirmed  that,  in  such 
grammatically  ambiguous  cases,  it  almost  invariably  does 
refer  to  the  preceding  subject, —  the  argument  is  weighty,  if 
the  assertion  is  true.  But  not  even  one  such  case  has  ever, 
to  my  knowledge,  been  pointed  out.  Till  such  a  case,  or, 
rather,  a  sufficient  number  of  such  cases  to  serve  as  the 
basis  of  a  reasonable  induction,  shall  be  produced,  I  am 
compelled  to  consider  the  statement  as  resting  on  no  evi- 
dence whatever.  Yet  that  this  is  what  is  meant  by  "  similar 
cases  "  seems  necessarily  to  follow  from  what  is  said  further 
on  (/.  r.,  p.  24)  about  "the  peculiarity  of  Rom.  ix.  5."  Cases 
in  which  6  uv^  grammatically  considered,  can  only  refer  to  a 
preceding  subject  are  certainly  not  "  similar  cases  to  that 
which  is  here  presented,"  in  which,  as  Dr.  Dwight  admits, 
"there  is,  at  the  most,  only  a  presumption  in  favor  of  this 
construction  of  the  clause  as  against  the  other"  (/.  r.,  p.  25). 
But,  if  Dr.  Dwight's  statement  means,  or  is  intended  to 
imply,  that  o^v  with  its  adjuncts,  or,  in  general,  the  partici- 
ple with  the  article,  almost  universally  forms  a  descriptive 
or  a  limiting  clause  referring  to  a  preceding  subject,  while 
its  use  as  the  independent  subject  of  a  sentence  is  rare,  the 
assertion  is  fatally  incorrect.  The  latter  use  is  not  only 
very  common,  but  in  the  New  Testament,  at  least,  is  more 
frequent  than  the  former.  We  have  (a)  o  wi-,  or  oi  di^reg,  in  the 
nominative,  as  the  subject  of  an  independent  sentence,  Matt. 
xii.  30;  Mark  xiii.  16  (text,  rec.)  ;  Luke  vi.  3  (t.  r.,  Tisch.) ; 
xi.  23;  Johniii.  31;  vi.  46 ;  viii.  47;  ix.  40;  Acts  xxii.  9; 
Rom.  viii.  5,  8.     Contra  {b),  referring  to  a  preceding  subject, 


344  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

and  forming,  as  I  understand  it,  an  appositional  clause,  John 
i.  i8 ;  iii.  13  (text,  rec.) ;  (Acts  v.  17) ;  2  Cor.  xi.  31 ;  Rev.  v. 
5  (t.  r.) ;  a  limiting  clause,  John  xi.  31  ;  xii.  17  ;  Acts  xi.  i. 
To  these  may  be  added  2  Cor.  v.  4,  Eph.  ii.  13,  where  the 
clause  is  in  apposition  with  or  describes  jy/rf/c  or  v^\^^  ex- 
pressed or  understood ;  and  perhaps  John  xviii.  37  (rraf  6  wp, 

«.  r.  >.).* 

It  is  uncertain  whether  Col.  iv.  1 1  belongs  under  {a)  or 
{b).  See  Meyer  in  loc.  For  the  examples  of  w*',  I  have  re- 
lied on  Bruder's  Concordance,  p.  255,  No.  VI.  But  as 
there  is  nothing  peculiar  in  the  use  of  this  particular  parti- 
ciple with  the  article  so  far  as  the  present  question  is  con- 
cerned, I  have,  with  the  aid  of  Bruder,  f  examined  the  occur- 
rences of  the  participle  in  general,  in  the  nominative,  with 
the  article,  in  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  and  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  I  find 
in  Matthew  eighty-six  examples  of  its  use  {a)  as  the  subject, 
or  in  very  few  cases  (nine)  as  the  predicate,  of  a  verb  ex- 
pressed or  understood,  and  only  thirty-eight  of  its  use  {b)  in 
a  descriptive  or  limiting  clause,  annexed  to  a  preceding  sub- 
ject; in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  twenty-eight  examples 
of  the  former  kind  against  twelve  of  the  latter ;  and  in  the 
First  Kpistle  to  the  Corinthians,  thirty-nine  of  the  former 
against  four  of  the  latter,  one  of  these  being  a  false  reading.  J 

In  general,  it  is  clear  that  the  use  of  the  participle  with 
the  article  as  the  subject  of  an  independent  sentence,  in- 
stead of  being  exceptional  in  the  New  Testament,  is  far 
more  common  than  its  use  as  an  attributive.  Nor  is  this 
strange;  for  ^  iw  properly  signifies   not    *' who  is,"  but  "he 


•  The  examples  of  u  i,v  and  other  participles  with  rrar  belong,  perhaps,  quite  as  properly 
under  {a).  Without  —i[i\  the  i,  ,'>r,  K.  r.  /.  is  the  subject  of  the  sentence,  and  the  meaning  is 
the  same  ;  7:dc  only  strengthens  the  u  i)x\  See  Kriiger,  Gr,  SprachUhre,  sie  Aufl.  (1875},  §  50» 
4,  Anm.  I. 

t  Concordantiae,  etc.,  p.  5S6,  No,  2  ;  ]>.  59S,  No.  VII.  i  ;  comp.  p.  603,  No.  VIII.  ;  p.  604, 
No.  IX. 

X  In  this  reckoning,  to  prevent  any  cavil,  I  have  included  under  {b)  all  the  examples  of  T'ic  «) 
or  —nvTic  ol,  of  which  there  arc  eight  in  Matthew,  two  in  Romans,  and  one  in  1  Cor.  ;  also,  the 
ci^es  of  the  article  and  paniciitle  witli  rr/-  or  I  tirir  as  the  subject  of  the  verb,  expressed  or  under* 
btcod,  of  which  there  are  four  in  Maiiluw  and  seven  in  Romans.  I  have  not  counted  on  either 
side  Rom.  viii.  3^,  34,  and  ix.  33:  the  first  two,  translated  according  to  the  text  of  the  Revised 
Version,  belong  under  (.1  ,  accunl.r.i?  to  its  margin,  under  (^) ;  Rom.  ix.  33,  if  we  omit  Tuf.  with 
all  the  critical  editors,  would  al^o  belong  under  {a). 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  345 

who  is."  The  force  of  the  article  is  not  lost.*  While  in 
some  of  its  uses  it  may  seem  interchangeable  with  k  '^on,  it 
differs  in  this  :  that  it  is  generally  employed  either  in  appo- 
sitional  or  in  limiting  clauses,  in  distinction  from  descriptive 
or  additive  clauses  ;  while  oc  with  the  finite  verb  is  appro- 
priate for  the  latter.  For  examples  of  the  former,  see  John 
i.  18,  xii.  17;  of  the  latter,  Rom.  v.  14;  2  Cor.  iv.  4.  To 
illustrate  the  difference  by  the  passage  before  us :  if  ©  w^ 
here  refers  to  o  xmoroq,  the  clause  would  be  more  exactly 
translated  as  appositional,  not  ''who  is,"  etc.,  but  '' he  who 
is  God  over  all,  blessed  forever,"  implying  that  he  was  well 
known  to  the  readers  of  the  Epistle  as  God,  or  at  least 
marking  this  predicate  with  special  emphasis  ;  while  <V  *<7r/y 
would  be  more  appropriate  if  it  were  simply  the  purpose  of 
the  Apostle  to  predicate  deity  of  Christ,  and  would  also  be 
perfectly  unambiguous. 

There  is  nothing,  then,  either  in  the  proper  meaning  of  b  uv 
or  in  its  usage  which  makes  it  more  easy  and  natural  to  refer 
it  to  6  xn^^'k  than  to  take  it  as  introducing  an  independent 
sentence.  It  is  next  to  be  observed  that  there  are  circum- 
stances which  make  the  latter  construction  easy,  and  which 
distinguish  the  passage  from  nearly  all  others  in  which  o  uv, 
or  a  participle  with  the  article,  is  used  as  an  attributive.  In 
all  the  other  instances  in  the  New  Testament  of  this  use  of 
6^v  or  nlbvTtq  in  the  nominative,  with  the  single  exception  of 
the  parenthetic  insertion  in  2  Cor.  xi.  31  (see  above,  page 
341),  it  immediately  follows  the  subject  to  which  it  relates. 
The  same  is  generally  truj  of  other  examples  of  the  parti- 
ciple with  the  article.  (The  strongest  cases  of  exception 
which  I  have  noticed  arc  John  vii.  50  and  2  John  7.)  But 
here  o  dv  is  separated  from  o  .xi>"^''k  by  rb  mra  aapKa,  which  in 
reading  mnst  be  followed  by  a  pause, —  a  pause  which  is 
lengthened  by  the  special  emphasis  given  to  the  Ka-^'t  c<'ii>ku  by 
the  ro;f  and  the  sentence  which   precedes  is  complete   in 

• 

**' Participles  take  the  article  only  when  some  relation  already  known  or  especially  note- 
worthy (u  ftti,  <r»tif>P«  g^i)  is  indicated,  and  consequently  the  idea  expressed  by  the  participle 
b  to  be  made  more  prominent."— Winer,  Gram,  jte  Aufl.,  §  20,  1.  b.  a.  c.  p.  127  (p.  134,  Thayer). 

t  H  6  ;j'p/<TT<5f  were  placed  after  snra  capKn,  the  ambiguity  would  not,  indeed,  be  wholly 
removed,  but  it  would  b:  much  more  natural  to  refer  the  b  in'  to  Christ  than  it  is  now.  Perhaps 
the  feeling  of  this  led  Cynl  of  Alexandria  to  make  this  transposition  as  he  does  in  quoting  the 


346  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

itself  grammatically,  and  requires  nothing  further  logically ; 
for  it  was  only  as  to  the  flesh  that  Christ  was  from  the  Jews. 
On  the  other  hand,  as  we  have  seen  (p.  334),  the  enumeration 
ot  blessings  which  immediately  precedes,  crowned  by  the 
inestimable  blessing  of  the  advent  of  Christ,  naturally  sug- 
gests an  ascription  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  to  God  as  the 
Being  who  rules  over  all ;  while  a  doxology  is  also  suggested 
by  the  'A"vv  at  the  end  of  the  sentence.*  From  every  point 
of  view,  therefore,  the  doxological  construction  seems  easy 
and  natural.  The  ellipsis  of  the  verb  tori  or  «»?  in  such  cases 
is  simply  according  to  rule.  The  construction  numbered  6 
above  (see  p.  335)  is  also  perfectly  easy  and  natural  gram- 
matically (see  2  Cor.  i.  21,  v.  5  ;  Heb.  iii.  4). 

The  naturalness  of  a  pause  after  (rnpua  is  further  indicated 
by  the  fact  that  we  find  a  point  after  this  word  in  all  our 
oldest  MSS.  that  testify  in  the  case, —  namely.  A,  B,  C,  L, — 
and  in  at  least  eight  cursives,  though  the  cursives  have  been 
rarely  examined  with  reference  to  their  punctuation.f 

It  has  been  urged,  that,  if  the  writer  did  not  intend  that 
6  <jv  should  be  referred  to  Christ,  he  would  have  adopted 
another  construction  for  his  sentence,  which  would  be  ex- 
posed to  no  such  misapprehension.  But  this  argument  is 
a  boomerang.  Mr.  Beet  in  his  recent  Commentary  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans  (2d  ed.,  p.  271  f.)  well  says,  on  the 
other  hand  :  — 

Had  Paul  thought  fit  to  deviate  from  his  otherwise  unvarying  cus- 
tom, and  to  speak  of  Christ  as  Goi/,  he  must  have  done  so  with  a  seri- 
ous and  set  purpose  of  asserting  the  divinity  of  Christ.  And,  if  so,  he 
would  have  used  words  which  no  one  could  misunderstand.     In  a  similar 


passage  against  the  Emperor  Julian,  who  maintained  that  "  neither  Paul  dared  to  call  Christ 
God,  nor  Matthew  nor  Luke  nor  Mark,  ,i>.//  o  \f)//f7ru(;  '  h.nn'i'r/g,"  (Sec  Cyril  cont.  Julian, 
lib.  X.  Opp.  VI.  b.  p.  32S  b,  ed.  Aubert.)  In  two  other  instances,  Cyril  quotes  the  passage  m  the 
same  way:  Opp.  v.  pars  ii.  b.  pp.  iiS  a,  148  e;  though  he  usually  follows  the  order  of  the 
present  Greek  text. 

*In  fifteen  out  of  the  eighteen  instances  in  the  N.  T.,  besides  the  present,  in  which  "Am/^v 
at  the  end  of  a  sentence  is  probably  genuine,  it  follows  a  doxology  ;  namely,  Rom.  i.  25,  xi.  36,  xvi 
27;  Gal.  i.  5;  Eph.  iii.  21;  Phil.  iv.  20;  i  Tim.  i.  17,  vi.  16;  2  Tim.  iv.  18;  Heb.  xiii.  21,  i  Pel. 
iv.  II,  V,  II  (2  Pet.  iii.  iS);  Jude  25;  Rev.  i.  6,  vii.  12.  Contra^  Rom.  xv.  33;  Gal,  vi.  18 
(Rev.  i.  7). 

t  The  MSS.  K ,  D,  F,  G,  cannot  be  counted  on  one  side  or  the  other;  respecting  K,  we  have 
no  information.    For  a  fuller  statement  of  the  facts  in  the  case,  see  Note  A  at  the  end  of  this  essay. 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  347 

case,  John  i.  i,  we  find  language  which  excludes  all  doubt.  And  in  this 
ca'ie  the  words  og  tariv^  as  in  i.  25,  would  have  given  equal  certainty.  .  . . 
Moreover,  here  Paul  has  in  hand  an  altogether  diffjrent  subject,  the 
present  position  of  the  Jews.  And  it  seems  to  me  much  more  likely 
that  he  would  deviate  from  his  comnon  mode  of  expression,  and  write 
once  "  God  be  blessed  "  instead  of  "  to  God  be  glory,"  than  that,  in  a 
passage  which  does  not  specially  refer  to  the  nature  of  Christ,  he  would 
assert,  what  he  nowhere  else  explicitly  asserts,  that  Christ  is  God,  and 
assert  it  in  language  which  may  either  mean  this  or  something  quite 
different 

Many  writers,  like  Dr.  Gifford,  speak  of  that  construction 
which  refers  f>^,  etc.,  to  Christ  as  "the  natural  and  simple" 
one,  "which  every  Greek  scholar  would  adopt  without  hesi- 
tation, if  no  doctrine  were  involved.*'  It  might  be  said  in 
reply,  that  the  natural  and  simple  construction  of  words 
considered  apart  from  the  doctrine  it  involves,  and  with 
reference  to  merely  lexical  and  grammatical  considerations, 
is  by  no  means  always  the  true  one.  For  example,  accord- 
ing to  the  natural  construction  of  the  words  vuEiq  u  tov  Trarpdc 
Tov  Aia36?jov iffri  (John  viii.  44),  their  meaning  is,  "you  are  from 
the  father  of  the  devil " ;  and  probably  no  Greek  scholar 
would  think  of  putting  any  other  meaning  on  them,  if  no 
question  of  doctrine  were  involved.  Again,  in  Luke  ii.  38, 
"she  gave  thanks  unto  God,  and  spake  of  him  to  all  them 
that  were  looking  for  the  redemption  of  Jerusalem.**  How 
unnatural,  it  may  be  said,  to  refer  the  "him  **  to  any  subject 
but  "God,*'  there  being  no  other  possible  antecedent  men- 
tioned in  this  or  in  the  three  preceding  verses.  But  I  do 
not  make  or  need  to  mike  this  reply.  We  have  already 
considered  the  grammatical  side  of  the  question,  and  have 
seen,  I  trust,  that  the  construction  which  mikes  ow*-.  etc., 
the  subject  of  a  new  sentence  is  perfectly  simple  and  easy. 
I  only  add  here  that  the  meaning  of  words  often  depends 
on  the  way  they  are  read, —  on  the  pauses,  and  tones  of 
voice.  (If  we  could  only  have  heard  Paul  dictate  this  pas- 
sage to  Tertius !)  And  it  is  a  matter  of  course  that,  when 
a  person  has  long  been  accustomed,  from  whatever  cause, 
to  read  and  understand  a  passage  in  a  particular  way,  any 
other  mode  of  reading  it  will  seem  to  him  unnatural.     But 


343  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

this  impression  will  often  be  delusive.  And  it  does  not 
follow  that  a  mode  of  understanding  the  passage  which  was 
easy  and  natural  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries,  or  even 
earlier,  when  it  had  becom:  common  to  apply  the  name  ^<>f 
to  Christ,  would  have  seemed  the  most  easy  and  natural  to 
the  first  readers  of  the  Epistle.  I  waive  here  all  considera- 
tions of  doctrine,  and  call  attention  only  to  the  use  of  lan- 
guage. When  we  observe  that  everywhere  else  in  this 
Epistle  the  Apostle  has  used  the  word  ^ '>:•  of  the  Father 
in  distinction  from  Christ,  so  that  it  is  virtually  a  proper 
name,*  that  this  is  also  true  of  the  Epistles  previously 
written  —  those  to  the  Thessalonians,  Galatians,  Corinthians, 
how  can  we  reasonably  doubt  that,  if  the  verbal  ambiguity 
here  occasioned  a  momentary  hesitation  as  to  the  meaning, 
a  primitive  reader  of  thj  Epistle  would  naturally  suppose 
that  th'j  word  '^fi;  designated  the  being  everywhere  else  de- 
noted by  this  name  in  the  Apostle's  writings,  and  would 
give  the  passige  the  construction  thus  suggested.^  But  this 
is  a  point  which  will  be  considered  more  fully  in  another 
place. 

The  objection  that,  if  we  mike  the  last  clause  a  doxology 
to  Gj  I,  "tho  [)articiple  '■>•  is  superfluous  and  awkward,"  will 
be  noticed  below  under  Xo.  6. 

5.  It  is  further  uri;ed  that  r'>  Knr:i  anoKn  requires  an  antith- 
esis, which  is  suj)posed  to  be  supplied  by  what  follows. 
Some  even  say  that  ^'/-<  c',.n.,  must  mean  *' according  to 
his  human  nature,"  and  therefore  requires  as  an  antithesis 
the  mention  of  the  divine  nature  of  Christ.     But  the  proper 

antithesis    to    ^"'/    r/i/rvt    is    K.irii   rrvn-iid,    not    K('''<i  "//»'  fhorz/ra,   which 

there  is  nothin<j^  in  the  phrase  itself  to  suggest:  \ara  r7(z,>/vY/.  as 
will  at  once  appear  on  examining  the  cases  of  its  use  in  the 
New  Testament,  does  not  refer  to  a  distinction  of  natures^ 
but  often  denotes  a  physical  relation,  such,  for  example,  as 
depends  on  birth  or  other  outward  circumstances,  in  contrast 
with  a  spiritual  relation.  We  need  only  refer  to  the  third 
verse  of  this  very  chapter,  which  certainly  does  not  imply 


•  It  is  so  used  in  the  tir-;  tajn  chaiuers  about  eighty-seven  times,  and  so  in  the  verse  which 
immediately  follows  the  one  under  discussion. 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   $  349 

that  Paul  or  his  "kinsmen  Kara  adpKa**  had  a  divine  nature 
also.  The  phrase  Kara  adpKa  undoubtedly  implies  an  antithe- 
sis: "as  to  the  flesh,"  by  his  natural  birth  and  in  his  merely 
outward  relations,  the  Messiah,  the  Son  of  David,  was  from 
the  Jews,  and  in  this  they  might  glory ;  but  as  Son  of  God, 
and  in  his  higher,  spiritual  relations,  he  belonged  to  all 
mankind.  It  was  not  to  the  Apostle's  purpose  to  describe 
what  he  was  K-x-i  Tri'^r-aa,  as  he  is  speaking  of  the /^^/^//^r  dis- 
tinctions of  the  Jews.  Indeed,  the  antithesis  to  Kara  aapKa  is 
very  often  not  expressed  (see,  for  example,  Rom.  iv.  i, 
ix.  3;  I  Cor.  i.  26,  X.  i8;  2  Cor.  v.  i6;  Eph.  vi.  5  ;  Col.  iii. 
22),  so  that  Alford  judiciously  says :  "  I  do  not  reckon 
among  the  objections  the  want  of  any  antithesis  to  Kara 
oipm,  because  that  might  have  well  been  left  to  the  readers 
to  supply."  We  have  an  example  strikingly  parallel  to  the 
present  in  the  Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corin- 
thians (c.  32),  first  adduced,  so  far  as  I  know,  by  Dr. 
Whitby,  in  his  Lasl  Thoughts,  which  at  least  demonstrates 
that,  in  a  case  like  this,  the  expression  of  an  antithesis  is 
not  required.  Speaking  of  the  high  distinctions  of  the 
patriarch  Jacob,  Clemant  says  :  **  For  from  him  were  all  the 
priests  and  Levites  that  ministered  to  the  altar  of  God  ; 
from  him  was  the  Lord  Jesus  as  to  the  flesh  (to  Kara  adpKa) ; 
from  him  were  kings  and  rulers  and  leaders  in  the  line  of 
Judah."  See  also  Iren.  Hacr,  iv.  4.  §  i :  i^avruv  ydp  rb  Kara 
adpKa  6  xp^^^  eKap'xo<f>op//f^r),  Kai  oi  d7r6aTo?/K  (mistranslated  in  the 
Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library) ;  and  Frag.  xvii.  ed.  Stieren, 

p.  836  I  iic  Ai  TOO  Xevl  Kai  Tov*lov6a  to  Kara  adpKa,  <!>f  liaatX^vq  Kai  iepev^f 
iytwffBfi  [6  Xpiardo]. 

The  eminent  Dutch  commentator,  Van  Hengel,  maintains 
in  an  elaborate  note  on  this  passage,  citing  many  examples, 
that  the  form  of  the  restrictive  phrase  here  used,  rb  ^-ard  (ydpKa, 
with  the  neuter  article  prefixed,  absolutely  requires  a  pause 
after  adpKo,  and  does  not  admit,  according  to  Greek  usage,  of 
the  expression  of  an  antithesis  after  it,  so  that  the  following 
part  of  the  verse  must  be  referred  to  God.  (Comp.  Rom.  i. 
15;  xii.  18.)  He  represents  his  view  as  supported  by  the 
authority  of  the  very  distinguished  Professor  C.  G.  Cobet 


350  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

of  Leyden,  who  as  a  master  of  the  Greek  language  has  per- 
haps no  superior  among  European  scholars.* 

It  may  be  true  that  Greek  usage  in  respect  to  such  re- 
strictive expressions,  when  t6  or  rd  is  prefixed,  accords  with 
the  statement  of  Van  Hengel,  indorsed  by  Cobet.  In  my 
limited  research  I  have  found  no  exception.  The  two  pas- 
sages cited  by  Meyer  in  opposition  (Xen.  Cyr.  5,  4,  11  ;  Plat. 
Mill,  320  C.)  seem  to  me  wholly  irrelevant :  the  former, 
because  we  have  /^^»'  with  the  to  f-'  fao/,  which  of  course  re- 
quires an  antithetic  clause  with  ^t\  the  latter,  because  the 
essential  element  in  the  case,  the  r6  or  ^a,  does  not  stand 
before  Kara  -rii  aoTv.  But  I  must  agree  with  Dr.  Dwight  (/.  c, 
p.  28)  that  Van  Hengel's  argument  is  not  conclusive.  On 
the  supposition  that  « <*>»',  etc.,  refers  to  Christ,  we  have  not 
a  formal  antithesis,  such  as  would  be  excluded  by  Van 
Hengel's  rule,  but  simply  an  appositional,  descriptive  clause, 
setting  forth  the  exalted  dignity  of  him  who  as  to  the  flesh 
sprang  from  the  Jews.  I  cannot  believe  that  there  is  any 
law  of  the  Greek  language  which  forbids  this. 

We  may  say,  however,  and  it  is  a  remark  of  some  impor- 
tance, that  the  r6  before  ^ara  adftna^  laying  stress  on  the  restric- 
tion, and  suggesting  an  antithesis  which  therefore  did  not 
need  to  be  expressed,  indicates  that  the  writer  has  done  with 
that  point,  and  makes  a  pause  natural.  It  makes  it  easv  to 
take  the  o  uv  as  introducing  an  independent  sentence,  though 
it  does  not,  as  I  believe,  make  it  necessary  to  take  it  so. 

I  admit,  further,  that,  if  we  assume  that  the  conception  of 
Christ  as  God  was  familiar  to  the  readers  of  the  Epistle, 
and  especially,  if  we  suppose  that  they  had  often  heard  him 
called  so  by  the  early  preachers  of  Christianity,  the  applica- 
tion of  the  '>  <•",  etc.,  to  Christ  here  would  be  natural,  and 
also  very  suitable  to  the  object  of  the  Apostle  in  this  pas- 
sage. I  am  obliged  to  say,  however,  that  this  is  assuming 
what  is  not  favored  by  Paul's  use  of  language  or  by  the 
record  of  the  apostolic  preaching  in  the  Book  of  Acts. 


•See  Van  Henj^el,  Interp.  E/>.  Pauli ad  Rom.,  torn.  ii.  (185-)),  pp.  34S-353,  and  pp.  804-813. 
Speaking  of  his  citations,  lie  says  (p.  3  ;o),  "  Allatorum  unum  a.terumque  mecuni  communicavit 
ConRr  US  noster,  se  raulio  plura,  quibub  interpreiano  mea  confirmaretur,  suppeditare  posse 
dicen>."    [See  p.  432  sq  ] 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCriON   OF   ROMANS    IX.   5  ^i 

On  the  Other  hand,  there  was  no  need  of  such  an  append- 
age to  o  xt>^^k'  We  have  only  to  consider  the  glory  and 
dignity  with  which  the  name  of  the  Messiah  was  invested 
in  the  mind  of  a  Je\y,  and  the  still  higher  glory  and  dignity 
associated  with  <J  xp^f^*'^  in  the  mind  of  a  Christian,  and  espe- 
cially in  the  mind  of  Paul. 

6.  It  is  further  objected  that,  in  sentences  which  begin 
with  a  doxology  or  an  ascription  of  blessing,  d/j^yrrk  (or 
n'7j}}^fifvoi:)  always  precedes  the  subject;  and  that  "  the  laws  " 
or  "rules  of  grammar"  (Stuart,  Alford)  require  that  it 
should  do  so  here  to  justify  the  construction  proposed.  So, 
in  the  N.  T.,  €iAo-}7rr6g  stands  first  in  the  doxologies  Luke  i. 
68,  2  Cor.  i.  3,  Eph.  i.  3,  i  Pet.  i.  3  ;  and  so  ei^'/.o-^-rrrdg  and 
ri'/.oj7/wwf  precede  the  subject  in  a  multitude  of  places  in  the 
Septuagint.  (See  Trommius's  Concordance  and  Wahl's  C/n- 
vis  librorum  Vet,  Test,  apocryphornvi.) 

Great  stress  has  been  laid  on  this  objection  "by  many  ;  but 
I  believe  that  a  critical  examination  will  show  that  it  has  no 
real  weight. 

We  will  begin  by  considering  a  misconception  of  the 
meaning  of  o  wv  I'kX  vdxTuv  Heo^  which  has  led  to  untenable  ob- 
jections against  the  doxological  construction,  and  has  pre- 
vented the  reason  for  the  position  of  ev/MyTrog  from  being 
clearly  seen.  It  has  been  assumed  by  many  that  the  phrase 
is  simply  equivalent  to  "  the  Supreme  God  "  (so  Wahl,  s,  v. 
iiri,  omnibus  superior^  omnium  snmmns)*  as  if  the  Apostle 
was  contrasting  God  with  Christ  in  respect  to  dignity,  in- 
stead of  simply  describing  God  as  the  being  who  rules  over 
all.  This  misunderstanding  of  the  expression  occasioned 
the  chief  difficulty  felt  by  De  Wette  in  adopting  the  con- 
struction which  places  a  colon  or  a  period  after  aufma.  It 
seemed  to  him  like  "throwing  Christ  right  into  the  shade," 
without  any  special  reason,  when  we  should  rather  expect 


•Wahl  gives  a  more  correct  view  of  the  use  of  ir:i  in  his  Clavis  Uhr.  Vet.  Test,  a^ocr. 
(>853),  p.  a  18,  col.  I,  C.  b.,  where  t'ttu  i':7i  with  the  genitive  is  defined,  pretesum  alicui  rei, 
mi0der*r  %,  administro  aiiquam  retn.  Comp.  Grimm's  Lexicon  Gr.-Lat.  in  iibros  N.  T.^  ed. 
ada,  M,  V.  tTTi^  A.  i.  i.  d.  p.  i6o,  col.  a ;  Rost  and  Palm's  Pa^^.  w.  voi.  i.  p.  1035,  col.  1,3;  and  the 
references  given  by  Meyer  and  Van  Hengel  in  loc.  See  Acts  vi:i.  27,  x\\.  ao;  Gen.  xliv.  i; 
JadtthsT.  13,  tiTzav  T(^  ovrt  tTTi  Tzdiruv  a'vrov  ;  «  Mace.  x.  69,  rt-/-  uiza  irt  Koi?t/r  ilr/Wcf. 


35'  CRITICAL    ESSAYS  ^^^^^^^H 

something  said  in  antithesis  to  ri  m™  oan™,  to  set  forth  his 
dignity;  though  he  admits  that  this  objection  is  removed,  if 
wc  accept  Fritzsche's  explanation  of  the  passage."  On  this 
false  view  is  founded  Schultz's  notion  (see  above,  p.  342)  that 
^i-  would  be  needed  here  to  indicate  the  antithesis.  On  it  is 
also  grounded  the  objection  of  Alford,  Farrar,  and  others, 
that  the  •'■"'  is  "perfectly  superfluous,"  as,  indeed,  it  would 
be,  if  that  were  simply  the  meaning  intended.  To  express 
the  idea  of  "  the  God  over  all,"  "  the  Supreme  God,"  in  con- 
trast with  a  being  to  whom  the  term  "God  "  might  indeed 
be  applied,  but  only  in  a  lower  sense,  we  should  need  only 
1^  .Vi  mi.Ttt  flf -, —  a  phrase  which  is  thus  used  numberless 
times  in  the  writings  of  the  Christian  Fathers;  see,  for  ex- 
amples, Wetstein's  note  on  Rom.  ix.  5.  But,  as  I  understand 
the  passage,  the  f'n'  is  by  no  means  superfluous.  It  not  only 
gives  an  impressive  fulness  to  the  expression,  but  converts 
what  would  otherwise  be  a  mere  epithet  of  God  into  a  sti/>- 
sttitftivf  designation  of  him,  equivalent  to  "the  Ruler  over 
All,"  on  which  the  mind  rests  for  a  moment  by  itself,  before 
it  reaches  the  <*'■'":  qualified  by  it ;  or  <*■"?  may  be  regarded  as 
added  by  way  of  apposition  or  more  precise  definition.  The 
position  of  this  substantive  designation  of  ftK  between  the 
article  and  its  noun,  gives  it  special  prominence.     Comp.  i 

Cor.   iii.   7,  1^'  ^  pvrrinjv  rarl  ti.  ofTF  6  nntiiuv,  afJ!  6  ot'fd«j>-  9r6f ;    Addit. 

ad  Esth.  viii.  1.  39,  i  i-u  -■ivro  <hninirrttMv  Hf6(,  cf,  11,  8,  35,  TiscH. ; 

d  frarruv  (Ifinrifui'  flrde,  Justin    Mart,    A/>o/.    i.     1 5  ;    A  vnairiji    7..Mf    rm' 

xatrifetof,  idi/f.  i.  26.  In  expressions  of  this  kind,  the  definite 
article  fulfils,  I  conceive,  a  double  function :  it  is  con- 
nected with  the  participle  or  other  adjunct  which  immedi- 
ately follows  it,  just  as  it  would  be  if  the  substantive  at  the 
end  were  omitted  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  makes  that  sub- 
stantive definite,  so  that  the  article  in  effect  belongs  to  the 
substantive  as  well  as  to  the  participle.  Thus,  u  wv  (rt  urii.Twi' 
K'^r  is  equivalent  to  i  "("r  A  Hm  iVi  irAvruv  in  everything  except  the 
difference  in />«'W('/c;/ce  given  to  the  different  parts  of  the 
phrase  in  the  two  expressions.  In  the  latter,  "ft'^  is  made 
prominent   by  its  position  :   in   the   former,    prominence  is 


given  to  the  particular  conception  expressed  by  •'•  ii"  !■"'  Tivrur. 
'•  the  Ruler  over  All."  • 

Let  us  look  now  for  a  moment  at  the  connection  of 
thought  in  the  passage  before  us,  and  we  shall  see  that  this 
distinction  is  important.  The  Apostle  is  speaking  of  the 
favored  nation  to  which  it  is  his  pride  to  belong.  Its  grand 
religious  history  of  some  two  thousand  years  passes  rapidly 
before  his  mind,  as  in  a  panorama.  Their  ancestors  were  the 
patriarchs, —  Abraham.  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  Theirs  xvcre  "the 
adoption,  and  the  glory,  and  the  covenants,  ami  the  giv- 
ing of  the  Law,  and  the  temple  service,  and  the  promises." 
But  Gjd's  choice  and  training  of  his  "peculiar  people,"  and 
the  privileges  conferred  upon  them,  were  all  a  providential 
preparation  for  the  advent  of  the  Messiah,  whose  birth  from 
among  the  Jews  was  their  highest  national  distinction  and 
glory ;  while  his  mission  as  the  founder  of  a  spiritual  and 
iiriivi-rsal  religion  was  the  crowning  manifestation  of  God's 
love  and  mercy  to  mankind.  How  could  this  survey  of  the 
ages  of  promise  and  preparation,  and  the  great  fulfilment  in 
Christ,  fail  to  bring  vividly  before  the  mind  of  the  Apostle 
the  thought  of  God  as  the  Bciit^  '.oho  presides  over  all  things, 
who  cares  for  all  men  and  controls  all  events?!     Because 


ral  ll 


:hlhi 


•So™  (p-  Ml)  »•  expKMing  aj  Tie*  o/  the  tneaains  ttpttttaa  the  angin*!  perfectly.  Nor  do 
piteeive  Ihit  Ibe  Engliih  idiom  idmiu  al  i  perfect  mnilaliuD.  II  «e  nader  "  he  wba  u  ova 
■U,  God.  be  bteued  far  erer,"  we  maX%  ibe  word  "  Cod  "  lUiad  in  limple  ippmiliDn  to  "  ha  whi 
u  over  jdl."  which  I  danoL  tuppoulAbo  Lh«^frni4«4fj<:4/cotiBrnictiDD.  [  I,  on  the  other  bond 
n  tniuUir.  "  be  who  ii  Gdd  over  ill  be  blaaiwl  for  ever,"  we  lose  tn  a  greil  maiure  the  eSec 
ot  tbc  poiilion  of  Iha  Zai  M  ituvruv  beloro  Mnjf. 

f  Cmrnui  huwitU  pmenlcd  the  tbought  ol  the  AposLle:  "  Ul  enim  hiec  Dm-iia,  qiuecoin 
memont  dt  idopiioike,  g^onl,  Iqamflvliei  l^tlalione,  cullibiu,  ic  promiuit,  deque  pauibua.  e: 
qdibne  Cbrialiu  juiu  cvnenl  Qrtui  esi,  dediret  non  forluiio  futa,  sed  idmirabili  Dd  providaalifl 


blAipHemiia  ijtipeterent-^^    tfou  inioe.,  i 


CntOc  aUkt,  om  pu 

(li.  ii'it,:  »(-!»"    I 
lot  (lie  whole  ol  ihi  li 


criptioQ  ol  bleaiiiij^  to  lUm  \t 


3S4  CRrTICAL    ESSAVS 

this  conception  is  prominent  in  his  mind,  he  places  the  A 
iiri  •niiTu,'  first  in  the  sentence.  A  recognition  of  this 
removes  all  the  difficulty  about  the  position  of  "'^ 
There  is  no  "law  of  grammar"  bearing  on  the  matter, 
ccpt  the  law  that  the  predicate,  when  it  is  more  promini 
in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  precedes  the  subject.  In  simply- 
exclamatory  doxologies,  the  'W.njTrar  or  n'>^ri/"t<'"':  comes  first, 
because  the  feeling  that  prompts  its  use  is  predominant,  and 
can  be  expressed  in  a  single  word.  But  here,  where 
thought  of  the  overruling  providence  of  GoJ  is  promineal 
the  uiiM(*Ti  TtiiTi.ii-  must  stand  first  in  the  sentence,  to  expn 
that  prominence;  and  the  position  of  ci'i>...)'vrav  after  it, is 
quired  by  the  very  same  law  of  the  Greek  language  whu 
governs  all  the  examples  that  have  been  alleged  against  tl 
doxological  construction  of  the  passage.  This  thought  of 
God  as  the  Ruler  over  All  reappears  in  the  do.tology  at  the 
end  of  the  eleventh  chapter  (xi.  36),  where  the  Apostle  con- 
cludes his  grand  Theodicy  :  "  For  from  him  and  through 
him  and  to  him  are  all  things;  to  him  is  the  glory  for 
ever!  Amen."  Compare  also  Eph,  i.  11,  cited  by  Mr. 
Beet :  "  foreordained  according  to  the  purpose  of  him  who 
worketh  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  his  will"  ;  and  so 
in  another  doxology  (i  Tim.  i.  17)  suggested  by  the  mention 
of  Christ,  the  ascription  is,  r^j  iiiaA-:  j-ii«  oiiwji',—  "  to  the  King 

OF  THE  AGES."  ' 

I  prefer,  on  the  whole,  to  take  riiruu  as  neuter  ;  but  much 
might  be  said  in  favor  of  the  view  of  Fritzsche,  whose  note 
on  this  passage  is  especially  valuable.  He,  with  many  other 
scholars,  regards  it  as  masculine  :  "  Q/ii  omnibus  pracest  Jio- 
mitiibus  {i.e.  qui  ct  Judaeis  et  gentilibus  consulit  Dcus,  der 
ueber  alien  Menschen  waltende  Gott)  sii  ce/ebratus  pcrpetuo, 
amen."     (C.  F.  A.  Fritzsche,  Pauli  ad  Rom.  Epist. 


■TUi  nmi  la  me  ihi:  icuc  RodEHng  iiihcr  ihin  "  id  the  Ki 
inplied.    Comp,  Re*,  iv.  %,  Watom  iiul  Hon ;  Sir.  mr 
Pa.odi*.  (otlr.]  ii;  Cleoi.  Rom.  &f.  ad  Cirr.  ix.  js,  ] 
I.U.  S./ac.  c   ij.     So  El   iv,    iS.  k!vikut_  ,'}nai>ri'u> 
Plaitl.  NiH,  c  II,  6ii  (Opp.  i.  ]]&,  ]];.  cd,  Ming.).  Dt  Htmda, 


ipiy 
rst, 

i 


:  JoKph.  A 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.   5  355 

[1839]  P-  272.)  He  refers  for  the  rravruv  to  Rom.  x.  12.  xi. 
32,  iii.  29. 

We  may  note  here  that,  while  the  Apostle  says  «^»  oi  Tarfix^. 
he  does  not  say  w»'.  but  *c  wi'  o  X'^t(7ror.  He  could  not  forget 
the  thought  which  per\'ades  the  Epistle,  that  the  Messiah 
was  for  aU  men  alike.  Nor  does  he  forget  that,  while  by 
natural  descent,  Kara  adpKa.  Christ  was  *'  from  the  Jews,"  he 
was  Kara  -vti'ua,  and  in  all  that  constituted  him  the  Messiah, 
"from  God,"  who  "anointed  him  with  the  Holy  Spirit  and 
with  power,"  who  "  made  him  both  Lord  and  Christ,"  who 
marked  him  out  as  his  "  Son  "  by  raising  him  from  the  dead 
(Acts  xiii.  33 ;  Rom.  i.  4),  and  setting  him  at  his  right  hand 
in  the  heavenly  places,  and  giving  him  to  be  the  head  over 
all  things  to  the  Church  (Eph.  i.  20-22), —  that  Church  in 
which  there  is  no  distinction  of  "Greek  and  Jew,"  "but 
Christ  is  all  and  in  all." 

That   such  words  as  ei/jtyrrrdg,  tv}jnyrju{'\'Oc,  uaKnpio^,  and  i'TiKaTOpaTor 

should  usually  stand  first  in  the  sentence  in  expressions 
of  benediction,  macarism,  and  malediction,  is  natural  in 
Greek  for  the  same  reason  that  it  is  natural  in  English  to 
give  the  first  place  to  such  words  as  "blessed,"  "happy," 
"cursed."  It  makes  no  difference,  as  a  study  of  the  exam- 
ples will  show,  whether  the  expression  be  optative ^  as  is  usu- 
ally the  case  with  d/utyf/iuivftc,  with  the  ellipsis  of  f^v  or  tarL*,  or 
declarative^  as  in  the  case  of  imKf'if)inr^  and  usually,  I  believe, 
of  ev7joyirr6q,  tori  being  understood.*  The  ellipsis  of  the  sub- 
stantive verb  gives  rapidity  and  force  to  the  expression,  indi- 
cating a  certain  glow  of  feeling.  But  in  Greek  as  in  Eng- 
lish, if  the  subject  is  more  prominent  in  the  mind  of  the 
writer,  and  is  not  overweighted  with  descriptive  appendages, 


•I  beliere  that  er/.oyrfTor  in  doxologies  is  distinguished  from  ei/.o]  ^fifvoc  as  iaudandHs  is 
from  laaidmtus;  and  that  the  doxology  in  Rom.  ix.  5  is  therefore  strictly  a  declarative,  not  an 
optative  one.  The  most  literal  and  exact  rendering  into  Latin  would  be  something  like  this: 
"  lUe  qui  est  sui>er  omnia  Deus  laudandus  (est)  in  aetemum !  *'  Where  the  verb  is  expressed 
witli  evA/ryrfrdr  (as  very  often  in  the  formula  d'/ir.  f/roc  rl),  it  is  always,  I  believe,  in  the  indic- 
ative. Here  I  must  express  my  surprise  that  Canon  Farrar  (  Tke  Expoiitor^  vol.  ix.  p.  40a ;  vol. 
z.  p.  258)  should  deny  that  Rom.  i.  25  and  2  Cor.  xi.  31  are  "doxologies."  What  is  a  doxology 
bat  a  i»oua  ascription  of  glory  or  praise?  If  uq  Inrtv  ilvxiyr^rbc  f'f  roir  aiutva^^  <iur/i\ 
Rom.  i  35,  is  "  not  a  doxology  at  all  '*  on  account  of  the  iariv,  then  Matt.  vi.  13  (text  rec.)  and 
I  PeL  !▼.  II  are,  for  the  same  reason,  not  doxologies. 


356  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

there  is  nothing  to  hinder  a  change  of  order,  but  the  genius 
of  the  language  rather  requires  it. 

The  example  commonly  adduced  of  this  variation  in  the 

case  of  ev?Myrr6i  is  Ps.  Ixvii.  (Heb.  Ixviii.)  20,  KipuK  odeb^elXeh 
'}Tf76^,ev?joy7fT(^  Kvpio^  ^uepav  Koff  yfifpav,  where  WC  find  ev?u)}'7jr6c  in  both 

positions.  This  peculiarity  is  the  result  of  a  misconstruc- 
tion and  perhaps  also  of  a  false  reading  (Meyer)  of  the  He- 
brew. The  example  shows  that  the  position  of  ev/MyjfT6g  after 
the  subject  violates  no  law  of  the  Greek  language  ;  but,  on 
account  of  the  repetition  of  £v/oyrr6g,  I  do  not  urge  it  as  a 
parallel  to  Rom.  ix.  5.  (See  Dr.  Dwight  as  above,  p.  32  f. 
and  cf.  Essay  XVII.  p.  436  below.)  On  the  other  hand,  the 
passage  cited  by  Grimm  (see  as  above,  p.  34)  from  the  Apoc- 
ryphal Psalms  of  Solomon,  viii.  41, 42,  written  probably  about 
48  B.C.,  seems  to  me  quite  to  the  purpose  :  — 

aivETo^  Kvpioq  kv  roig  Kfjlfiaaiv  avrob  kv  arofiari  baiuv^ 
KoX  (TV  ev^oyiffiiuoc,  'l(7pa//X   vnd  Kvpiov  eig  rbv  oiwva.* 

Here,  in  the  first  line,  alverdc  precedes,  because  the  predi- 
cate is  emphatic  ;  but  ifi  the  second,  the  subject,  <Ti\  pre- 
cedes, because  it  is  meant  to  receive  the  emphasis.  I  per- 
ceive no  antithesis  or  studied  chiasmus  here.  The  sentence 
is  no  more  a  **  double"  or  "compound"  one  than  Gen.  xiv. 
19,  20;  I  Sam.  XXV.  32,  33  ;  Ps.  Ixxi.  (Ixxii.)  18,  19  ;  Tob.  xi. 
13,  16  (Sin.)  ;  Judith  xiii.  18;  Orat.  Azar.  2;  and  I  see  no 
reason  why  the  fact  that  the  clauses  are  connected  by  ^a/' 
should  affect  the  position  of  n'/.o-^roc  here  more  than  in 
those   passages, —  no  reason  why  it   should  affect  it  at  all. 

Another  example  in  which  the  subject  precedes  irrLKampdrog 
and  tv/o]titdr»t  in  an  optative  or  possibly  a  predictive  sen- 
tence   is    Gen.    XXvii.     29,    <*  nardfxjfiii^ug  ae  imnnrafmror^  6  6t  tv/jDyCiv  at 

tihr.tjutvnr.  Hcrc  thc  Gfcek  follows  the  order  of  the  Hebrew, 
and  the  reason  for  the  unusual  position  in  both  I  suppose  to 
be  the  fact  that  the  contrast  between  o  Karapuurvnq  and  o  d/jyyijv 
naturally  brought  the  subjects  into  the  foreground.  It  is 
true  that  in  Rom.  ix.  5,  as  I  understand  the  passage  (though 
others  take  a  different  view),  there  is  no  antithesis,  as  there 
is  here  ;  but  the  example  shows  that,  when  for  any  reason 


•See  O.  F.  Friizsche,  Libri  apoc.  V.  T.  Gr.  (I'^ji),  p   579,  or  Hilgenfeld,  Mestias  Judaeo- 

rum  I, iS'»;),  p.  14. 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  357 

the  writer  wishes  to  make  the  subject  prominent,  there  is 
no  law  of  the  Greek  language  which  imprisons  such  a  predi- 
cate as  ev^yrifuvo^  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence. 

Another  example,  in  a  declarative  sentence,  but  not  the 
less  pertinent  on  that  account  (the  verb  not  being  ex- 
pressed), is  Gen.  xxvi.  29,  according  to  what  I  believe  to  be 
the  true  reading,  koX  v'w  ah  evAo}'7frbc  vTtd  Kvpiov^  where  the  ab  being 
emphatic,  as  is  shown  by  the  corresponding  order  in  He- 
brew, stands  before  ebXoyjfToc.  Contrast  Gen.  iii.  14;  iv.  11; 
Josh.  ix.  29  (al.  23).  This  reading  is  supported  by  a//  the 
uncial  MSS.  that  contain  the  passage, —  namely,  I.  Cod.  Cot- 
ton, (cent,  v.),  III.  Alex,  (v.),  X.  Coislin.  (vii.),  and  Bodl. 
(viii.  or  ix.)  ed.  Tisch.  Mo/i.  Sacr.  Ined.,  vol.  ii.  (1857),  p.  234, 
with  at  least  twenty-five  cursives,  and  the  Aldine  edition, 
also  by  all  the  ancient  versions  except  the  Aethiopic,  and  the 
Latin,  which  translates  freelj^,  against  the  mi  v'w  ei^Myrfuh'oc  ah 
of  the  Roman  edition,  which  has  very  little  authority  here.* 

Still  another  case  where  in  a  declarative  sentence  the 
usual  order  of  subject  and  predicate  is  reversed,  both  in  the 
Greek  and  the  Hebrew,  is  i  Kings  ii.  45  (al.  46),  ««< « MaaL/^ev^ 
la^Muijv  ev/jtyrffievog,  the  ellipsis  being  probably  tarat.  Here  I 
suppose  the  reason  for  the  exceptional  order  to  be  the  con- 
trast between  Solomon  and  Shimei  (ver.  44). 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  fiaKapiarSc,  a  word  perfectly  analo- 
gous to  tu'MyrfTd^,  and  which  would  naturally  stand  first  in  the 
predicate,  happens  to  follow  the  subject  in  the  only  in- 
stances of  its  use  in  the  Septuagint  which  come  into  com- 
parison here, —  namely,  Pro  v.  xiv.  21  ;  xvi.  20;  xxix.  18. 
The  reason  seems  to  be  the  same  as  in  the  case  we  have  just 
considered:  there  is  a  contrast  of  subjects.  For  the  same 
reason  kmKardparo^  follows  the  subject  in  Wisd.  xiv.  8  (comp. 
ver.  7). 

These  examples  go  to  confirm  Winer's  statement  in  re- 
spect to  contrasted  subjects.     And  I  must  here  remark,  in 


*The  sUtement  abore  about  the  reading  of  the  ancient  versions  in  Gen.  zxti.  29  lacks  preci- 
The  vertiOQt  made  directly  from  the  Hebrew,  of  c<mr<^e,  do  not  come  under  consideration. 
Of  thoee  made  from  the  Septuagint,  the  Armenian,  the  Georgian,  and  the  Old  SlaNnc  (Cod. 
Oltrog.)  support  av  tv}.ny.\  the  Aethiopic,  f  »•>'>; .  ar-,  the  Old  Latin  has  perished;  and  the 
Coptic,  as  I  am  informed  by  Professor  T.  O.  Paine,  omits  the  last  clause  of  the  verse. 


35^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

respect  to  certain  passages  which  have  been  alleged  in  oppo- 
sition (see  Dr.  Dwight  as  above,  p.  36),  that  I  can  perceive 
no  contrast  of  subjects  in  Gen.  xiv.  ig,  20;  i  Sam.  xxv.  32, 
33  ;  or  in  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  (Ixxxix.)  53,  where  the  doxology  appears 
to  have  no  relation  to  what  precedes,  but  to  be  rather  the 
formal  doxology,  appended  by  the  compiler,  which  concludes 
the  Third  Book  of  the  Psalms  (comp.  Ps.  xl.  (xli.)  14). 

It  may  be  said  that  none  of  the  examples  we  have  been 
considering  is  precisely  similar  to  Rom.  ix.  5.  But  they  all 
illustrate  the  fact  that  there  is  nothing  to  hinder  a  Greek 
writer  from  changing  the  ordinary  position  of  tv7.n^iiT6^  and 
kindred  words,  when  from  any  cause  the  subject  is  naturally 
more  prominent  in  his  mind.  They  show  that  the  princi- 
ple of  the  rule  which  governs  the  position  may  authorize 
or  require  a  deviation  from  the  common  order.  I  must 
further  agree  with  Meyer  and  Ellicott  on  Eph.  i.  3,  and 
Fritzsche  on  Rom.  ix.  5,  in  regarding  as  not  altogether 
irrelevant  such  passages  as  Ps.  cxii.  (cxiii.)  2,  un  to  bvoua  Kvpov 
£i/j)-,rifnvor,  whcrc,  though  tir/  preccdcs,  as  a  copula  it  can  have 
no  emphasis  ;  and  the  position  of  dOjoytifitvov  is  determined 
by  the  fact  that  the  subject  rather  than  the  predicate  here 
naturally  presents  itself  first  to  the  mind.  The  difference 
between  such  a  sentence  and  fi/nyT/uinw  ru  ow.ua  Kvpiov  is  like 
that  in  Eni^lish  between  "  May  the  name  of  the  Lord  be 
blessed"  and  "Blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord."  It  is 
evident,  I  think,  that  in  the  latter  sentence  the  predicate 
is  made  more  prominent,  and  in  the  former  the  subject; 
but,  if  a  person  docs  not  feel  this,  it  cannot  be  proved. 
Other  examples  of  this  kind  are  Ruth  ii.  19  ;  i  Kings  x,  9; 
2  Chron.  ix.  8;  Job  i.  21  ;  Dan.  ii.  20;  Lit.  S.  Jac.  c.  19; 
Lit,  5.  Marci,  c.  20,  a.  (Hammond,  pp.  52,  192).  In  Ps. 
cxii.  (cxiii.)  2  and  Job  i.  21,  the  prominence  given  to  the 
subject  is  suggested  by  what  precedes. 

I  will  give  one  example  of  the  fallacy  of  merely  empirical 
rules  respecting  the  position  of  words.  Looking  at  Young's 
Analytical  Conconlance,  there  are,  if  I  have  counted  right, 
one  hundred  and  thirtv-eiirht  instances  in  which,  in  sen- 
tences  like  "  Blessed  be  God,"  '*  Blessed  are  the  meek,"  the 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  359 

word  "  blessed  "  precedes  the  subject  in  the  common  Eng- 
lish Bible.  There  is  no  exception  to  this  usage  in  the  Old 
Testament  or  the  New.  **  Here,"  exclaims  the  empiric,  *'  is 
a  law  of  the  language.  To  say  *  God  be  blessed '  is  not  Eng- 
lish." But,  if  we  look  into  the  Apocrypha,  we  find  that  our 
translators  have  said  it, —  namely,  in  Tobit  xi.  17;  and  so  it 
stands  also  in  the  Genevan  version,  though  the  Greek  reads 
fi/oj^rof  o^fof.  Why  the  translators  changed  the  order  must 
be  a  matter  of  conjecture.  Perhaps  it  was  to  make  a  con- 
trast with  the  last  clause  of  the  sentence. 

There  is  a  homely  but  important  maxim  which  has  been 
forgotten  in  many  discussions  of  the  passage  before  us,  that 
"circumstances  alter  cases."  I  have  carefully  examined  all 
the  examples  of  doxology  or  benediction  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment and  the  Septuagint,  and  in  other  ancient  writings,  as 
the  Liturgies,  in  which  ev/M-yrrrdi-  or  €v?j}yr/uiv<)c  precedes  the  sub- 
ject ;  and  there  is  not  one  among  them  which,  so  far  as  I 
can  judge,  justifies  the  assumption  that,  because  erAoyr/roc  pre- 
cedes the  subject  there,  it  would  probably  have  done  so 
here,  had  it  been  the  purpose  of  Paul  to  introduce  a  doxol- 
ogy. The  cases  in  which  a  doxology  begins  without  a  previ- 
ous enumeration  of  blessings,  but  in  which  the  thought  of 
the  blessing  prompts  an  exclamiition  of  praise  or  thanksgiv- 
ing,—  "  Blessed  be  God,  who  '*  or  "  for  he  '*  has  done  this 
or  that, —  are  evi.lently  not  parallel.  All  the  New  Testa- 
ment doxologies  with  ev?jo}nT6c,  and  most  of  those  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint, are  of  this  character.*  In  these  cases,  we  perceive 
at  once  that  any  other  order  would  be  strange.  The  expres- 
sion of  the  feelings  which  requires  but  one  word,  naturally 
precedes  the  mention  of  the  ground  of  the  feeling,  which 
often  requires  very  many.  But  there  is  a  difference  be- 
tween   th7joyirr(iq   and    cr'Aoyrrroc  rig  rohg  atmar.      Where    it    WOuld   bC 

natural  for  the  former  to  precede  the  subject,  it  might  be 
more  natural  for  the  latter  to  follow.  In  the  example  ad- 
duced by  Dr.  Dwight  in  his  criticism  of  Winer  (see  as  above, 

•See  Luke  i.  68;  2  Cor.  i.  3 ;  Eph.  i.  3;  i  Pet.  i.  3.  Gen.  xiv.  ao,  xxiv.  27;  Ex.  xviii.  10; 
Kuth  iv.  14;  I  Sam.  xxv  32,  yj;  2  Sam.  xviii.  2S;  i  Kings  i.  49,  v.  7,  viii.  15,  56;  a  Chron.  ti.  12, 
y'\  4;  Esra  vii.  37;  Ps.  xxvii.  (Scpr.)  6,  xxx.  22,  Ixv.  20,  Ixxi.  18,  cxxiii.  6,  cxxxiv.  21,  cxliu. 
I .  Dao.  Ul  a8  Theodot,  9s  Sept. 


360  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

PP-  36,  37),  it  is  evident  that  ehAoyrrrdc  more  naturally  stands 
first  in  the  sentence  ;  at  the  end,  it  would  be  abrupt  and 
unrhythmical.  But  I  cannot  think  that  a  Greek  scholar 
would  find  anything  hard  or  unnatural  in  the  sentence  if  it 

read,  o  6iarf]pf/aa^  Tov  eavTov  rdrrov  iiuiavrov  evTuoyriro^  tiq  roix  ot(^i>aCt  o/^^v. 

To  make  the  argument  from  usage  a  rational  one,  exam- 
ples sufficient  in  number  to  form  the  basis  of  an  induction 
should  be  produced  in  which,  in  passages  /ike  the  present^ 
tv/.oyirrk  precedes  the  subject.     Suppose  we  should  read  here, 

evAoyrfTo^  o  ijv  errl  tzcivtuv  Heug  et^  toI^  a'lijvaCf  WC    instantly    SCe    that    the 

reference  of  d^  roic  nio)vnc  becomes,  to  say  the  least,  ambigu- 
ous, the  "  for  ever  *'  grammatically  connecting  itself  with 
the   phrase   "  he  who  is   God  over   all "   rather   than    with 

"blessed."       If,    to   avoid   this,  we  read,  ei/MyTfTb^  elg  rovg  aluvac  6  uv 

km  TrdvTuv  0e6r,  we  havc  a  scntcnce  made  unnaturally  heavy  and 
clumsy  by  the  interposition  of  nr  mhr  aiuvnc  before  the  subject, 
—  a  sentence  to  which  I  believe  no  parallel  can  be  produced 
in  the  whole  range  of  extant  doxologies.  Wherever  evMyir6^ 
precedes,  the  subject  directly  follows.  These  objections  to 
the  transposition  appear  to  me  in  themselves  a  sufficient 
reason  why  the  Apostle  should  have  preferred  the  present 
order.  But  we  must  also  consider  that  any  other  arrange- 
ment would  have  failed  to  make  prominent  the  particular 
conception  of  God,  which  the  context  sui;gests,  as  the  Ruler 
over  All.  If,  then,  the  blessings  mentioned  by  the  Apostle 
suggested  to  his  mind  the  thought  of  God  as  ^i/oyiirhc  ar  Tu\r 
diuMHic,  in  view  of  that  overruling  Providence  which  sees  the 
end  from  the  beginning,  which  brings  good  out  of  evil  and 
cares  for  all  men  alike,  I  must  agree  with  Winer  that  "the 
present  position  of  the  words  is  not  only  altogether  suitable, 
but  even  necessary."  {Gj-am.,  /te  Aufl.,  §61.  3.  e.  p.  513; 
p.  551  Thayer,  p.  690  Moulton.)  Olshausen,  though  he 
understands  the  passage  as  relating  to  Christ,  well  says: 
"  Riickert's  remark  that  (v/n)i'or,  when  applied  to  God,  must, 
according  to  the  idiom  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
ahv'ays  precede  the  noun,  is  of  no  weight.  Kollner  rightly 
observes  that  the  position  of  words  is  altogether  [ever}^- 
where]   not  a  mechanical  thing,  but  determined,  in  each  par- 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS    IX.    5  36 1 

ticular  conjuncture,  by  the  connexion  and. by  the  purpose  of 
the  speaker."  * 

7.  The  argument  founded  on  the  notion  that  the  Apostle 
here  had  in  mind  Ps.  Ixvii.  (Ixviii.)  20,  and  was  thereby  led 
to  describe  Christ  as  ff£<K  ehloyvrhq  eic  rovg  aicjvag^  is  onc  which,  so 
far  as  I  know,  never  occurred  to  any  commentator,  ancient 
or  modern,  before  the  ingenious  Dr.  Lange.  Its  weakness 
has  been  so  fully  exposed  by  Dr.  Dwight  (as  above,  p.  33, 
note)  that  any  further  notice  of  it  is  unnecessary. 

8.  The  argument  for  the  reference  of  the  6uv,  etc.,  to 
Christ,  founded  on  supposed  patristic  authority,  will  be 
considered  below  under  IV.,  in  connection  with  the  history 
of  the  interpretation  of  the  passage. 

II.  I  have  thus  endeavored  to  show  that  the  construction 
of  the  last  part  of  the  verse  as  a  doxology  suits  the  context, 
and  that  the  principal  objections  urged  against  it  have  little 
or  no  weight. 

But  the  construction  followed  in  the  common  version  is 
also  grammatically  unobjectionable;  and,  if  we  assume  that 
the  Apostle  and  those  whom  he  addressed  believed  Christ 
to  be  God,  this  construction  likewise  suits  the  context. 

How  then  shall  we  decide  the  question  ?  If  it  was  an 
ambiguous  sentence  in  Plato  or  Aristotle,  our  first  step 
would  be  to  see  what  light  was  thrown  on  the  probabilities 
of  the  case  by  i/ie  witcrs  nsc  of  langnagc  elsewhere.  Look- 
ing then  at  the  question  from  this  point  of  view,  I  find  three 
reasons  for  preferring  the  construction  which  refers  the  last 
part  of  the  verse  to  God. 

I.  The  use  of  the  word  f»>'  v-o;,  ** blessed,"  which  never 
occurs  in  the  New  Testament  in  reference  to  Christ.  If 
we  refer  t\rf.nyi]rdr^  to  God,  our  passage  accords  with  the  dox- 
ologies  Rom.  i.  25  ;  2  Cor.  i.  3  ;  xi.  31  ;  and  Eph.  i.  3.  In 
Rom.  i.  25,  we  have  n'/Mynrhr  nc  twc^  aiuva^.  as  here  ;  and  2  Cor. 
xi.  31,  "The  God  and  Father  (or  God,  the  Father)  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  knows  —  he  who  is  blessed  for  ever  !  —  that  I  lie 

*Obhau9en,  BU>L  Comm.  on  the  .V.  T',,  vol.  iv.,  p.  88,  note,  Kendrick'5  trans.  The  remark 
cited  from  Riickert  belonfir^  to  the  first  <?dit'on  of  hi<  CnMvn-ntA''v  ( i^^u*  In  the  second  edition 
(i^jq),  Riickert  chang-d  hi«  view  of  \\\z  passage,  and  ndo^xed  the  conrtruciion  which  makes  the 
iMt  pan  of  the  vrne  a  doxology  to  (lod. 


362  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

not,"  Strongly  favors  the  reference  of  the  cW^j-^oc  to  God.* 
It  alone  seems  to  me  almost  decisive.  The  word  ev>u,}-f/7f»^  is 
elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament  used  in  doxologies  to  God 
(f^uke  i.  68;  i  Pet.  i.  3);  and  in  Mark  xiv.  61,  6 ev'Myr/roc,  "the 
Blessed  One,**  is  a  special  designation  of  the  Supreme  Being, 
in  accordance  with  the  language  of  the  later  Jews,  in  whose 
writings  God  is  often  spoken  of  as  **  the  Holy  One,  blessed 
be  He !  *' 

I  have  already  spoken  (see  above,  p.  342)  of  the  rarity  of 
doxologies  to  Christ  in  the  writings  of  Paul,  the  only  instance 
being  2  Tim.  iv.  18,  though  here  Fritzsche  {Efi.  ad  Rom.  ii. 
268)  and  Canon  Kennedy  {E/j  Lectures,  p.  ^j)  refer  the 
K»>f»f  to  God.  Doxologies  and  thanksgivings  to  God  are,  on 
the  other  hand,  very  frequent  in  his  Epistles.  Those  with 
ft/.o;'770f  are  given  above ;  for  those  with  ^o^a,  see  Rom.  xi.  36, 
xvi.  27;    Gal.  i.  5  ;    Eph.  iii.  21  ;    Phil.  iv.  20;    i    Tim.  i.  17 

(tiuiI  Ka\  66^11)  \ Tiu//  K<u  KpdT(>c,     I     Tim.    vi.     16.        (Comp.     do^&^u^ 

Rom.  XV.  6,  9.)  Thanksgivings,  with  pw  first,  Rom.  vi.  17, 
vii.  25  (Lachm..  Tisch.,  Treg.,  WH.) ;  2  Cor.  viii.  16,  ix.  15; 
TudethC)  first,  I  Cor.  xv.  57 ;  2  Cor.  ii.  14;  evx<^p*oT^*  Rom.  i.  8; 
I  Cor.  i.  4  (14),  xiv.  18;  Eph.  i.  16;  Phil.  i.  3;  Col.  i.  3, 
12;  I  Thess.  i.  2,  ii.  13;  2  Thess.  i.  3,  ii.  13;  Philem.  4. 
Note  especially  the  direction,  ''giving  thanks  ahuays  for  all 
things  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  to  God,  even 
the  Father,'*  Eph.  v^  20;  comp.  Col.  iii.  17,  **  do  all  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  giving  thanks  to  God  the  Father 
through  him."  These  facts  appear  to  me  to  strengthen 
the  presumption  founded  on  the  usage  of  f.i'^o;7/r6f,  that  in 
this  passage  of  ambiguous  construction  the  doxological 
words  should  be  referred  to  God  rather  than  to  Christ. 

It  may  be  of  some  interest  to  observe  that,  in  the  Epistle 
of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corinthians, —  probably  the  ear- 
liest Christian  writing  that  has  come  down  to  us  outside  of 
the  New  Testament, —  there  are  eight  doxologies  to  God; 
namely,  cc.  32,  38,  43,  45,  58,  61,  64,  65,  and  none  that 
clearly  belong  to  Christ.     Two  arc  ambiguous ;  namely,  cc. 


•For  the  way  in  which  th^  Ribbinical  writers  are  accustomed  to  introduce  doxologif^  into 
the  middle  of  a  sentence,  see  Schoettgcn's  Horae  Hebraiciie  on  2  Cor.  xi.  31. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS    IX.   5  363 

20,  50,  like  Heb.  xiii.  21,  i  Pet.  iv.  11,  which  a  majority  of 
the  best  commentators  refer  to  God  as  the  leading  subject; 
see  Dr.  Dwight  as  above,  p.  46.  The  clear  cases  of  doxolo- 
gies  to  Christ  in  the  New  Testament  are  Rev.  i.  6,  2  Pet.  iii. 
18  (a  book  of  doubtful  genuineness),  and  Rev.  v.  13,  "to 
Him  that  sitteth  upon  the  throne,  and  to  the  Lamb  "  ;  comp. 
vii.  10.     But  our  concern  is  chiefly  with  the  usage  of  Paul. 

The  argument  from  the  exclusive  use  of  the  word  evhyyrrrd^ 
in  reference  to  God  has  been  answered  by  saying  that  ev?jnyrfT6c 
is  also  applied  to  man  ;  and  Deut.  vii.  14,  Ruth  ii.  20,  and 
I  Sam.  XV.  13  are  cited  as  examples  of  this  by  Dr.  Gifford. 
But  he  overlooks  the  fact  that  €v/.oyrr6r  is  there  used  in  a 
totally  different  sense ;  namely,  "  favored  *'  or  "  blessed  *' 
by  God.  To  speak  of  a  person  as  "blessed"  by  God,  or  to 
pray  that  he  may  be  so,  and  to  address  a  doxology  to  him, 
are  very  different  things.     [See  Essay  XVII.  p.  437.] 

Note  further  that  ev?A)yf/utv<M;  6  tf)xoueifog  tf  bvouan.  Kvpiov,  Ps.  cxvii. 
(cxviii.)  26,  applied  to  Christ  in  Matt.  xxi.  9  and  the  parallel 
passages,  is  not  a  doxology.  Comp.  Mark  xi.  10 ;  Luke  i. 
28.  42. 

On  the  distinction  between  evTjoyrjroQ  and  ehh^yrj^kvoq^  see  Note 
B,  at  the  end  of  this  article. 

2.  The  most  striking  parallel  to  «  ^v  i-rr).  ^zdirrDv  in  the  writings 
of  Paul  is  in  Eph.  iv.  5,  6,  where  Christians  are  said  to  have 
*'one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  God  and  Father  of 
d\\,who  is  over  all  (^W-i  Tay-wt),  and  through  all,  and  in  all." 
Here  it  is  used  of  the  one  God,  expressly  distinguished  from 
Christ. 

3.  The  Apostle's  use  of  the  word  Oeor^  **  God,*'  throughout 
his  Epistles.  This  word  occurs  in  the  Pauline  Epistles,  not 
including  that  to  the  Hebrews,  more  than  five  hundred 
times ;  and  there  is  not  a  single  clear  instance  in  which  it 
is  applied  to  Christ.  Alford,  and  many  other  Trinitarian 
commentators  of  the  highest  character,  find  no  instance 
except  the  present.  Now,  in  a  case  of  ambiguous  construc- 
tion, ought  not  this  ipiifonn  usage  of  the  Apostle  in  respect 
to  one  of  the  most  common  words  to  have  great  weight } 
To  me  it  is  absolutely  decisive. 


364  CRITICAL   ESSAVS 

It  may  be  said,  however,  that  Paul  has  nowhere  declared 
that  Christ  is  not  God  ;•  and  that,  even  if  he  has  not  hap- 
pened to  give  him  this  title  in  any  other  passage,  he  must 
have  believed  him  to  be  God,  and  therefore  might  have  so 
designated  him,  if  occasion  required. 

As  to  the  statem::nt  that  Paul  has  nowhere  expressly 
affirmed  that  Christ  was  >/o/  Gnd,  it  does  not  appear  that, 
supposing  him  to  have  believed  this,  he  ever  had  occasion 
to  say  it.  It  is  certainly  a  remarkible  fact  that,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  teaching  of  Paul  concerning  the  nature 
of  Christ  and  the  mode  of  his  union  with  God,  it  appears, 
so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  his  writings,  to  have  raised  no 
question  as  to  whether  he  was  or  was  not  God,  jealous  as  the 
Jews  were  of  the  divine  unity  and  disposed  as  the  Getittles 
were  to  recognize  many  gods  besides  the  Supreme. 

It  is  important  to  observe,  in  general,  that  in  respect  to 
the  application  to  Christ  of  the  mm:  "God"  there  is  a  very 
wide  difference  betwi;en  the  usage  not  only  of  Paul,  but  of 
all  the  New  Testament  writers,  and  that  which  we  find  in 
Christian  writers  of  the  second  and  later  centuries.  There 
is  no  clear  instance  in  which  any  New  Testament  writer, 
speaking  in  his  own  person,  has  called  Christ  God.  In  John 
i.  18,  the  te.Yt  is  doubtful ;  and,  in  1  John  v.  20,  the  •"*'rnr  more 
naturally  refers  to  the  leading  subject  in  what  precedes, — 
namely,  Thv  n/.ifUvav^ — and  is  so  understood  by  the  best  gram- 
marians, as  Winer  and  Biittmann,  and  by  many  eminent 
Trinitarian  commentators.  [See  Essay  XVIII.  Note  C.  sub 
Jill.]  In  John  i.  i,  Aa  is  the  predicate  not  of  the  historical 
Christ,  but  of  the  antemundane  Logos.  The  passages  which 
have  been  alleged  from  the  writings  of  Paul  will  be  noticed 
presently.! 

But  it  may  be  said  that,  even  if  there  is  no  other  passage 
in  which  Paul  has  called  Christ  God,  there  are  many  in 
which  the  works  and  the  attributes  of  God  are  ascribed  to 
him,  and  in  which  he  is  recognized  as  the  object  of  dlvin,e 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF   ROMANS   IX.   $  365 

worship  ;  so  that  we  ought  to  find  no  difficulty  in  supposing 
that  he  is  here  declared  to  be  **  God  blessed  for  ever."  It 
may  be  said  in  reply,  that  the  passages  referred  to  do  not 
authorize  the  inference  which  has  been  drawn  from  them ; 
and  that,  if  they  are  regarded  as  doing  so,  the  unity  of  God 
would  seem  to  be  infringed.  A  discussion  of  this  subject 
would  lead  us  out  of  the  field  of  exegesis  into  the  tangled 
thicket  of  dogmatic  theology :  we  should  have  to  consider 
the  questions  of  consubstantiality,  eternal  generation,  the 
hypostatic  union,  and  the  kenosis.  Such  a  discussion  would 
here  be  out  of  place.  But  it  is  certainly  proper  to  look 
at  the  passages  where  Paul  has  used  the  clearest  and 
strongest  language  concerning  the  dignity  of  Christ  and  his 
relation  to  the  Father,  and  ask  ourselves  whether  they  allow 
us  to  regard  it  as  probable  that  he  has  here  spoken  of  him 
as  "God  over  all,  blessed  for  ever,"  or  even  as  "overall, 
God  blessed  for  ever." 

In  the  Epistles  which  purport  to  be  written  by  Paul  there 
is  only  one  passage  besides  the  present  in  which  any  consid- 
erable number  of  respectable  scholars  now  suppose  that  he 
has  actually  called  Christ  God ;  namely,  Titus  ii.  13.  Here 
the  new  Revised  Version,  in  the  text,  makes  him  speak  of 
"our  great  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."  But  the  un- 
certainty of  this  translation  is  indicated  by  the  marginal 
rendering,  "the  great  God  and  our  Saviour";  and,  in  an- 
other paper,  I  have  stated  my  reasons  for  believing  the 
latter  construction  the  true  one.  [See  Essay  XVIII.]  This 
latter  construction  was  preferred  by  a  large  majority  of  the 
American  Company  of  Revisers,  and  it  has  the  support  pi 
many  other  eminent  Trinitarian  scholars.  Surely,  so  doubt- 
ful a  passage  cannot  serve  to  render  it  probable  that  Christ 
is  called  "  God  blessed  for  ever  "  in  Rom.  ix.  5. 

Acts  XX.  28  has  also  been  cited,  where,  according  to  the 
textus  rcceptus,  Paul,  in  his  address  to  the  Ephesian  elders, 
is  represented  as  speaking  of  "  the  Church  of  God,  which  he 
purchased  with  his  own  blood."  This  reading  is  adopted  by 
the  English  Revisers  in  their  text,  and  also  by  Scrivener, 
Alford,  and  Westcott  and  Hort ;  but  its  doubtfulness  is  indi- 


366  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

cated  by  the  marginal  note  against  the  word  *•  God,"  in 
which  the  Revisers  say,  "  Many  ancient  authorities  read 
the  Lord"  Here,  again,  the  marginal  reading  is  preferred 
by  the  American  Revisers,  as  also  by  Lachmann,  Tregelles, 
Green,  Davidson,  and  Tischcndorf.  I  have  given  my  reasons 
for  believing  this  the  true  reading  in  an  article  in  the  Biblio- 
theca  Sacra  for  April,  1876  [see  Essay  XV.].  And,  although 
Westcott  and  Hort  adopt  the  reading  God,  Dr.  Hort  well 
remarks  that  "  the  supposition  that  by  the  precise  designa- 
tion 'o'v  eeov,  Standing  alone  as  it  does  here,  with  the  article 
and  without  any  adjunct,  St.  Paul  (or  St.  Luke)  meant 
Christ  is  unsupported  by  any  analogies  of  language."  Call- 
ing attention  to  the  fact  that  the  true  text  has  the  remarka- 
ble form,  ^ta  roi'  aiftaro^  rob  iSiov,  hc  would  Understand  the  pas- 
sage, **on  the  supposition  that  the  text  is  incorrupt,"  as 
speaking  of  the  Church  of  God  which  he  purchased 
"'through  the  blood  that  was  his  own,*  t>.,  as  being  his 
Son's."  "This  conception,"  he  remarks,  "of  the  death  of 
Christ  as  a  price  paid  by  the  Father  is  in  strict  accordance 
with  St.  Paul's  own  language  elsewhere  (Rom.  v.  8  ;  viii. 
32).  It  finds  repeated  expression  in  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions in  language  evidently  founded  on  this  passage  (ii.  57. 
13  ;  61.  4  ;  vii.  26.  i  ;  viii.  [11.  2]  12.  18  ;  41.  4)."  On  the 
suj^position  that  ^f^""  is  the  true  reading,  the  passage  has  been 
understood  in  a  similar  manner  not  merely  by  Socinian  in- 
terpreters, as  Wolzogen  and  Enjedinus,  but  by  Erasmus  (in 
his  ParapJirasc),  Pellican,*  Limborch  (though  he  prefers  the 
reading  «'/ro/),  Milton  {Dc  Doctrina  Christianay  Pars  I.  c.  v. 
p.  ^6,  or  Eng.  trans,  p.  148  £.),  Lenfant  and  Beausobre  as  an 
alternative  interpretation  {Lc  Nouveau  Test.,  note  /;/  loc), 
Doederlcin  {Inst.  Thcol.  Christ.,  ed.  6ta,  1797,  §  105,  Obs.  4, 
p.  387),  Van  dcr  Palm  (note  in  his  Dutch  translation),  Gran- 
ville Penn  {The  Book  of  the  New  Covenant,  London,  1836, 
and  Annotations,  1837,  p.  315).  and  Mr.  Darby  {Trans,  of  the 
N.  T.,  2c!  ed.  [1872 J).  Dr.  Hort,  however,  is  disposed  to 
conjecture  that  nor  dropped  out  after  toyiaiot  **at  some 


*  "  Erga  conpregationem  dci  quae  vobis  oscitanter  curanda  non  est,  ut  quam  deos  ade6 
charam  habuit,  ui  unigeniti  sui  sanguine  earn  paravcnt.  '    Comm.  in  loc.,  Tiguri,  1537,  fol. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  367 

very  early  transcription,  affecting  all  existing  documents." 
Granville  Penn  had  before  made  the  same  suggestion.  It  is 
obvious  that  no  argument  in  support  of  any  particular  con- 
struction of  Rom.  ix.  5  can  be  prudently  drawn  from  such 
a  passage  as  this. 

A  few  other  passages,  in  which  some  scholars  still  suppose 
that  the  name  God  is  given  to  Christ  by  Paul,  have  been 
examined  in  the  paper  on  Titus  ii.  13  (see  Essay  XVIII. 
notes  to  pp.440,  447;  also  Dr.  Dwight,  as  above,  p.  44). 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  passages  in  which  Paul  has  used 
the  most  exalted  language  respecting  the  person  and  dignity 
of  Christ,  and  ask  ourselves  how  far  they  affc^rd  a  presump- 
tion that  he  might  here  describe  him  as  **  God  blessed  for 
ever." 

The  passage  in  this  Epistle  most  similar  to  the  present  is 
ch.  i.  vv.  3,  4,  where  Christ  is  said  to  be  "  born  of  the  seed 
of  David  as  to  the  flesh,"  but  **  declared  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
with  power  as  to  the  spirit  of  holiness  by  his  resurrection 
from  the  dead,"  or,  more  exactly,  **  by  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead."     Here  the  antithesis  to  Ka-ii  odfma  is  supplied.     It 

is  not,  however,  Kara  ryv  6(6rf/ra^  or  i^Tci  Tyv  6tiav  o\'ai\\  but  xfiTO.  TTvevua 

ayiuavvtK,  "  as  to  his  holy  spirit," — his  higher  spiritual  nature, 
distinguished  especially  by  the  characteristic  of  holiness. 
There  are  many  nice  and  difficult  questions  coriuected  with 
this  passage  which  need  not  be  here  discussed ;  I  will  only 
say  that  I  see  no  ground  for  finding  in  it  a  presumption  that 
the  Apostle  would  designate  Christ  as  "  God  blessed  for 
ever."  Some,  however,  suppose  that  the  title  **  Son  of  God  " 
is  essentially  equivalent  to  '^^«(,  and  that  the  resurrection  of 
Christ  as  an  act  of  his  own  divine  power  is  adduced  here  as 
a  proof  of  his  deity.  I  do  not  find  the  first  supposition  sup- 
ported by  the  use  of  the  term  in  the  Old  Testament  or  in 
the  New  (see  John  x.  36) ;  and,  as  to  the  second,  it  may  be 
enough  to  say  that  it  contradicts  the  uniform  representation 
of  the  Apostle  Paul  on  the  subject,  who  everywhere  refers 
his  resurrection  to  the  power  of  "God  the  Father."  See 
Gal.  i.  i;  Eph.  i.  19,  20;  Rom.  iv.  24,  vi.  4,  viii.  11,  x.  9; 
I  Cor.  vi.  14,  XV.  15;  2  Cor.  iv.  14,  xiii.  4;  i  Thess.  i.  10; 
Acts  xiii.  30-37.  xvii.  31 


368  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

Another  striking  passage  is  Phil.  ii.  6-1 1,  where  the 
Apostle  says  that  Christ,  ''existing  in  the  form  of  God, 
counted  not  the  being  on  an  equality  with  God*  a  thing  to 
be  grasped,  but  emptied  himself,  taking  the  form  of  a  ser- 
vant, being  made  in  the  likeness  of  men."  Without  entering 
into  any  detailed  discussion  of  this  passage,  it  may  be  enough 
to  remark  that  being  in  the  form  of  God,  as  Paul  uses  the  ex- 
pression here,  is  a  very  different  thing  from  being  God ;  that 
the  //opo'/  cannot  denote  the  nature  or  essence  of  Christ,  be- 
cause it  is  something  of  which  he  is  represented  as  empty- 
ing or  divesting  himself.  The  same  is  true  of  the  ru  eivat  laa 
''v,  "the  being  on  an  equality  with  God,"  or  "like  God," 
which  is  spoken  of  as  something  which  he  was  not  eager  to 
seize,  according  to  one  way  of  understanding  dpTrayuov,  or  not 
eager  to  retain,  according  to  another  interpretation.!  The 
Apostle  goes  on  to  say  that,  on  account  of  this  self-abnega- 
tion and  his  obedience  even  unto  death,  "  God  highly  exalted 
him  and  gave  him  the  name  which  is  above  every  name ; 
that  in  the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  should  bow  .  .  .  and 
that  every  tongue  should  confess  that  Jesus  Christ  is  Lord, 
to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father.'*  I  cannot  think  that  this 
passage,  distinguishing  Christ  as  it  does  so  clearly  from  God, 
and  representing  his  present  exaltation  as  a  reward  bestowed 
upon  him  by  God,  renders  it  at  all  likely  that  Paul  would 
call  him  "God  blessed  for  ever." 

We  find  a  still  more  remarkable  passage  in  the  Epistle  to 
the  Colossians,  i.  15-20,  where  it  is  affirmed  concerning  the 
Son  that  "  he  is  the  image  of  the  invisible  God,  the  first- 
born of  all  creation  ;  for  in  him  were  all  things  created, 
things  visible  and  invisible,  whether  thrones  or  dominions 
or  principalities  or  powers ;  all  things  have  been  created 
through  him  and  unto  him;  and  he  is  before  all  things,  and 
in  him  all  things  consist  \or  hold  together].     And  he  is  the 


*0r,  as  the  Rev,  Dr.  B.  H.  Kennedy,  Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, translates  it,  "'the  beinj;  like  God";  compare  Whitby's  note  on  the  use  of  \oa-  See 
Kennedy's  Occasional  Sermons  preached  he/ore  the  University  of  Catnbridge,  London,  1877, 
p.  ^13,  or  Ely  Lecturfs  (18S2),  p.  17  f. 

t  See  Gnmm's  Lexicon  Ncvi  Testamenii,  ed.  2da(iS79),  s.  v.  nopoiit  for  one  view;  foran- 
(  ther,  Wc-iss's  Biblische  Theol.  des  X.  T.,  §  103  c,  p.  432  ff. ,  3te  Aufl.  (1S80). 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   S  369 

head  of  the  body,  the  Church,  who  is  the  beginning,  the 
first-born  from  the  dead ;  that  in  all  things  he  might  have 
the  pre-eminence  [more  literally,  '^become  first'*].  For  it 
was  the  good  pleasure  [of  the  Father]  that  in  him  should  all 
the  fulness  dwell;  and  through  him  to  reconcile  all  things 
unto  himself."  In  this  passage,  and  in  Col.  ii.  9,  10,  where 
the  Apostle  says  of  Christ  "in  him  dwelleth  all  the  fulness 
of  the  Godhead  bodily,  and  in  him  are  ye  made  full,  who  is 
the  head  of  all  principality  and  power,"  we  find,  I  believe, 
the  strongest  language  which  Paul  has  anywhere  used  con- 
cerning Christ's  position  in  the  universe  and  his  relation  to 
the  Church.  I  waive  all  question  of  the  genuineness  of  the 
Epistle.  Does,  then,  the  language  here  employed  render  it 
probable  that  Paul  would,  on  occasion,  designate  Christ  as 
"over  all,  God  blessed  for  ever" } 

Here  certainly,  if  anywhere,  we  might  expect  that  he 
would  call  him  God  ;  but  he  has  not  only  ijot  done  so,  but 
has  carefully  distinguished  him  from  the  being  for  whom  he 
seems  to  reserve  that  name.  He  does  not  call  him  God,  but 
"the  image  of  the  invisible  God"  (comp.  2  Cor.  iv.  4,  and  i 
Cor.  xi.  7).  His  agency  in  the  work  of  creation  is  also  re- 
stricted and  made  secondary  by  the  use  of  the  prepositions 
iv  and  <5<fl,  clearly  indicating  that  the  conception  in  the  mind 
of  the  Apostle  is  the  same  which  appears  in  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  i.  3 ;  that  he  is  not  the  primary  source  of  the 
power  exerted  in  creation,  but  the  being  "  through  whom 
God  made  the  worlds," '^/'^''Wto/Vcv  roic  a; wm^-;  comp.  also  i 
Cor.  viii.  6,  Eph.  iii.  9  (though  here  rfrn'rv^rou  x^waror-  is  not  gen- 
uine), and  the  well-known  language  of  Philo  concerning  the 
Logos.*     Neither  Paul  nor  any  other  New  Testament  writer 


•  Fhilo  calls  the  Logos  the  "  Son  of  God,"  "the  eldest  son,"  "the  first-begotten,"  and  his 
rtprgsentaiion  of  his  agency  in  creation  is  very  similar  to  that  which  Paul  here  attributes  to  "the 
Son  of  God*s  love  "  (ver.  13).  He  describes  the  Logos  as  "the  image  of  God,  through  whom 
the  whole  world  was  framed,"  ilKliXf  ffeov^  6l  o\\  k.  t.  /..  {Dt  Monarch,  ii.  5,  Opp.  ii.  225  ed. 
Mangey);  "the  instrument,  through  which  \or  whom]  the  world  was  built,"  opyirov  (h*  or 
K,  T.  /..  (^*  Cktrui.  c  35,  Opp.  i.  i6a,  where  note  Philo's  distinction  between  rb  vO  or,  ro  l^ 
ni'f  rd  61  oi\  and  rb  cV  v) ;  "  the  shadow  of  God,  using  whom  as  an  instrument  he  made  the 
world"  {,L»gg.  AUeg.  iii.  31,  Opp.  i.  106).  In  two  or  three  places  he  exceptionally  applies  the 
VetmQtd^  to  the  Logos,  professedly  using  it  in  a  lower  sense  {iv  Kamxpiinn),  and  making  a 
distinction  between  Be(n;t  without  the  article,  "  a  divine  being,*'  and  it  ftfoc,  "th*  Divine  Being." 
(See  De  Somm.  i.  38,  Opp.  i.  65s,  and  comp.  Legg.  AUtg.  iii.  73,  Opp.  i.  ia8,  L  43.)    In  a  frag* 


370 

uses  the  preposition  it;,  "by,"  in  speiking  of  the  agency  of 
the  Son  or  Logos  in  creation.  The  designation  "first-born 
of  all  creation  "  seems  also  a  very  strange  one  to  be  applied 
to  Christ  conceived  of  as  God.  Somu  of  the  most  orthodox 
Fathers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  as  AthanasJus, 
Gregory  of  Nyssa.  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Theodore  of  Mop- 
suestia,  and  Ausustine,  were  so  perplexed  by  it  that  they 
understood  he  Apostle  to  be  speaking  here  of  the  new. 
spiritual  creation;"  and  the  passage  has  been  captained  as 
relating  to  this  by  some  eminent  modern  interpreters,  as 
Grotius,  Wctstein,  Ernesti,  Noesselt,  Heinrichs,  Scbleier- 
macher,  Bauragarten-Crusius,  Norton, — though,  I  believe, 
erroneously.  But  I  shall  rot  discuss  here  the  meaning  of 
ir^riro.fic  x/m/f  «riOf«r.  I  would  Only  Call  attention  to  the  way 
in  which  the  Apostle  speaks  of  ihe  ^i>e>d  />/c-asure  oi  God,  the 
Father,  as  the  source  of  Christ's  fulness  of  gifts  and  powers. 
"For  it  was  thf  good  pleasure  [of  God]  that  in  him  should 
all  the  fulness  dwell "  (ver.  tgj.t  This  declaration  explains 
also  Col.  ii.  g;  comp.  Eph.  iii.  19,  iv.  13,  John  i.  16.  See 
also  John  xiv.  10,  iii.  34  (?). 

It  thus  appe.irs,  I  think,  first,  that  there  is  no  satisfactory 
evidence  that  Paul  has  elsewhere  called  Christ  God;  and, 
secondly,  that  in  the  passages  in  which  he  speaks  of  his 
dignity  and  power  in  the  most  exalted  language  he  not  only 
seems  studiously  to  avoid  giving  him  this  appellation,  but 
represents  him  d.^  deriving  his  dignity  and  power  frj-n  the 
being  to  whom,  in  distinction  from  Christ,  he  everywhere 
gives  that  name, —  the  "one  God,  the  Father." 

meot  proeived  by  EuMbiui  (Praif.  Efanf.  yii,  n,  nr  Pktltnii  Off.  «.  Sjj)  ht  nvno  Iht 
Logoi  i,  Ae'rrep'Kllr.K.  "iI<e  lecaiid  Itr  mIeriDr]  God,"  d[<ui>Eui>bed  fcam  "the  Mtai  High 
and  t'slherof  Ihe  uni«rn,"  "Ihe  CKKlwho  i>l»lDre[i>r  abovu,  j/mllh,  Logm."  So  heapplita 
Ihe  leno  lo  Mok>  (torip.  Ei.  to.  •),  ind  uyi  IhJl  il  my  be  uied  ol  one  who"'pto«ar«  icml 
(roafo^ip)  lor  oihira,"»Dd  it  "witi."  C»  Afi.(.  A'oih.  e.  ij,  Opp.  L  5^7,  J9S  i  tet  tlta  Ot 
Mti.  i.  iS,  Opp.  a.  IC&  [miipriBled  loa],  where  Moua  ii  ailed  ^W  tiiv  I9mv(  Hcb^  xn'i  ,)a- 
aiitif.  Qittd  dtl.  fal.  mild,  c  44,  Opp.  i.  m\  Ot  Mif.  Ah:  c,  tj,  Opp.  I.  419:  l-trg. 
AlUt-i.  1],  Opi>,  i.  tsi;  QiadtmH.  frui.  liBrr.t.  ■),  opp,  ii.  ^vt:  Dt  DtamOntt.  c.  ij.  O^. 
ii.  ui.  But,  thougb  he  ipeik:s  uf  the  Liigiii  in  langmie  u  enlled  u  Paul  iiKi  omoEniinc  Iha 
Son,  be  nvuld  aemt  have  dtamed  ol  calling  him  !,  u\%  ciri  Tt&VTwi  Oeiic  liiTtoyi/rUt  r<C  rtitif 


*See  Lighllc 
Tlhed.) 

I  ri  HfA;  (or  ,;  irt 


St.  / 


1  EfiitUi  to  ikt  Cti 


uia>aandtiiPkiitwnm,^.iti5.\e.  148  S. 
lubjeel  of  tinldjiijfl'Fi' 1  comp.  vet.  is,  Bsd 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  37 1 

We  have  considered  the  strongest  passages  which  have 
been  adduced  to  justify  the  supposition  that  Paul  might 
apply  this  title  to  Christ.  I  have  already  intimated  that 
they  do  not  seem  to  me  to  authorize  this  supposition.  But, 
admitting  for  the  sake  of  argument  that  wc  must  infer  from 
these  and  other  passages  that  he  really  held  the  doctrine  of 
the  consubstantiality  and  co-eternity  of  the  Son  with  the 
Father,  and  that  on  this  account  he  would  have  been  justi- 
fied in  calling  him  God,  this  does  not  remove  the  great  im- 
probability that  he  Jias  so  designated  him,  incidentally,  in 
Rom.  ix.  5,  in  opposition  to  a  usage  of  the  term  which  per- 
vades all  his  writings.  The  question  still  forces  itself  upon 
us,  What  was  the  ground  of  this  usage  .^  Why  has  he  else- 
where avoided  giving  him  this  title  .^  In  answering  this 
question  here,  wishing  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible  all  dog- 
matic discussion  and  to  confine  myself  to  exegetical  consid- 
erations, I  shall  not  transgress  the  limits  of  recognized  or- 
thodoxy. The  doctrine  of  the  subordination  of  the  Son  to 
the  Father,  in  his  divine  as  well  as  his  human  nature,  has 
been  held  by  a  very  large  number,  and,  if  I  mistake  not,  by 
a  majority  of  professed  believers  in  the  deity  of  Christ.  The 
fourth  and  last  Division  or  '*  Section "  of  Bishop  Bull's 
famous  Defensio  Fidci  Nicaenae  is  entitled  De  Subordiua- 
tiofte  Filii  ad  Pat  rem,  ut  ad  sni  origlnem  ac  principiinn.  He 
maintains  and  proves  that  the  Fathers  who  lived  before  and 
many,  at  least,  of  those  who  lived  after  the  Council  of  Nice 
unequivocally  acknowledged  this  subordination  (though  the 
post-Nicene  writers  were  more  guarded  in  their  language), 
and  that  on  this  account,  while  calling  the  Son  w^<>J:  and  f^^v 
wCfoi',  as  begotten  from  the  substance  of  the  Father,  th^y 
•were  accustomed  to  reserve  such  titles  2s  iikta:  used  abso- 
lutely, f'f  Wf<>f,  and  o  i-i  'TdvTijv  or  i-'i  ttucl  fkor  for  the  Father 
alone.  The  Father  alone  was  "uncaused,"  ** unoriginated,** 
"the  fountain  of  deity"  to  the  Son  and  Spirit.*  Now  the 
word  Oedg  was  often  used  by  the  Fathers  of  the  second  and 

•"The  ancient  doctors  of  the  church,"  as  Bishop  Pearson  remarks,  "have  not  stuck  to  call 
the  Father  'the  ongin,  the  cause,  the  author,  the  root,  the  fountain,  and  the  head  of  the  Son,'  or 
the  whole  Diirinity.*'    ExpoiUum  0/  the  Cr»»dy  chap.  i.  p.  38,  Nichols's  ed. 


372  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

later  centuries  not  as  a  proper,  but  as  a  common  name; 
angels,  and  even  Christians,  especially  in  their  beatified 
state,  might  be  and  were  called  Oeoi.  It  had  also  a  meta- 
phorical and  rhetorical  use,  quite  foreign  from  the  style  of 
the  New  Testament.*  All  this  made  it  easy  and  natural, 
especially  for  the  Fathers  who  were  converts  from  heathen- 
ism, to  apply  the  title  in  a  relative,  not  absolute,  sense  to 
the  Son,  notwithstanding  the  pre-eminence  which  they  as- 
cribed to  the  Father.  Wc  find  traces  of  this  loose  use  of 
the  name  in  Philo,  as  I  have  observed  (see  p.  369,  note). 
But  there  is  no  trace  of  such  a  use  in  the  writings  of  Paul. 
The  points,  then,  which  I  would  make  are  these :  that,  even 
granting  that  he  believed  in  the  deity  of  the  Son  as  set  forth 
in  the  Nicene  Creed,  he  yet  held  the  doctrine  of  the  subor- 
dination of  the  Son  so  strongly  in  connection  with  it  that 
we  cannot  wonder  if  on  this  account  he  reserved  the  title  ^^k 
exclusively  for  the  Father ;  and  that  the  way  in  which  he 
has  expressed  this  subordination,  and  the  way  in  which  he 
has  used  this  title,  render  it  incredible  that  he  should  in  this 
single  instance  (Rom.  ix.  5)  have  suddenly  transferred  it  to 
Christ,  with  the  addition  of  another  designation,  **  blessed 
for  ever,"  elsewhere  used  by  him  of  the  Father  alone. 

I  do  not  see  how  any  one  can  read  the  Epistles  of  Paul 
without  perceiving  that,  in  speaking  of  the  objects  of  Chris- 
tian faith,  he  constantly  uses  ^^'k  as  a  proper  name,  as  the 
designation  of  the  Father  in  distinction  from  Christ.  See, 
for  example,  Rom.  i.  1-3,  **the  gospel  of  God,  which  he  had 
before  promised  .  .  .  concerning  his  Son  *' ;  ver.  7,  "  God  our 
Father,  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ";  ver.  8,  **  I  thank  my 
God,  through  Jesus  Christ";  ver.  9,  ''God  is  my  witness, 
whom  I  serve  in  my  spirit  in  the  gospel  of  his  Son  "  ;  and  so 
all  through  the  Epistle;  2  Cor.  v.  18,  19,"  **  All  things  are  of 


*  For  proof  and  illustration  of  what  has  been  stated,  see  Norton's  Genuineness  o/the  Gos^h, 
2d  ed.,  vol.  ill.  Addit.  Note  D,  "On  the  Use  of  the  Words  (hoc  and  Jeus'' ;  Statement  o/Rea- 
sons,  iixh  ed.,  pp.  113,  114  note,  120  note,  3o<.)  f. ,  314,  319  I.,  365  note,  468;  Sandius,  Interpreta- 
tiones  Paradoxae  (1669),  p.  227  ff.;  Whiston's  Primitive  Christianity  Revived,  vol.  iv.  p.  100 
ff.;  LeCicrc  (Clericus),  Ars  Critica,  Pars  II.  Sect.  I.  c.  III.,  vol.  i.  p.  145  if.,  6th  ed.,  177S; 
Account  of  t fie  IVritings  ixnd  Opinions  of  Clement  of  Alexsmlriiiy  by  John  [Kaye],  Bp.  of 
Lincoln,  1835,  P-  253;  Brelschncider,  Handbuch  der  Dogfnatik,  4te  Aull.  (1838),  i.  596, 
note  333. 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  373 

God^  who  reconciled  us  to  himself  through  Christ,  and  gave 
unto  us  the  ministry  of  reconciliation ;  to  wit,  that  God  was 
in  Christ  reconciling  the  world  unto  himself,  not  reckoning 
unto  them  their  trespasses";  Eph.  v.  20,  ** giving  thanks 
always  for  all  things,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
to  Gody  even  the  Father  "  ;  though  among  the  heathen  there 
are  gods  many  and  lords  many  (i  Cor.  viii.  6),  "to  us  there 
is  one  God,  the  Father,  from  whom  are  all  things,  and  we 
unto  him ;  and  one  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  are 
all  things,  and  we  through  him  " ;  Eph.  iv.  5,  6,  There  is 
"one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  God  and  Father  of 
all,  who  is  over  ally  and  through  all,  and  in  you  all" ;  i  Tim. 
ii.  5,  "There  is  one  God,  one  mediator  also  between  God  and 
men,  [himself]  a  man,  Christ  Jesus" ;  v.  21,  "  I  charge  thee 
before  God,  and  Christ  Jesus,  and  the  elect  angels  " ;  Titus 
iii.  4-6,  '*  God  our  Saviour"  poured  out  upon  us  the  Holy 
Spirit  ''through  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour."  Observe  how 
strongly  the  subordination  of  the  Son  is  expressed  in  pas- 
sages where  his  dignity  and  lordship  are  described  in  the 
loftiest  strain:  Eph.  i.  16-23,  "  —  in  my  prayers,  that  the 
God  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Father  of  glory,  may  give 
unto  you  a  spirit  of  wisdom  and  revelation  in  the  knowledge 
of  him  ;  .  .  .  that  ye  may  know  what  is  the  exceeding  great- 
ness of  his  power  to  us-ward  who  believe,  according  to  that 
working  of  the  strength  of  his  might  which  he  wrought  in 
Christ  when  he  raised  him  from  the  dead,  and  made  him  to 
sit  at  his  right  hand  in  the  heavenly  places,  far  above  all 
rule,  and  authority,  and  power,  and  dominion,  and  every 
name  that  is  named,  not  only  in  this  world,  but  also  in  that 
which  is  to  come :  and  he  put  all  things  ///  subjection  under 
his  feety  and  gjve  him  to  be  head  over  all  things  to  the 
Church";  i  Cor.  iii.  22,  23,  "all  things  are  yours;  and  ye 
are  Christ's ;  and  Christ  is  God's " ;  xi.  3,  "  the  head  of 
every  man  is  Christ ;  and  the  head  of  the  ^voman  is  the 
man;  and  the  head  of  Christ  is  God'' ;  xv.  24,  **Then  com- 
eth  the  end,  when  he  shall  deliver  up  the  kingdom  to  Gody 
even  the  Father";  vv.  27,  28,  "But  when  he  saith.  All 
things  are  put  in  subjection,  it  is  evident  that    He   is  ex- 


374  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

cepted  who  did  subject  all  things  unto  him.  And  when  all 
things  have  been  subjected  unto  him,  then  shall  the  Son 
also  himself  be  subjected  to  him  that  did  subject  all  things 
unto  him,  that  God  may  be  all  in  all." 

Can  we  believe  that  he  who  has  throughout  his  writings 
placed  Christ  in  such  a  relation  of  subordination  to  the 
Father,  and  has  habitually  used  the  name  God  as  the  pecul- 
iar designation  of  the  Father  in  distinction  from  Christ,  who 
also  calls  the  Father  the  one  God,  the  only  wise  God  (Rom. 
xvi.  27),  the  only  God  (i  Tim.  i.  17),  and  the  God  of  Christ, 
has  here,  in  opposition  to  the  usage  elsewhere  uniform  of 
a  word  occurring  five  hundred  times,  suddenly  designated 
Christ  as  *'  over  all,  God  blessed  for  ever " }  At  least, 
should  not  the  great  improbability  of  this  turn  the  scale,  in 
a  passage  of  doubtful  construction  } 

4.  There  is  another  consideration  which  seems  to  me  to 
render  it  very  improbable  that  Paul  has  here  deviated  from 
his  habitual  restriction  of  the  name  God  to  "the  God  and 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  '*  If  he  has  spoken  of 
Christ  in  this  passage  as  "God  blessed  for  ever,"  he  has 
done  it  obiter,  as  if  those  whom  he  addressed  were  familiar 
with  such  a  conception  and  desij^nation  of  him.  But  can 
this  have  been  the  case  with  the  Roman  Church  at  so  early 
a  stage  in  the  development  of  Christian  doctrine.^ 

It  is  the  view  of  many  Trinitarians  that  the  doctrine  that 
Christ  is  God  was  not  explicitly  taught  in  the  early  preach- 
ing of  the  Apostles.  We  find  no  trace  of  such  teaching  in 
the  discourses  of  Peter  or  of  Stephen  in  the  Book  of  Acts, 
and  none  in  those  of  the  Apostle  Paul  (the  passage  Acts  xx. 
28  has  already  been  examined),  as  we  find  none  in  the  Sy- 
noptic Gospels,  which  represent  the  instruction  concerning 
Christ  given  by  the  Apostles  and  their  companions  to  their 
converts.*     Nor  does    it  appear  in    the  so-called  Apostles' 


•"There  is  nothing  in  St.  Peter's  sermon  upon  the  day  of  Pentecost  which  would  not,  in 
all  probability,  have  been  acknowiedjjed  by  every  Ebionite  Christian  down  to  the  lime  when  they 
tinally  disajjpear  from  history.  Yet  upon  such  a  statement  of  doctrine,  miserably  insufficient  as 
all  orthodox  churches  wou'.d  now  call  it,  three  thousand  Jews  and  proselytes  were,  without  delay, 
admitted  to  the  .Sacrament  of  li.iptism.  .  .  .  Wo  must  c.ircfully  bear  in  mind  what  was  St.  Peter's 
flij.ct.     It  was  to  convince  ihc  Jjws  that  Je-us  Christ  was  the  great  appointed  Teacher  whom 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  375 

Creed.  When  we  consider  further  the  fact  already  men- 
tioned above  (see  p.  364),  that  Christ  is  nowhere  called  God 
in  any  unambiguous  passage  by  any  writer  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament,* and  that  it  is  nowhere  recorded  that  he  ever 
claimed  this  title,  we  cannot  reasonably  regard  this  absti- 
nence from  the  use  of  the  term  as  accidental.  In  reference 
to  the  early  apostolic  preaching  in  particular,  many  of  the 
Christian  Fathers,  and  later  Trinitarian  writers,  have  recog- 
nized a  prudent  reserve  in  the  communication  of  a  doctrine 
concerning  Christ  and  the  application  of  a  title  to  him 
which  would  at  once  have  provoked  vehement  opposition  on 
the  part  of  the  unbelieving  Jews,  which  would  have  been 
particularly  liable  to  be  misunderstood  by  the  Gentiles,  and 
must  have  required  much  careful  explanation  to  reconcile  it 
with  the  unity  of  God  and  the  humanity  of  Christ.f  We 
nowhere  find  either  in  the  Acts  or  the  Epistles  any  trace  of 
the  controversy  and  questionings  which  the  direct  announce- 
ment of  such  a  doctrine  must  have  excited.  The  one  aim  of 
the  early  apostolic  preaching  was  to  convince  first  the  Jews, 
and  then  the  Gentiles,  that  Jesus,  whose  life  and  teaching 
were  so  wonderful,  whom  God  had  raised  from  the  dead,  was 
the  Messiah,  exalted  by  God  to  be  a  Prince  and  a  Saviour. 

God  had  sent,  ~-  the  true  spiritual  Prince  whom  they  were  to  obey.  The  Apostle  felt  that,  if  they 
jbcknowlec^ed  these  great  truths,  everything  else  would  fo  low  in  due  time."  T.  W.  Mossman, 
B. A.,  Rector  nf  Torrington,  A  History  of  tkt  Cithflic  Church  oy/esus  Chrtsi,  etc.,  London, 
1873,  pp.  193,  190.  Gess  naively  asks,  "  Wie  diirfte  man  von  dem  g^lilSischen  Fischer,  welcher 
der  Wortfiihrer  der  junger  Gemeinde  war,  eine  befriedigende  Do^matilc  erwarten?"  Christi 
Person  und  tVerk,  ii.  i.  13.  See  als-j  Dr.  Jijhn  Pye  Smith's  Scripture  Testimony  to  the 
Messiakt  Book  III.  Chap.  V.  (vol.  ii.  p.  151  ff  ,  5th  ed.). 

*I  speak  of  the  historical  Christ,  which  is  the  subject  in  Rom.  ix.  5.  Th;  unique  prologue 
of  John's  Gospel,  in  which  the  Lo^os  ox  Word  is  once  called  ihdr  (i.  i,  comp.  vcr.  18  in  the  text 
of  Tregelles  and  Westcott  and  Hort),  cannot  reasonably  be  regarded  as  parallel  to  the  present 
passage.  This  is  candidly  admitted  by  Schultz,  who  has  mo5t  elaborately  defended  the  construc- 
tion which  refers  the  last  part  of  Rom.  ix.  5  to  Christ.  He  says,  "  Nach  unseren  Prilmissen 
versteh:  sich  von  selbst,  dass  wir  nicht  etwa  daraus,  da.ss  der  /.o^  r>^  ^foc  genannt  wird,  Beweise 
dehen  woUen  fiir  die  ZuUssigkeit  des  Namcns  {kite  fiir  den  verklilrten  Jesus."  {JahrbUcher/Ur 
denttche  Theol.,  186S,  xiii.  491.)  I  of  course  do  not  enter  here  into  th«  difficult  questions  as  to 
what  was  precisely  John's  conception  of  the  Logos,  and  in  what  sense  he  says  "  the  Word  became 
flesh,**  language  which  no  one  understands  literally.  Wc  must  consider  aiso  the  late  date  of 
the  Gospel  of  John  as  compared  with  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 

t  For  superabundant  quotations  from  the  Christian  Fathers  confirming  the  statement  made 

above,  notwithstanding  a  few  mistakes,  see  Pri<:stley*s  History  of  Early  Opinions  concerning 

Jesus  Christ,  Book  III.  Chap.  IV.-VH.  (vol.  \\\.  p.  8S  ff  .  ed.  of  17S6).     Or  see  Chrysostom's 

Homilies  on  the  Acts,  passim.     Hoy  this  doctrine  wjuld  have  struck  a  Jew  may  be  seen  from 

Justin  Martyr's  Dialogue  with  Trypho. 


376  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

To  acknowledge  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  or  Jesus  as  Lord,  whicll 
is  essentially  the  sime  thing,  was  the  one  fundamental  at* 
tide  of  the  Christian  faith.*  Much,  indeed,  was  involved  in 
this  confession  ;  but  it  is  now.  I  suppose,  fully  established 
and  generally  admitted  that  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Christ 
had  no  expectation  that  the  coming  Messiah  would  be  an 
incarnation  of  Jehovah,  and  no  acquaintance  with  the  mys- 
tery of  the  Trinity.f  Such  being  the  state  of  the  case,  it 
seems  to  me  that,  on  the  supposition  that  the  Apostles  were 
fully  enlightened  in  regard  to  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity 
and  the  hypostatic  union,  the  only  tenable  ground  to  be 
taken  is  that  they  wisely  left  these  doctrines  to  develop 
themselves  gradually  in  "the  Christian  consciousness."  As 
Dr.  Pye  Smith  remarks,  "  The  whole  revelation  of  the  Chris- 
tian system  was  given  by  an  advancing  process.  It  cannot, 
therefore,  be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  doctrine  concern- 
ing the  person  of  the  Messiah  was  developed  gradually,  and 
that  its  clearest  manifestation  is  to  be  found  in  the  latest 
written  books  of  the  New  Testament."  {Ut  supra,  p.  155,) 
Canon  Westcott  observes,  "The  study  of  the  Synoptists. 
of  the  Apocalypse,  and  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  in  succes- 
sion enables  us  to  see  under  what   human   conditions    the 


Afo,tL 


Eloak  I.  Chip.  I 


It  PhmtiHt  anil  Trtutiwe  t/lit  C 


f  S«  lbs  in.  /ftiiHi.  by  Oeblcr,  in  Hmos'i 

ftt''tnpalltMn.  r«/c/.(i88<.).p,i46ff.,  jjqtf.     Put 

COflucH.  Lt  Bid  10  b«  given  \a  [be  Me»iab.  Bui  i 
Rpultdir  eipoBedi  kc  FhitKhe,  £/,  md  Rum.  \i.  i 
HyK.  "  Utid  wenn  Bida  6alkra  75^  Vl*^&  wird,  der 
ISplI  h'T"  K'nunnl,  lo  (Uhen  in  diewr  Swlls  in  t 
•»l*m."  Comp.  Jm,  ««1u.  G  wiih  miiii.  16.  ind  on  ll 
I6ji  Ruhoi, JAhuju:  Pmfltny-  v.tta,  sntc  jb;  Schnli 


.    Onlu. 


4  Schtilo,  p. 


'71    Hli 


I  Rom.  1.  ■).  HtU  itm .-  ■  Cot.  i 


f  Rabbinical  WTiEingaut  some. 

»  of  lb«ac  ciuiiona  hu  been 
cbf.Mtimfra.p.ni.  WcbcT 
de  nach  dcm  Nuncn  Jcbon'i 
thsng  die  OencfatBD  ohI  Jns- 
«  0<Uler.  TAni.  dii  ^.  T.  a. 
a.  (.S;!).p. 


Tinl,  1 


Kr)w  gr  "  Woid  pf  JehoMli"  i>  ■ 
Sniih-t  Dill,  ^tlu  BibU,  m.  " ' 
ti  u  limv  ibiL  the  book  Zuhu,  nvl 
wrileti.  bu[  11  now  pri>v«d  to  bt 


,    Farttningn  H&W  Ati 

Knobel.  Eoald,  Cheyae.     Thi 
n  ihs  IVntumt  aiih  ibr  Mmii 


(■Us), 
ic  Mrmrmia 


4upiaiDut]y  in  SdiHI 


I.  Miy.andjulr,  Alb. 


n.  Seriholdl.  iml  olher 

linibuii,  TktKaNxOm 
IciiEiirnbcfu'i!  Ck'ia- 
4DyE[  in  ihr  Ciriil-aJi 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  377 

full  majesty  of  Christ  was  perceived  and  declared,  not  all  at 
once,  but  step  by  step,  and  by  the  help  of  the  old  prophetic 
teaching."  (Jntrod,  to  the  Gospel  of  St,  John  in  the  so- 
called  "Speaker's  Commentary,**  p.  Ixxxvii.)  Canon  Ken- 
nedy even  says  :  **  I  do  not  think  that  any  apostle,  John  or 
Peter  or  Paul,  was  so  taught  the  full  fivarr/ptov  (kd-nrrog  as  that 
they  were  prepared  to  formulate  the  decrees  of  Nicaea  and 
Constantinople,  which  appeared  after  three  hundred  years 
and 'more,  or  the  Trinitarian  exegesis,  which  was  completed 
after  six  hundred  years  and  more.  But  they,  with  the  other 
evangelists,  guided  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  furnished  the  mate- 
rials from  which  those  doctrines  were  developed.*'  {E/y 
Lectures,  p.  xix.) 

Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  is  it  probable 
that  at  this  early  day  the  Jewish  Christians  and  Gentile  be- 
lievers at  Rome,  who  needed  so  much  instruction  in  the  very 
elements  of  Christianity,  were  already  so  fully  initiated  into 
the  mysterious  doctrine  of  the  deity  of  Christ  that  the  appli- 
cation of  the  term  God  to  him,  found  in  no  Christian  writ- 
ing that  we  know  of  till  long  after  the  date  of  this  Epistle, 
could  have  been  familiar  to  them }  Accustomed  to  the  rep- 
resentation of  him  as  a  being  distinct  from  God,  would  they 
not  have  been  startled  and  amazed  beyond  measure  by  find- 
ing him  described  as  **over  all,  God  blessed  for  ever".^ 
But  if  so,  if  this  was  a  doctrine  and  a  use  of  language  with 
which  they  were  not  familiar,  it  is  to  me  wholly  incredible 
that  the  Apostle  should  have  introduced  it  abruptly  in  this 
incidental  manner,  and  have  left  it  without  remark  or  expla- 
nation. 

Dr.  Hermann  Schultz,  whose  elaborate  dissertation  on 
Rom.  ix.  5  has  been  already  referred  to,  admits  that  if  /-< 
vavTuv^tog  was  used  here  to  designate  the  /w>of,  the  eternal  Son 
of  God, —  in  other  words,  if  ^^^"t  was  used  here  in  reference 
to  the  nature  of  Christ, —  "the  strict  monotheism  of  Paul 
would  certainly  require  an  intimation  that  the  honor  due  to 
God  alone  was  not  here  trenched  upon  "  {bccintnicJitigt)* 
The  expression,  he   maintains,  describes  **the  dignity  con- 


•SchuIu,y<iAr^//c7/«'ry!  deutsihe  ThfOi'.,  im.«'^,  x:u    4'»4. 


37^  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

ferred  upon  him  by  God  "  :  the  ^fof  here  is  essentially  equiv- 
alent to  Kvptoc,  *'  The  predicate  f^cog  must  be  perfectly  cov- 
ered by  the  subject  Xpinro^,  i.e.  the  Messianic  human  King 
of  Israel."  * 

But  these  concessions  of  Schultz  seem  to  me  fatal  to  his 
construction  of  the  passage.  If  ^^^(Jr,  used  in  the  metaphysi- 
cal sense,  describing  the  uature  of  Christ,  would  confessedly 
need  explanation,  to  guard  against  an  apparent  infringement 
of  the  divine  unity,  would  not  Paul's  readers  need  to  be 
cautioned  against  taking  it  in  this  sense, —  the  sense  which 
it  has  everywhere  else  in  his  writings  ?  Again,  if  Paul  by 
^foc  here  only  meant  Kipmq,  why  did  he  not  say  fipwc  this  being 
his  constant  designation  of  the  glorified  Christ  (comp.  Phil, 
ii.  9-1 1)  ? 

This  leads  me  to  notice  further  the  important  passage,  i 
Cor.  viii.  6,  already  quoted  (see  above,  p.  373).  It  has  often 
been  said  f  that  the  mention  here  of  the  Father  as  the  "  one 
God  "  of  Christians  no  more  excludes  Christ  from  being 
God  and  from  receiving  this  name  than  the  designation  of 
Christ  as  the  "  one  Lord  **  excludes  the  Father  from  being 
Lord  and  receiving  this  name.  But,  in  making  this  state- 
ment, some  important  considerations  are  overlooked.  In 
the  first  place,  the  title  '*  god "  is  unquestionably  of  far 
hii^her  dignity  than  the  title  *Mord  "  ;  and  because  godship 
inclnd.'s  lordship,  with  all  the  titles  that  belong  to  it,  it  by 


-This  view  of  Schuliz  appears  to  be  that  of  Hofmann  {Der  Schri/tbrtueis,  2te  Aufl  ,  1857, 
i  14?)  '^'ifl  Weiss  {Bibl.  Thfol.  d.  A^  7".,  3(6  Aufl.,  iSSo,  p.  283,  note  5),  as  it  was  formerly  of 
R.i'i.hi  <D:e  Enlsttrhunn::^  der  Altkxth.  Kirchfy  ate  Aufl.,  1S57,  p.  79  f.).  This  is  the  way,  also, 
ill  which  the  «>ld  Socinian  commentators  understood  the  passage,  as  Socinus,  Crell,  Sch  ichting, 
Wi  7.^'^c:x\.  Tliey  did  not  hesitate  to  give  the  name  "  God  "  to  Christ  any  more  than  the  ancient 
Ariai.s  did,  uiulerstnnding  it  in  a  lower  sense,  and  referring  especially  in  justification  of  this  to 
John  X.  34-36,  and  various  passages  of  the  Old  Testament.  So  it  appears  to  have  been  taken  by 
some  of  the  Ante-Nxcne  Fathers,  who  referred  the  last  clause  of  the  verse  to  Christ,  as  probably 
by  Novatian,  who  quotes  the  passas;e  twice  as  proof  that  Christ  is  Dfiis  {Df  Rf^la  Fidfi c\x  D* 
Trin.  cc.  13,  30),  but  who  says,"  Dorninus  et  Deus  constituiiu  esse  reperitur  "  (c.  20);  "hoc 
'\\^'^\\x\\  a  Patre propria  consecuttis^  \\\  o\\\\\\wvn  <i\  Deus  esset  ct  Dorninus  esset"  (c.  22);  "om- 
nium Deus,  quoniam  omnibus  ilium  Deus  Pater  praepoiuit  quern  genuit"  (c.  31).  So  Hippo- 
lyius  yCont.  Noct.  c.  6)  applies  the  verse  to  Christ,  and  justifies  the  langua,5e  bv  quoting  Christ's 
declaration,  "All  tliinjis  have  been  delivered  to  me  by  i^^e  Father."  He  cites  other  passages 
in  the  same  c  m  '^r  (,n.  and  says,  "  If  then  all  ihin;.;3  have  been  subjected  unto  him  with  the 
exception  of  li.n  •  >ii'^jected  them,  he  rules  over  a!i,  but  the  pAiher  rules  over  him  " 

t  See,  e.^  ,  Lhi\s.  /)jr  incomprehens.  Drinnt.  H^m.  v.  c.  i,  <-VP-  '•  4^'  f-  (S^)»  'd-  Montf. : 

Ei  yiii)  Tu  hri    '/t^^tn\hii    ^hnv  rln'   Tdn-jxi  Ik  yu'/'/n  ror  vtuv  ri/r  {^F^orr/rog,  Knl  rb  kva 
/.eytadai  Kifjcjv  tuv  viuu  tKiu/./.ti  rov  ^artfjn  7//«;  M'/jiorz/rog. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS    IX.    5  379 

no  means  follows  that  lordship  includes  godship,  and  has 
a  right  to  its  titles ;  in  other  words,  that  one  who  is  properly 
called  a  lord  (x'Vor),  as  having  servants  or  subjects  or  pos- 
sessions, may  therefore  be  properly  called  a  god  (^fof).  In 
the  second  place,  the  lordship  of  Christ  is  everywhere  rep- 
resented not  as  belonging  to  him  by  nature,  but  as  conferred 
upon  him  by  the  one  God  and  Father  of  all.  This  lordship 
is  frequently  denoted  by  the  figurative  expression,  "  sitting 
on  the  right  hand  of  God."  *  The  expression  is  borrowed 
from  Ps.  ex.,  so  often  cited  in  the  New  Testament  as  appli- 
cable to  Christ,  and  particularly  by  Peter  in  his  discourse  on 
the  day  of  Pentecost,  who,  after  quoting  the  words,  **  The 
Lord  ^JehovaJi]  said  unto  my  Lord  \Adoni\y  *  Sit  thou  on 
my  right  hand,  until  I  make  thy  foes  thy  footstool,'  "  goes 
on  to  say,  "  Let  all  the  house  of  Israel  therefore  know  as- 
suredly that  God  hath  made  him  both  Lord  and  Christ,  this 
Jesus  whom  ye  crucified  "  (Acts  ii.  35,  36).  It  is  he  to 
whom  **all  authority  was  given  in  heaven  and  on  earth," 
whom  "  God  exalted  with  his  right  hand  to  be  a  Prince  and 
a  Saviour"  ;  "the  God  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ .  .  .////  all 
things  in  subjection  under  his  feet,  and  gave  him  to  be  head 
over  all  things  to  the  Church  "  ;  ''gave  unto  him  the  name 
which  is  above  every  name,  .  .  .  that  every  tongue  should 
confess  that  Jesus  Christ  is  Lord,  to  the  glory  of  God,  the 
Father."  Such  being  Paul's  conception  of  the  relation  of 
Christ  to  God,  is  it  not  the  plain  meaning  of  the  passage 
that,  while  the  heathen  worship  and  serve  many  beings 
whom  they  call  "gods"  and  ** lords,"  to  Christians  there  is 
but  one  God,  the  Father, —  one  being  to  whom  they  give 
that  name,  **  from  whom  are  all  things  *'  and  who  is  the 
object  of  supreme  worship ;  and  one  being  "through  whom 
are  all  things,"  through  whom  especially  flow  our  spiritual 
blessings,  whom  "  God  hath  made  both  Lord  and  Christ," 
and  whom  Christians  therefore  habitually  call  "  the  Lord  "  ? 
The  fact  that  this  appellation  of  Christ,  under  such  circum- 
stances, does  not  debar  the  Supreme  Being  from  receiving 


•  See  Knapp,  De  J«tu  Christo  ad  tUxtram  Dti  utUnte,  in  his  Scripta  varii  A  rgumenti^ 
cd.  ada  (i833)»  i.  39~76- 


jSo  caiTrCAL  essavs 

the  name  "  Lord  "  obviously  aFfords  no  countenance  to  the 
notion  that  Paul  would  not  hesitate  to  give  to  Christ  the 
nami;  "  God."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  "  the  Lord  "  is  the  com- 
mon designation  of  Christ  in  the  writings  of  Paul,  and  is 
seldom  usL-d  of  God,  except  in  quotations  from  or  references 
to  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament.*  There,  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint,  Ki(.»^  is  used  of  God  sometimes  as  a  proper  name, 
taking  the  place  of  Jehovah  (Yahweh)  on  account  of  a  Jew- 
ish superstition,  and  sometimes  as  an  apnellative. 

Glancing  back  now  for  a  moment  over  the  field  we  have 
traversed,  we  may  reasonably  say.  it  seems  to  me,  first,  that 

ihe  use  of  '>'■'"; ',rftf,  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament  re- 
stricted to  God,  the  Father, —  in  connection  with  the  exceed- 
ing rarity,  if  not  absence,  of  ascriptions  of  praise  and  thanks- 
giving to  Christ  in  the  writings  of  Paul  and  their  frequency 
in  reference  to  God, — affords  a  pretty  strong  presumption  in 
favor  of  that  construction  of  this  ambiguous  passage  which 
nialces  the  last  clause  a  doxology  to  the  Father;  Sfcimdly, 
that  some  additional  confirmation  is  given  to  this  reference 
by  the  !■•:  "f^k  «"  -ott;,.  ■rdtrui',  i  ;;:!  JTuiTui-,  in  Eph.  iv.  6 ;  and, 
thirdly,  that  the  at  first  view  overwhelming  presumption  in 
favor  of  this  construction,  founded  on  the  uniform  restric- 
tion of  the  designation  "'fi-;,  occurring  more  than  6ve  hun- 
dred times,  to  God,  the  Father,  in  the  writings  of  Paul,  is 
not  weakened,  but  rather  strengthened,  by  our  examination 
of  the  language  which  he  elsewhere  uses  respecting  the  dig- 
nity of  Christ  and  his  relation  to  God.  And,  though  our 
sources  of  information  are  imperfect,  we  have  seen  that 
there  are  very  grave  reasons  for  doubting  whether  the  use 
of  "r'-r  as  a  designation  of  Christ  belonged  to  the  language  of 
Christians  anywhere  at  so  early  a  period  as  the  date  of  this 
Epistle  {cir.  a.d.  58). 

Beyond  a  doubt,  all  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
and  the  early  preachers  of  Christianity  believed  that  God 
was  united  with  the  man  Jesus  Christ  in  a  way  unique  and 


I 
I 


Ihi> 


«  Bibhcal  Xtfoiilfji  (. 


■fKTI'IOSit>ih<N<!"Te.i 
y  fiul  Id  hi<  EiHilo,"  He 
\.K„i-vt,)  fo,  Ooobt.,  .«,. 


nibrly  on  1 


!  of  Protn 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  ROMANS  IX.  5         38 1 

peculiar,  distinguishing  him  from  all  other  beings  ;  that  his 
teaching  and  works  and  character  were  divine ;  that  God 
had  raised  him  from  the  dead,  and  exalted  him  to  be  a 
Prince  and  a  Saviour;  that  he  came,  as  the  messenger  of 
God's  love  and  mercy,  to  redeem  men  from  sin,  and  make 
them  truly  sons  of  God ;  that  "  God  was  in  Christ  reconcil- 
ing the  world  unto  himself.**  But  no  New  Testament  writer 
has  defined  the  mode  of  this  union  with  God.  How  much 
real  light  has  been  thrown  upon  the  subject  by  the  councils 
of  Nicaea  and  Constantinople,  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon,  and 
the  so-called  Athanasian  Creed,  is  a  question  on  which  there 
may  be  differences  of  opinion.  The  authority  of  councils 
is  another  question.  But  it  has  been  no  part  of  my  object, 
in  discussing  the  construction  of  the  passage  before  us,  to 
argue  against  the  doctrine  of  the  Nicene  Creed.  My  point 
is  simply  the  use  of  language  at  the  time  when  this  Epistle 
was  written.  The  questions  of  doctrine  and  language  are, 
of  course,  closely  connected,  but  are  not  identical.  It  seems 
to  me  that  a  believer  in  the  deity  of  Christ,  admitting  the 
fact  that  we  have  no  clear  evidence  that  the  **  mediator  be- 
tween God  and  men  '*  was  ever  called  "  God  **  by  any  New 
Testament  writer,  or  any  very  early  preacher  of  Christianity, 
may  recognize  therein  a  wise  Providence  which  saved  the 
nascent  Church  from  controversies  and  discussions  for  which 
it  was  not  then  prepared. 

III.  We  will  now  consider  some  other  constructions  of 
the  passage  before  us.     (See  above,  p.  335.) 

I.  I  refrain  from  discussing  in  detail  the  comparative 
merits  of  Nos.  i  and  2.  The  advocates  of  No.  i  observe 
correctly  that  it  describes  Christ  as  only  f-i  -^avrDv  tkdc,  not 
6  M  TdvTutv  esdq,  which  they  say  would  identify  him  with  the 
Father.  But  if  the  Father  is  "God  over  all,*'  and  Christ 
is  also  "God  over  all,**  the  question  naturally  arises  how 
the  Father  can  be  ''the  God  over  all,'*  unless  the  term 
"God**  as  applied  to  Christ  is  used  in  a  lower  sense.  The 
answers  to  this  question  would  lead  us  beyond  the  sphere 
of  exegesis,  and  I   pass  it  by.      Meyer  thinks   that,  if  we 


382  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

refer  the  o  uu  to  Christ,  this  is  the  most  natural  construction 
of  the  words  ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  adopted  by  most 
of  the  ancient  Fathers  who  have  cited  the  passage,  at  least 
after  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  and  in  nearly  all  the  generally 
received  modern  translations,  from  Luther  and  Tyndale 
downwards. 

2.  Construction  No.  2  aims  to  escape  the  difficulty  pre- 
sented by  No.  I,  but  involves  some  ambiguities.  Does  the 
sentence  mean,  **who  is  over  all  (Jews  as  well  as  Gentiles), 
and  who  is  also  God  blessed  for  ever  "  (so  Hofmann.  Kahnis, 
Die  luth.  Dogm.  i.  453  f.)  }  or  does  it  mean,  **celui  qui  est 
(ileve  sur  toutes  choses,  comme  Dieu  beni  ^ternelleraent "  } 
as  Godet  translates  it  {Coinm.  ii.  256),  contending  that  i^i 
TTiivTuv  is  not  to  be  connected  with  Om^^  but  with  wv,  though  he 
had  before  translated,  inconsistently  it  would  seem,  **lui  qui 
est  Dieu  au-dessus  de  toutes  choses  b6ni  ^terncllement " 
(pp.  248,  254).  Lange  finds  in  the  last  clause  "a  quotation 
from  the  synagogical  liturgy,"  together  with  "  a  strong  Pau- 
line breviloquence,"  the  ellipsis  in  which  he  supplies  in  a 
manner  that  must  always  hold  a  high  place  among  the  curi- 
osities of  exegesis.  He  says,  however,  that  '*  every  exposi- 
tion is  attended  with  great  difficulties."  I  cannot  discover 
that  "  God  blessed  for  ever,"  as  a  kind  of  compound  name 
of  the  Supreme  Being,  occurs  in  Jewish  liturgies  or  any- 
where else. 

3.  Construction  No.  3  is  defended  particularly  by  Gess, 
who  maintains,  in  opposition  to  Schultz  and  others,  that  ^^A* 
here  *' nicht  Christi  Machtstellung  sondern  seine  VVesenheit 
bezjichnet."  {Christi  Person  nnd  Werk,  li.  i.  207.)  But 
on  this  supposition  he  admits  that  the  connecting  of  ^^oi 
with  o  i^v  r-i  -(h'-ur  would  prcscut  a  serious  difficulty.  *'  The 
care  with  which  Paul  elsewhere  chooses  his  expressions  in 
such  a  way  that' the  supreme  majesty  of  the  Father  shines 
forth  would  be  given  up."  Meyer  thinks  that  the  punctua- 
tion adopted  by  Morus  and  Gess  makes  "die  Rede"  **  noch 
zcrstlickter,  ja  kurzathmiger,"  than  construction  No.  5.  But 
this  is  rather  a  matter  of  taste  and  feeling.  The  objections 
which  seem  to  me  fatal  to  all  the  corkstructions  which  refer 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.    5  383 

the  name  Oedc  here  to  Christ  have  been  set  forth  above,  and 
need  not  be  repeated. 

If  the  view  of  Westcott  and  Hort  is  correct,  the  construc- 
tion of  this  passage  adopted  by  Hippolytus  {Conf.  Noc:,  c.  6) 
agrees  with  that  of  Gess  in  finding  three  distinct  affirma- 
tions in  the  clause  beginning  with  odv^  in  opposition  to  those 
who  would  read  it  fiovnKuADq.  But  the  passage  in  Hippolytus 
is  obscure.     See  below  under  IV. 

4.  Under  No.  4  I  have  noticed  a  possible  construction, 
for  which,  as  regards  the  essential  point,  I  have  referred  to 
Wordsworth's  note  in  his  N.  T.  in  Greeks  new  ed.,  vol.  ii. 
(1864).  He  translates  in  his  note  on  ver.  5:  *' He  that  is 
existing  above  all,  God  Blessed  for  ever,"  and  remarks  : 
"  There  is  a  special  emphasis  on  «  <jj'.  He  that  is  ;  He  Who 
is  the  being  One  ;  Jehovah.  See  John  i.  18;  Rev.  i.  4,  8  ; 
iv.  8  ;  xi.  17;  xvi.  5,  compared  with  Exod.  iii.  14,  tyCt  uui,  6  uv. 
And  compare  on  Gal.  iii.  20."  **  He  Who  came  of  the  Jews, 
according  to  the  flesh,  is  no  other  than  0  wr,  the  Being  One, 
Jehovah."  We  have  an  assertion  of  '*  His  Existence  from 
Everlasting  in  ow^."  He  mistranslates  the  last  part  of 
Athanasius,  Orat,  cont,  Arian.  i.  §  24,  p.  338,  thus  :  "  Paul 
asserts  that  He  is  the  splendour  of  His  Father's  Glory, 
and  is  the  Being  One,  over  all,  God  Blessed  for  ever."  In 
his  note  on  vv.  4,  5,  on  the  other  hand,  he  translates  the 
present  passage:  "Christ  came.  Who  is  over  all,  God 
Blessed  for  ever.'* 

There  is  some  confusion  here.  The  verb  eiui  may  denote 
simple  existence ;  it  may  (in  contrasts)  denote  real  in  dis- 
tinction from  seeming  existence ;  it  may  be,  and  commonly 
is,  used  as  a  mere  copula,  connecting  the  subject  with  the 
predicate.  As  applied  to  the  Supreme  Being  in  Exod.  iii. 
14  (Sept.),  Wisd.  Sol.  xiii.  i,  etc.,  o  uv^  '*  He  who  Is,"  de- 
scribes him  as  possessing  not  only  real,  but  independent  and 
hence  eternal  existence.  This  latter  use  is  altogether  pecul- 
iar. To  find  it  where  ^v  is  used  as  a  copula,  or  to  suppose 
that  the  two  uses  can  be  combined,  is  purely  fanciful  and 
arbitrary.  It  was  not  too  fanciful  and  arbitrary,  however, 
for  some  of  the  Christian  Fathers,  who  argue  Christ's  eter- 


384  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

nal  existence  from  the  use  of  wv  or  6  uv  (or  ^ui  est)  in  such 
passages  as  John  i.  18;  iii.  13  (T.  R.) ;  vi.  46;  Rom.  ix.  5; 
Heb.  i.  3.  So  Athanasius,  as  above ;  Epiphanius,  Ancorat, 
c.  5  ;  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Adv,  Eu?iom,  lib.  x.,  Opp.  (1638)  ii. 
680-682  ;  Pseudo-Basil,  Adv.  Eunom,  iv.  2,  Opp.  i.  282  (399) ; 
Chrysostom,  Opp,  i.  476  f.,  viii.  Sy,  ed.  Montf.  ;  Hilary,  De 
Trin.  xii.  24 ;  cf.  Cyril.  Alex.  Thes,  i.  4.  So  Proclus  of 
Constantinople,  Ep.  ad  Armen.  de  Fide,  c.  14,  quoting  Rom. 

ix.    5>    says  :     firrfv  avrhv  ovra,  Iva  &vapxov  Ppovrijay,     **  hc     Spokc     of 

him  as  6ein^,  that  he  might  declare  in  thunder  his  existence 
without  beginning."     (Migne,  Patrol.  Gr.  Ixv.  872^) 

5.  The  construction,  "from  whom  is  the  Messiah  as  to 
the  flesh,  he  who  is  over  all :  God  be  blessed  for  ever ! "  has 
found  favor  with  some  eminent  scholars  (see  below  under 
IV.),  and  deserves  consideration.  If  adopted,  I  think  we 
should  understand  0  wy  fTi  Trdi/rwf  not  as  meaning  "  he  who  is 
superior  to  all  the  patriarchs"  (Justi  and  others),  which  is 
tame,  and  would  hardly  be  expressed  in  this  way ;  nor  "  he 
who  is  over  all  things,"  which,  without  qualification,  seems 
too  absolute  for  Paul ;  but  rather,  **  who  is  Lord  of  aW 
(Jews  and  Gentiles  alike),  comp.  Acts  x.  36;  Rom.  x.  12, 
xi.  32  ;  who,  though  he  sprang  from  the  Jews,  is  yet,  as  the 
Messiah,  the  ruler  of  a  kingdom  which  embraces  all  men. 
(See  Wetstein's  note,  near  the  end.)  The  natural  contrast 
suggested  by  the  mention  of  Christ's  relation  to  the  Jews 
KaThaai)K'i,  may  justify  us  in  assuming  this  reference  of  T.irrur, 
which  also  accords  with  the  central  thought  of  the  Epistle. 
The  doxology,  however,  seems  exceedingly  abrupt  and  curt ; 
and  we  should  expect  o  tku^  instead  of  Oe6c  as  the  subject  of 
the  sentence,  though  in  a  few  cases  the  word  stands  in  the 
nominative  without  the  article.  Grimm  compares ''^Vw^-'*;, 
I  Thess.  ii.  5,  with  u>'i()tv(:  dthoc,  Rom.  i.  9;  also  2  Cor.  v.  ig; 
Gal.  ii.  6,  vi.  7  ;  Luke  xx.  38  (}).  We  should  also  rather 
expect  (ihrfrnr  to  Stand  first  in  the  doxology ;  but  the  posi- 
tion of  words  in  Greek  is  so  largely  subjectiv^e,  depending 
on  the  feeling  of  the  writer,  that  we  cannot  urge  this  objec- 
tion very  strongly.  The  thought,  so  frequent  in  Paul,  of 
God  as  the  source,  in  contrast  with,  or  rather  in  distinction 


OH  THB  CONSTRUCTION  OF   ROMANS   IX.   5 

from,  Christ  as  the  medium  of  the  Messianic  blessings,  may 
have  given  the  word  Oik  prominence,  (See  above,  p.  356  f., 
in  regard  to  the  position  of  the  subject  in  contrasts.)  Gess 
accordingly  dismisses  the  objection  founded  on  the  position 
of  (i'AiJj'/riit,  remarking,  "die  Viiranstellung  von  "'■■!  hatte 
durch  den  Gegensatz  gegen  Christum  ein  zureichendes 
Motiv"  (iibi  supra,  p.  306).  Still,  on  the  whole,  construc- 
tion No,  7  seems  to  me  much  easier  and  more  natural, 

6.  The  construction  numbered  6  was,  I  believe,  first  pro- 
posed by  Professor  Andrews  Norton,  in  his  review  of  Pro- 
fessor Stuart's  Letters  to  Dr.  Channing.  This  was  published 
in  the  Christian  Disciple  (Boston)  for  1819,  new  series,  vol, 
i,  p,  370  ff. ;  on  Rom,  ix.  g,  see  p.  418  ff.  The  passage  is 
discussed  more  fully  in  his  Slatemeut  of  Reasuns,  etc.  (Cam- 
bridge and  Boston),  1833,  p.  147  tf , ;  new  ed.  (sler.  1856),  p. 
203  ff.,  470  ff.,  in  which  some  notes  were  added  by  the  writer 
of  the  present  essay.  There,  after  giving  as  the  literal 
rendering,  "  He  who  was  over  all  was  God,  blessed  for  ever," 
Mr.  Norton  remarks:  "'He  who  was  over  all,"  that  is, 
over  alt  which  has  just  been  mentioned  by  the  Apostle." 
"Among  the  privileges  and  distinctions  of  the  Jews,  it  couKi 
not  be  forgotten  by  the  Apostle,  that  God  had  presided  over 
all  their  concerns  in  a  particular  manner." 

There  is  no  grammatical  objection  to  this  construction  of 
the  passage.  (See  above,  p.  346,  ist  paragr.)  Mr.  Norton, 
in  translating  vv.  4  and  5,  uses  the/aj/  tense  in  supplying 
the  ellipsis  of  the  substantive  verb.  This  is  done  by  othL-r 
translators ;  e.g.,  Conybeare  and  Howson.  It  may  be  ques- 
tioned, however,  whether  this  is  fully  justified  here.  Canon 
Kennedy  uses  the  present  tense,  but  seems  to  take  the  same 
general  view  of  the  bearing  of  the  passage  as  Mr.  Norton. 
See  his  Occasional  Sermons,  pp.  64,  65,  and  Ely  Lectures. 
pp.  88,  89. 

As  regards  this  view  of  the  passage.  I  will  only  say  here 
that  the  thought  presented  in  Mr.  Norton's  translation  did 
not  need  to  be  expressed,  as  it  is  fully  implied  in  the  nature 
of  the  privileges  and  distinctions  enumerated.  (See  above, 
p.  341.)     Taking  Professor  Kennedy's  rendering,  I  doubt 


386  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

whether  the  Apostle  would  have  used  this  language  in 
respect  to  the  relation  existing  between  God  and  the  Jewish 
people  at  the  time  when  he  was  writing.  The  Jews  gloried 
in  God  as  their  God  in  a  special  sense  (Rom.  ii.  17) ;  but,  in 
Paul's  view,  it  was  Christians,  now,  who  rightfully  gloried  in 
God  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  (Rom.  v.  11;  comp. 
iii.  29). 

7.  I  add  a  single  remark,  which  might  more  properly 
have  been  made  before.  I  have  rendered  «  xp'-^^t^^  here  not 
"  Christ,"  as  a  mere  proper  name,  but  "the  Messiah."  Not 
only  the  use  of  the  article,  but  the  context,  seems  to  me  to 
require  this.  Westcott  and  Hort  observe  in  regard  to  the 
word  xft^o'o^'  "We  doubt  whether  the  appellative  force,  with 
its  various  associations  and  implications,  is  ever  entirely  lost 
in  the  New  Testament,  and  are  convinced  that  the  number 
of  passages  is  small  in  which  Messiahship,  of  course  in  the 
enlarged  apostolic  sense,  is  not  the  principal  intention  of  the 
word."     {The  N,  T,  in  Greek,  vol.  ii.,  Introd.,  p.  317.) 

IV.  We  will  now  take  notice  of  some  points  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  interpretation  of  Rom.  ix.  5.  The 
fullest  account  of  this  is  perhaps  that  given  by  Schultz  in 
the  article  already  repeatedly  referred  to ;  but  he  is  neither 
very  thorough  nor  very  accurate. 

The  application  of  the  pas.sage  by  the  Christian  Fathers 
will  naturally  come  first  under  consideration. 

The  fact  that  the  great  majority  of  the  Fathers  whose 
writings  have  come  down  to  us  understood  the  last  part  of 
the  verse  to  relate  to  Christ  has  been  regarded  by  many  as 
a  very  weighty  argument  in  favor  of  that  construction.  I 
have  had  occasion  to  consider  the  value  of  this  argument 
in  connection  with  another  passage.  (See  Essay  XVIIL, 
p.  445.)  The  remarks  there  made  apply  equally  to  the 
present  case.  The  fact  that  the  Fathers,  in  quoting  a  pas- 
sage grammatically  ambiguous,  have  given  it  a  construction 
which  suited  their  theology,  does  not  help  us  much  in  deter- 
mining the  true  construction.  We  must  remember,  also, 
the  looser  use  of  the  term  ^t^r  which  prevailed  in  the  latter 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  387 

part  of  the  second  century  and  later.  (See  above,  p.  371  f.) 
Those  in  the  second  and  third  centuries  who  held  strongly 
the  doctrine  of  the  inferiority  of  the  Son,  and  the  Arians 
in  the  fourth,  like  the  Socinians  at  a  later  period,  did  not 
hesitate  to  apply  the  name  "  God  "  to  Christ,  and  would  find 
little  difficulty  in  a  construction  of  the  passage  which  in- 
volved this.  They  might  hesitate  about  the  expression 
"  God  over  all " ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  though  natural,  it 
is  not  necessary  to  connect  the  e^n  Tnivruv  with  f^fog. 

The  specimen  of  patristic  exegesis  in  the  construction 
given  to  2  Cor.  iv.  4,  where  so  many  of  the  Fathers  make 
the  genitive  rov  aiatvog  depend  not  on  o  Heoc^  but  rC)^'  a-iarDv  (see 
Essay  XVIII.,  ;/.  s.),  will  be  sufficient  for  most  persons  who 
wish  to  form  an  estimate  of  their  authority  in  a  case  like 
the  present.  I  will  only  ask  further,  taking  the  first  exam- 
ples that  occur  to  me,  how  much  weight  is  to  be  attributed 
to  the  judgment  of  Origen,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Chrysostom, 
Theodoret,  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Gennadius,  Theodorus  Mona- 
chus,  Joannes  Damascenus  (?),  Photius,  CEcumenius  (or  what 
passes  under  his  name),  and  Theophylact,  when,  in  their  zeal 
for  the  freedom  of  the  will,  they  explain  -fx^tau;  in  Rom.  viii. 
28  (roig  Kara  ^rpofieoiv  Ky^^fToig) ^  not  as  denoting  the  Divine  pur- 
pose, but  the  purpose  or  choice  of  the  subjects  of  the  call  ? 
(Cyril  of  Alexandria  gives  the  words  both  meanings  at  the 
same  time.)  What  is  the  value  of  the  opinion  of  Chrys- 
ostom, Joannes  Damascenus,  CEcumenius,  and  Theophylact, 
that  <J'a  'iz/ffoi-  Xpiarov  in  Rom.  xvi.  27  is  to  be  construed  with 
erjfpi^at  in  ver.  25  ?  Shall  we  accept  the  exegesis  of  Chrys- 
ostom and  Theophylact  when  they  tell  us  that  in  the  injunc- 
tion of  Christ  in  Matt.  v.  39  not  to  resist  -9  ^ovr/pCt,  t(^  rroir/fXf) 
means  the  devil  ? 

Dean  Burgon,  in  his  article  on  "  New  Testament  Revi- 
sion" in  the  Quart.  Rev.  for  Jan.,  1882,*  has  given  (p.  54  ff.) 
perhaps  the  fullest  enumeration  yet  presented  of  ancient 
Christian  writers  who  have  referred  the  <>  i-^v,  k.  r.  >.  in  Rom. 
ix.  5  to  Christ.  He  counts  up  "55  illustrious  names,"  forty 
of  Greek  writers,  from   Irenaeus  in  the   latter  part  of   the 


[*  Reprinted  in  Tfu  Revision  Revised  (London,  iSSj);  see  p.  a  13.] 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

second  century  to  John  of  Damascus  in  the  eighth, 
fifteen  of  Latin  writers,  from  Tertullian  at  the  beginning 
of  the  third  century  to  FacunJus  in  the  sixth,  "who  all 
see  in  Rom.  ix.  s  a  glorious  assertion  of  the  eternal  God- 
head of  Christ."  An  examination  of  his  list  will  show 
that  it  needs  some  sifting.  Most  of  the  Latin  writers 
whom  he  mentions,  as  Augustine,  knew  little  or  nothing 
of  Greek,  and  their  authority  cannot  be  very  weighty  in 
determining  the  construction  of  an  ambiguous  Greek  sen- 
tence. Of  his  illustrious  names,  si.x  are  unfortunately 
unknown,  being  writers  "of  whom,"  as  Mr.  Uurgon  mildly 
puts  it,  "3  have  been  mistaken  for  Athanasius,  and  3  for 
Chrysostom."  Another  is  the  illustrious  forger  of  the  An- 
swers to  Ten  Questions  of  Paul  of  Samosata,  fathered 
upon  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  "certainly  spurious,"  accord- 
ing to  Cardinal  Newman  and  the  best  scholars  generally. 
and  marked  as  pseudonymous  by  Mr.  Burgon  himself. 
Methodius  should  also  have  been  cited  as  Pseudo-Method- 
ius (see  p.  391  f),  and  Ctesarius  as  Pseud o-C^sari us.  Among 
the  other  illustrious  names,  we  find  "6  of  the  Bishops  at 
the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  269,"  On  looking  at  the 
names  as  they  appear  in  Routh's  Rell.  Sarrae.  ed.  alt. 
(1846),  iii.  2S9.  I  regret  my  inability  to  recall  the  deeds  or 
the  occasion  that  made  them  "  illustrious."  unless  it  is  the 
fact  that,  as  members  of  that  Council,  about  half  a  century 
before  the  Council  of  Nicasa,  they  condemned  the  use  of  the 
term  li^iwimoi',  "consubstantial,"  which  was  established  by  the 
latter  as  the  test  and  watchword  of  orthodoxy. 

Next  to  the  six  bishops  and  "  ps.-Dionysius  Alex."  in  Mr. 
Burgon's  list  of  the  illustrious  Fathers  "who  see  in  Rom, 
ix.  5  a  glorious  assertion  of  the  eternal  Godhead  of  Christ," 
we  find  "  Constt.  App,,"  that  is,  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions, with  a  reference  to  "vi.  c.  26."  He  does  not  quote 
the  passage.  It  reads  as  follows:  "Some  of  the  heretics 
imagine  the  Christ  [so  Lagarde;  or  "the  Lord,"  Cotelier 
and  Ueltzen]  to  be  a  mere  man  .  .  ,  ;  but  others  of  them 
suppose  that  Jesus  himself  is  the  God  over  all,  glorifying 
him  as  his  own  Father,  supposing  him  to  be  Son  and  Para- 


4 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS    IX.    5  389 

clete;  than  which  doctrines  what  can  be  more  abomina- 
ble?" Compare  Const.  Apost.  iii.  17:  "The  Father  is  the 
God  over  all,  6  km  TravrLwded^;  Christ  is  the  only-begotten  God, 
the  beloved  Son,  the  Lord  of  glory."     See  also  vi.  18. 

One  is  surprised,  after  this,  to  find  that  Mr.  Burgon  did 
not  cite  for  the  same  purpose  Pseudo-Ignatius  ad  Tars,  cc. 
2,  5,  and  ad  Philip,  c.  7,  where  it  is  denied  emphatically  that 
Christ  is  oiv:\T:avruvQt6q-^  and  also  Origen,  Cont,  Cels,  viii.  14, 
who  says :  "  Grant  that  there  are  some  among  the  mul- 
titude of  believers,  with  their  differences  of  opinion,  who 
rashly  suppose  that  the  Saviour  is  the  Most  High  God  over 
all ;  yet  certainly  we  do  not,  for  we  believe  him  when  he 
said,  The  Father  who  sent  me  is  greater  than  /."  The  very 
strong  language  which  Origen  uses  in  many  other  places, 
respecting  the  inferiority  of  the  Son,  renders  it  unlikely 
that  he  applied  the  last  part  of  this  verse  to  Christ.  See, 
e.g.,  Cont  Cels,  viii.  15  ;  De  Princip,  i.  3.  §  5  ;  /»  loan,  tom. 
ii.  cc.  2,  3,  6;  vi.  23;  xiii.  25.  Rufinus's  Latin  version  of 
Origen's  Commentary  on  Romans,  which  is  the  only  author- 
ity for  ascribing  to  Origen  the  common  interpretation  of  this 
passage,  is  no  authority  at  all.  He,  according  to  his  own 
account  of  his  work,  had  so  transformed  it  by  omissions, 
additions,  and  alterations,  that  his  friends  thought  he  ought 
to  claim  it  as  his  own.*  It  was  in  accordance  with  his  pro- 
fessed principles  to  omit  or  alter  in  the  works  which  he 
translated  whatever  he  regarded  as  dangerous,  particularly 
whatever  did  not  conform  to  his  standard  of  orthodoxy. 
His  falsification  of  other  writings  of  Origen  is  notorious. 
Westcott  and  Hort  remark  that  in  the  Rufino-Origenian 
commentary  on  this  verse  "  there  is  not  a  trace  of  Origenian 
language,  and  this  is  one  of  the  places  in  which  Rufinus 
would  not  fail  to  indulge  his  habit  of  altering  an  interpre- 
tation which  he  disapproved  on  doctrinal  grounds."     They 

*  See  hit  Perarath  at  the  end  of  the  Epistle ;  Origenis  0pp.  iv.  6^  f. ,  ed.  De  U  Rue.  Mat- 
Uuei  remarks:  "Rufini  interpretatio,  qux  parum  fidei  habet,  in  epistola  ad  Romanos,  quod 
quiKbet  ipse  intelligit,  non  tain  pro  Origenis  opere,  quam  pro  compendio  Rufini  haberi  detet, 
quod  hand  dubie  alia  omisit,  alia,  sicut  in  ceteris  libris,  invito  Origene  admisit.'*  —  Pauli  Epp,  ad 
Tkeu,,  etc  (Rigae,  1785),  Praefatio,  sig.  b  2.  See  more  fully  to  the  same  purpose  Redepen- 
aiai^a  Or^tn^s,  ii.  189  ff.,  who  speaks  of  his  '*  Ausscheidung  ganzer  Siiickr/*  and  "  Uroge- 
staltoi^  des  Heterodoxen  in  der  TrinitStslehre.**    See  also  Cave,  //t'tt.  Ltt.,  art.  "  Origenes." 


39" 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


also  remark,  "It  is  difficult  to  impute  Origen's  silence  i 
accident  in  the  many  places  in  which  quotation  would  halfl 
been  natural  had  he  followed  the  common  interpretatio 

Origen  should  therefore  be  henceforth  excluded  from  t 
list  of  Fathers  cited  in  support  of  the  common  punctuation 
It  is  even  "probable,"  as  Westcott  and  Hort  maintain, 
though  "  not  certain,"  that  he  and  Eusebius  gave  the  pas- 
sage a  different  construction.* 

As  regards  Eusebius,  the  presumption  is  perhaps  even 
stronger  than  in  the  case  of  Origen.  He  has  nowhere 
quoted  the  passage;  but  in  very  numi;rous  places  in  his 
writings  he  uses  ■*■  t^^  J7ii,T-ui'f'.(;f  as  a  title  exclusively  belong- 
ing to  the  Father,  and  insists  upon  this  against  the  Sabe]- 
lians.f  I  admit  that  these  considerations  are  not  decisive; 
he  and  Origen  may  have  given  the  passage  an  interpretation 
similar  to  that  of  Hippolytus  ;  but,  if  they  understood  it  to 
relate  to  Christ,  it  is  certainly  strange  that  they  have  no- 
where quoted  it  in  their  numerous  writings. 

The  assumption  that  Iren;cus  referred  the  last  part  of 
this  verse  to  Christ  must  be  regarded  as  doubtful.  The 
only  place  where  he  has  quoted  it  is  //.nr.  iii.  i6.  (al.  i8.) 
§  3,  where  his  text  is  preserved  only  in  the  OIJ  Latin  ver- 
sion, which  of  course  cannot  determine  the  construction 
which  Iren.-eus  put  upon  the  Greek.  He  does  not  quote  it 
to  prove  that  Christ  is  "iif.— the  Gnostics  gave  the  name  Ot^ 
to  their  vEins,  and  also  to  the  Demiurgus, —  but  to  provi 
the  unity  of  the  Christ  with  the  man  Jesus,  in  opposition  ) 
the  Gnostics  who  maintained  that  the /Eon  Christ  did  nol 
descend  upon  Jesus   till  his  baptism.     He  had  just  i 


inlEnded  In  ii>pty  lo  Iha  AposioUc  ConHiliuioiu  in 

\ra  the  ippllcalioD  of  Ihe  phiue  o  eni  TrayTi.iv  tti 
••  Mdiio  p.  41]  Olio."  .-...,  U)  hk  Afel.  Cngm  i 


tSet,  lot  txvnfAe.Ot  Sect.  Tkroi.  \.  %,  ■},  i,  i\,  lo;  )L  1. 1,  s  (p|).  6ic.  G]  ■ 
g)  c.  104  a,  ,aj  c,  d),  and  a  muIuEude  oi  alher  plKcex,  ■ome  of  vrhidi  afd  quoted  in 
now.    The  ippircnt  enceplion,  Hiil   Eal.  »ni.  u.  rdi-  int  jrilvTuv  Siuv  ipieriv  h 
litvai^  ("d.   ViilM,),  »  «  iaiM  ftading      Burion,  ScbmK'",   Lxmrner.  iiid  Dmiotl' a 
XplorAi-  ™  Ih*  auihoriij  of  impn'mil  MSS  i  on  Ibe  oih.r  hmd  HtiTHthtn  in 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   S  39 1 

(§  2)  quoted  Matt.,  i.  i8  for  this  purpose  (reading  rovSi 
xpiorov) ;  he  now  quotes  Rom.  i.  3,  4 ;  ix.  5 ;  and  Gal.  iv. 
4,  5,  for  the  same  purpose.  His  argument  rests  on  the  f?'  wt^ 
6  xpurrk  TO  mTa  odpKa,  and  not  on  the  last  part  of  the  verse,  on 
which  he  makes  no  remark.  Throughout  his  work  against 
Heresies,  and  very  often,  Irenaeiis  uses  the  title  "the  God 
over  all"  as  the  exclusive  designation  of  the  Father* 

The  passage  in  which  Hippolytus  quotes  Rom.  ix.  5  {Cont. 
Noet.  c.  6)  has  already  been  noticed.  (See  above,  pp.  378, 
383.)  The  Noetians  and  Patripassians,  according  to  him, 
quoted  the  text  to  prove  the  identity  of  Christ  with  the 
Father.  (Ibid.  cc.  2,  3.)  He  complains  that  they  treat  the 
words  uovoK(j?.L>r  (or  ^ovdnuia) ;  comp.  Epiph.  Hicr.  Ivii.  2.  West- 
cott  and  Hort  understand  this  to  mean  that  they  read  all 
the  words  from  Koik^uv  to  aluva^  "as  a  single  clause."  Sem- 
ler  once  took  nearly  the  same  view  {/fist.  Eiiil.  zn  S.  J. 
Baumgarten's  Unters,  thcol.  Streitigkeitcn,  1762,  1.  217,  n. 
205),  but  was  afterwards  doubtful  about  it  {ibid.  p.  ;236,  n. 
235).  Fabricius  in  his  note  on  the  passage,  and  Salmond 
in  his  translation  of  Hippolytus  in  the  Ante-Nicene  Christ. 
Library,  ix.  53,  give  a  very  different  explanation.  To 
discuss  the  matter  here  would  require  too  much  space,  but 
it  seemed  well  to  mention  it.  Possibly  in  Cont.  Noc't.  c.  6 
ev7/)yrir6^  is  misplaced  through  the  mistake  of  a  scribe,  and 
should  stand  before  ^k  roh^  nictvag. 

Dean  Burgon  refers  also  to  "  Phil.  339,"  that  is  to  the 
Philosophumcna  or  Ref.  omn.  Haer.  x.  34,  ad  fin.  But  o/card 
TTQV7UV  Bt6q  there  should  not,  I  think,  be  alleged  as  a  quotation 
of  Rom.  ix.  5  applied  to  Christ.  Bunsen's  easy  emendation 
of  the  passage  {Anal.  Ante-Nic.  i.  392  ;  comp.  his  Hippolytns, 
2d  ed.,  i.  413)  seems  to  me  the  true  reading,  and  is  sup- 
ported by  X.  33,  ad  init.  (p.  334),  where  oiroc  /^<)wc  m\  Kara  7rdvra)i> 

Otdf  is  distinguished  from  the  Logos.  Hippolytus  could 
hardly  have  called  Christ  *'  t/ie  God  over  all."  (See  p.  378, 
note  *.) 

•Semler  (£>  ad  GrUsbachium,  1770,  p.  77  ff.;  Antwort^  etc  ,  1770,  p.  45)  and  Whitby 
{Dug.  madfstae,  p  135  f.)  take  the  above  view  of  this  passage  of  Irenxus.  For  the  use  of  the 
designation  "  God  over  all/*  see  Iren.  f/arr  ii.  5.  §  4 ;  6.  (ai.  5  )  §§  2,  3  J  »»  'al.  la.)  §  x,  its  ; 
13.  (at.  18.)  §8;  a4.  (a'.  41  )  §  a ;  2'^  (»l-4>)§i5;  i".  8  §  3  J  iv.  5.  (al  10  )  §  i ;  v.  18.  §  i,  a.:d 
nany  other  passages.    (Cf.  iv.  1.  §  i.) 


39 »  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

I  note  in  passing  that  Tischendorf  cites  incorrectly  f4 
the  reference  of  the  o-^,  etc.,  to  Christ  "Meth. 
(Gall  3)."  The  passage  referred  to  is  not  from  the  Com- 
vivium,  but  from  the  discourse  of  the  Pseudo-Methodius  Z><r 
Simfoiie  cl  Amia,  c.    i,  ad  fin.,  where  we  have   the  mere 

expression  -if.  nn-i*--™  MilS  -"•'  "■  ffdi-rui' fW'  afyt,iWi3aatv.       ThlS  l 

also  one  of  Dean  Burgon's  authorities ;  but,  as  the  writal 
explains  himself  (c.  2,  ad  fin.),  he  seems  to  mean  by  ' 
glory  of  the  God  over  all  "  not  the  glory  of  the  Son  considl 
ered  by  himself,  but  the  glory  of  the  whole  Trinity.     The 
is  no  quotation  of  Rom.  ix.  5  here. 

The  passage  of  Amphilochius  (Gallandi  vi.  409,  or  Mi| 
xxxix.  101)  which  Tischendorf  adduces,  with  a  videfur,  : 
reference  of  Rom.  ix.  5  to  the  Father,  seems  analogous  1 
the  above,  and  hardly  proves  anything  on  one  side  or  th^ 
other. 

In  the  quotation  of  Rom.  ix.  5  in  the  Antiochene  Epistldj 
to  Paul  of  Samosata  (see  above,  p.  388)  it  is  probable  thai 
the  six  bishops  made  a  slight  pause  at  iriiT,^!..  The  suborr 
nation  of  the  Son  is  very  strongly  expressed  in  the  Epistle: 
Among  other  things  it  is  said,  "To  think  that  the  God  c 
the  universe  is  called  a  messenger  {":>"•••)  is  impious;  bud 
the  Son  is  the  messenger  of  the  Father,  being  himself  Lore 
and  God."     (Routh,  iif  supra,  p.  294.) 

The  Emperor  Julian  has  already  been  referred  to.     (S 
above,  p.  346,  note.)     He  was  as  good  a  judge  of  the  coOi 
struction  of  a  Greek  sentence  as  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  or  any 
other  of  the  Fathers,  and  quite  as  likely  to  interpret  impar-^ 
tially.     Well  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  the  Christian^! 
he   could   hardly  have   overlooked   passages    so   frequently 
quoted  in  the  controversies  on  the  nature  of  Christ  as  Roin,V 
ix.  5  and  Tit.  ii.  13.     But  he  did  not  find  the  title  ^^k  givet^ 
to  Christ  in  these  or  any  other  places  if.g.,  I   Tim.  i 
in  the  writings  of  Paul. 

Among  the  orthodox  Greek  Fathers,  Diodorus  (of  Antioc^i 
and  Tarsus)  and  Photius  appear  to  have  understood  the  i 
etc.,  to  refer  to  God.  The  comment  of  Diodorus  on  this 
passage  is  preserved  in  the  important  Catena  on  the  Epistlol 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  393 

to  the  Romans  published  by  Cramer  from  a  MS.  in  the 
Bodleian  Library  (Cramer's  CatencB  in  N,  7".,  vol.  iv.,  Oxon. 
1844).     The  essential  part  of  it  reads :  ku  rb  fiiyiarov,  k^  6v  6 

XptffTor,  rb  Kara  adpaa.     k^  avruv,  ^Jjaiv,  6  ;fp/(rr<if.     Gcdf  6e  ov  /idvov  avTov,  aX?M 

Kotvy  kiri  irdvTuv  iffri  Oedc.  (p.  1 62.)  This  appears  to  mean,  "  From 
them,  he  says,  is  the  Messiah.  But  God  belongs  not  to 
them  alone,  but  is  God  over  all  men  alike."  Meyer,  Tho- 
luck,  Philippi,  and  Schultz  understand  it  as  relating  to  the 
Father.  I  do  not  perceive  that  this  reference  is  affected  by 
the  fact  that  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  a  pupil  of  Diodorus, 
who  has  borrowed  much  of  the  language  of  this  comment, 
gives  the  last  part  a  different  turn  :  nai  rb  6^  fityurrov,  €$  airCiv  Kai  6 

Xftiorb^  rb  Kara  adpKa,  6f  etrrt  debc  vv  uovov  avruv^  dXkd  KOLVff  itdvTiiv.      (MignC, 

Patrol,  Gr.  Ixvi.  833.)  Had  it  been  the  purpose  of  Diodorus 
to  express  this  meaning,  he  would  probably  have  inserted 
iariv  after  ^c^f  M,  or  have  written  6f  kanv.  The  omission  of  the 
article  before  Oeo^  creates  no  difficulty  in  taking  ^fof  as  the 
subject  of  the  sentence.  It  is  often  omitted  in  such  a  case 
by  these  later  Greek  writers.* 

Diodorus,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  founder  of 
a  comparatively  rational,  grammatico-historical,  and  logical 
school  of  interpretation,  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  exe- 
gesis of  Scripture  which  had  prevailed  among  the  Fathers. 

The  passage  in  Photius  {Cont,  Manich.  iii.  14)  appears  to 
be  unequivocal:  "He  cries  with  a  loud  voice, —  whose  are 
the  covefiantSf  and  the  laws  {(u  vouodEaiai)^  and  the  promises,  and 
the  holy  services  (al  Xarpua') ;  and  showing  most  clearly  whence 
these  things  are  and  on  whose  providence  they  have  de- 
pended [he   adds],  o  ^^  tm  izavruv  Ocbg  €v7^oytjrbq  dq  Tovq  aluvag.     Wur/v" 

"So  the  laws  and  the  holy  services  and  the  promises,  in 
the  observance  of  which  the  fathers  pleased  God,  and  from 
whom  as  to  his  humanity  sprang  the  Messiah,  are  from  the 
God  over  all,  rov  ettI  ttui'tup  eeoi:'  (Migne,  Patrol.  Gr.  cii.  157.) 
Schultz,  in  the  essay  so  often  referred  to  (p.  480,  note  2), 
says  that  Theodulus  in  loc.  seems  to  refer  the  last  part  of 

*$ee,  for  example,  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  on  Rom.  ii.  15;  viii.  28;  ix.  to,  14  3£r,  23-24, 
as;  XL  a.  (Migne,  Ixvi.  coll.  789»>,  832*,  %si^,  836c,  840b,  841c,  84 id,  852* )  See  also  Cramer, 
p.  II,  1.  30;  15, 1.  15 ;  aj,  1.  24 ;  54. 1-  3>>  etc. 


394  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

our  verse  to  God.  He  misapprehends  the  meaning  of  the 
passage  in  Theodulus,  and  does  not  observe  that  it  is  taken 
from  CEcumenius.*  The  Enarratio  in  Ep,  ad  Romanos, 
which,  in  a  Latin  translation,  passes  under  the  name  of 
Theodulus.  does  not  belong  to  the  presbyter  or  bishop  in 
Coele-Syria  of  that  name,  who  died  a.d.  492,  but  is  a  very 
late  Catena.     (See  Cave.) 

A  few  words  now  respecting  the  Latin  Fathers  who  have 
quoted  Rom.  ix.  5. 

Tertullian  is  the  first.  He  quotes  it  once  as  below,  and 
once  {Prax.  c.  15)  with  super  omnia  before  deiis,^  Cyprian 
simply  cites  the  passage  to  prove  that  Christ  is  dcus  (qui 
est  super  omnia  dens  bene  die  tus  in  scecula),  without  remark. 
{Tcstint.  ii.  6.)  Novatian  has  already  been  spoken  of.  (See 
above,  p.  378,  note  *.) 

I  know  of  no  trace  of  the  reference  of  the  last  part  of  the 
verse  to  God  among  the  Latin  writers,  except  what  may  be 
implied  in  the  language  of  the  Pseudo-Ambrosius  (Arabro- 
siaster),  commonly  identified  with  Hilary  the  deacon,  in  his 
commentary  on  the  Epistle.  He  remarks :  **  Si  quis  autem 
non  putat  de  Christo  dictum,  qjii  est  Dens,  det  personam  de 
qua  dictum  est.  De  patre  enim  Deo  hoc  loco  mentio  facta 
non  est."  This  is  repeated  in  the  commentary  of  Rabanus 
Maurus  (Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  cxi.  col.  1482).  The  same  in 
substance  appears  in  the  Qnaest.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Test.^  qu.  91, 
formerly  ascribed  to  Augustine,  and  printed  in  the  Bene- 
dictine edition  of  his  works,  0pp.  in.  ii.  2915,  ed.  Bened. 
alt.  :    "  Sed  forte  ad  Patris  personam  pertinere  dicatur.     Sed 


•  See   Biblioth.  max.  i>et.   Patrum,  viii.   605,  or  the  Monumenta  S.  Patrum  Orthodox- 

ographa  of  Gryna-us,  ii.  1163, 

t  After  remarkiriK  that  he  never  speaks  of  Gods  or  Lords,  but  following  the  Apostle,  when 
the  Father  and  Son  are  to  be  named  together,  calls  the  Father  God  and  Jesus  Christ  Lord,  he 
says:  "  Solum  autem  Christum  potero  deum  dicere,  sicul  idem  apo-stolus.  Ex  quihus  Ckristus, 
qui  est,  inquit,  dtus  su/>er  omnia  benedictus  in  aevum  otnne.  Nam  et  radium  solis  seorsum 
solem  vocabo ;  solem  autem  nominans,  cuius  est  radius,  non  statim  et  radium  solem  appellabo.'* 
{Prax.  c.  13,  ed.  Oehler.)  This  accords  with  his  language  elsewhere:  "  Prolulit  deus  sermonem 
.  .  .  sicut  radix  fruticem,  et  fons  tiuvium,  et  sol  radium."  {Prax.  c.  8.)  **  Cum  radius  ex  sole 
porrieilur,  portio  ex  summa;  sed  sol  erit  in  radio  .  .  .  nee  separatur  substantia,  sed  extendilur.'* 
{Apologet.  c.  21.)  "  Pater  tot*  substantia  est;  tilius  vero  derivaiio  totius  et  portio;  sicut  ipse 
protiietur,  Quia  pater  maior  me  <rj/ "  {Prax.  c  9.)  '*  Scrmo  deus,  quia  ex  dec.  .  .  .  Quodsi 
deus  dei  tanquam  substaniiva  res,  non  ent  ip>e  deus  [ajru/Ztof],  sed  hactenus  deus,  qua  ex 
ipsius  substantia,  ui  portio  aliqua  totius."     {Prax.  c.  26.) 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  395 

hoc  loco  nulla  est  paterni  nominis  mentio.  Ideoque  si  de 
Christo  dictum  negatur,  persona  cui  competat  detur."  (This 
work  is  generally  ascribed  to  the  Hilary  mentioned  above.) 
The  writer  seems  to  have  heard  of  those  who  interpreted 
the  passage  of  God  ;  and,  relying  apparently  upon  the  Latin 
version,  he  meets  their  interpretation  of  the  Greek  with  a 
very  unintelligent  objection. 

The  Greek  Fathers  in  Mr.  Burgon's  list  who  have  not 
already  been  mentioned  are  the  following :  Athanasius, 
Basil,  Didymus,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Epiphanius,  Theodorus 
Mops.,  Eustathius,  Eulogius,  Theophilus  Alex.,  Nestorius, 
Theodotus  of  Ancyra,  Chrysostom,  Theodoret,  Gelasius 
Cyz.,  Anastasius  Ant.,  Leontius  Byz.,  Maximus.  Of  the 
Latins,  Ambrose,  Hilary.  Jerome,  Victorinus,  the  Brevia- 
rium,  Marius  Mercator,  Cassian,  Alcimus  Avit.,  Fulgentius, 
Ferrandus. 

"Against  such  a  torrent  of  Patristic  testimony,"  says  Mr. 
Burgon,  "  it  will  not  surely  be  pretended  that  the  Socinian 
interpretation,  to  which  our  Revisionists  give  such  promi- 
nence, can  stand." 

But  to  what  does  it  all  amount  ?  Simply  to  the  fact  that 
a  mass  of  writers,  to  the  judgment  of  most  of  whom  an 
intelligent  scholar  would  attach  very  little  weight  in  any 
question  of  exegesis,  have  followed  that  construction  of  an 
ambiguous  passage  which  suited  their  theological  opinions. 
Out  of  the  whole  list,  the  two,  I  suppose,  who  would  be 
most  generally  selected  as  distinguished  from  the  rest  for 
sobriety  and  good  sense  in  interpretation  are  Chrysostom 
and  Theodoret.  Yet  both  of  them  adopted  that  excessively 
unnatural,  if  not  impossible,  construction  of  2  Cor.  iv.  4  of 
which  I  have  spoken  above.     (See  p.  387.) 

The  same  general  considerations  apply  to  the  ancient 
versions,  some  of  which  are  ambiguous  here,  as  Westcott 
and  Hort  remark,  though  the  translators  probably  intended 
to  have  the  last  part  of  the  verse  understood  of  Christ. 

We  will  now  dismiss  the  Fathers,  and  notice  some  facts 
belonging  to  the  more  recent  history  of  the  interpretation  of 


39*  CRITICAL    ESSAVS 

our  passage.*  I  take  up  the  different  constructions  in  the 
order  in  which  they  are  numbered  above,  p.  335. 

The  three  most  important  recent  discussions  of  the  pas- 
sage outside  of  the  commentaries,  before  that  of  Dr.  Dwight. 
are  by  Dr.  Hermann  Schultz.  in  the  JahrbiUher  f.  detifschf 
Theol.,  1868,  pp.  463-506.  who  defends  constructions  Nrs. 
r-3,  with  a  slight  preference  for  No,  1  (p.  483)  ;  Dr.  C.  L. 
Wilibald  Grimm,  in  Hilgetifeld's  Z^itschr.  /  wiss.  Theol., 
1869,  pp.  311-322,  who  adopts  No.  5;  and  Pastor  Ernst 
Harmsen.  ibid,  1872,  pp.  510-521,  who  adopts  No.  7. 
There  is  a  brief  discussion  of  the  passage  by  Dr.  G.  Vance 
Smith,  Canon  Farrar,  and  Dr.  Sanday.  in  the  Expositor  for 
May.  r879,  ix.  3)7-405,  and  September,  rS7g.  x.  232-238. 
There  was  a  more  extended  debate  in  the  Tidependent  (Xeiv 
York)  for  Aug.  12,  Oct.  14,  21,  28,  and  Nov.  18.  1S58.  in 
which  Dr.  John  Proudfit  (anonymously),  the  Rev.  Joseph 
P.  Thompson  {the  editor),  Dr.  Z.  S.  Barstow,  and  E.  A. 
took  part. 

1-3.  It  would  be  idle  to  give  a  list  of  the  supporters  of 
Nos.  1-3,  who  refer  the  clause  in  question  to  Christ.  Among 
the  commentators,  perhaps  the  m;jre  eminent  and  best  known 
are  Calvin,  Beza,  Hammond,  LeClerc,  Limborch,  Bengel. 
Michaelis,  Koppe,  Flatt.  Tholuck.  Olshausen,  Stuart.  Hodge. 
Phtlippi,  Lange  (with  Schaff  and  Riddle).  Hofmann.  Weiss, 
Godet,  Aiford.  Vaughan,  Sanday  (very  doubtfully),  Gifford. 
That  the  Romm  Catholic  commentators,  as  Estius,  Klee, 
Stengel,  Reithmayr,  Maier,  Beelen.  Bisping  (not  very  posi- 
tively), Jatho,  Klofutar  {iSSo),  should  adopt  this  explana- 
tion, is  almost  a  matter  of  course.  This  construction  of 
the  verse  is  accepted  by  all  the  Fratres  Poloni.  who  did  not 
hesitate  to  give  the  name  God  to  Christ,  and  to  worship 
him,  recognizing  of  course  the  supremacy  of  the  Father,  to 
whom  they  applied   the   name  God   in  a  higher  sense  ;  so 

i»nnir>  ii  pvcn  b:r  Wolt  iCmmt)  lod  LGicDthil  KBOUvirr 
nuce  tecEni,  He  Uini.  md  EipcciaUr  Schuhi  in  Ibc  artielt  u 
llie  mmmdnlilora,  Mc,er  lul  V.n  Hengd.  E,  F.  Q  Oerul 
6  ff  )  (E1VH  X  bripf  iccognr  of  ih«  CDntrovenf  exciled  b^ ' 
imcd  bj  Schulri,  tjpfci^ly  Hin'.  Orirnl.  u.  ,itg  Siii 


•  r.fr. 

Art: 

(/H. 

■im. 

•  J«). 

ohcn 

(«r 

«f./«i.. 

Himb 

"-'<^^d 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  397 

Socinus,*  Opp,  ii.  581,  582,  600  a;  cf.  ii.  377  f.  ;  John  Crell, 
in  loc,  0pp.  i.  147;  also  Respons,  ad  Grotiutn,  0pp.  iv.  230  b; 
De  Uno  Deo  Patre^  p.  23  a;  De  Deo  ejusque  Attrib.  p.  35  b; 
Eth.  Christ,  p.  348  a;  Schlichting  {Lat,  Slichtingius),  Comm. 
post,  i.  254;  Wolzogen,  Opp,  i.  710,  712 ;  ii.  301 ;  iii.  5  ;  Sam. 
Przipcovius  or  Przpkowsky  in  loc,  p.  51.  So  also  the  Raco- 
vian  Catechism,  §§  159,  160. 

With  a  singular  disregard  of  these  historical  facts,  Dean 
Burgon  holds  up  his  hands  in  holy  horror  at  the  marginal 
renderings  of  the  Revised  New  Testament  at  Rom.  ix.  5, 
ascribed  to  "some  modern  Interpreters,"  and  stigmatizes 
them  as  *^the  Socinian  gloss'' \  (Quart,  Rev.,  Jan.,  1882, 
p.  54  [Revision  Revised,  p.  211].)  The  Italics  are  his.  He 
seems  throughout  his  article  to  imagine  himself  to  be  writ- 
ing for  readers  who  will  take  an  opprobrious  epithet  for  an 
argument.  The  real  "  Socinian  gloss  "  is  adopted,  and  the 
arguments  for  it  are  repeated,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  latest 
prominent  defender  of  the  construction  which  Mr.  Burgon 
himself  maintains.  Among  English  commentators,  compare 
Macknight  on  the  passage. 

A  slight  qualification  or  supplement  of  the  above  state- 
ment is,  however,  required.  Schlichting,  though  he  does 
not  object  to  the  common  construction,  misled  by  Erasmus, 
is  inclined  to  suspect  the  genuineness  of  the  word  <9fOf.  It  is 
important,  in  reference  to  the  history  of  the  interpretation 
of  this  passage,  to  observe  that  the  statement  of  Erasmus, 
in  regard  to  the  omission  of  this  word  in  the  quotations 
by  some  of  the  Fathers,  led  many  astray;  among  others, 
Grotius,  who  also  incorrectly  represents  the  word  God  as 
wanting  in  the  Syriac  version.  Schoettgen  misrepresented 
the  case  still  worse,  saying,  by  mistake  of  course,  "  Hoc 
verbum  quamplurimi  Codices,  quidam  etiam  ex  Patribus,  non 
habent." 

*Sodnus  speaks  of  the  punctuation  and  construction  proposed  by  Erasmus,  a  believer  in  the 
deity  of  Christ,  which  makes  the  v  ur,  etc.,  a  doxology  to  God,  the  Father,  and  says:  "  Non  est 
ulia  cmnaa,  cur  haec  interpretatio,  vel  potius  lectio  et  interpunctio  Erasmi  rejici  posse  Tideatur; 
nisi  una  tantum,  quam  Adversarii  non  afferunt ;  neque  enim  illam  animadvertenint.  Ea  est, 
quod,  cum  simplex  nomen  Benedictus  idem  significat  quod  Benedictus  sit,  semper  fere  solet  ante< 
pom  ei,  ad  quem  refertur,  perraro  autem  postponi." 

Some  of  those  who  are  so  shocked  at  what  they  call  "  Socinian  glosses  "  might  perhaps  learn 
a  Itaioii  of  candor  and  fairness  from  this  heretic. 


39^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Schlichting  also  suggests,  as  what  "venire  alicui  in 
mentem  posset,"  the  somewhat  famous  conjecture  of  <^v6  for 
o  t'ji;  but  rejects  it.  It  was  taken  up  afterwards,  however,  by 
a  man  far  inferior  in  judgment,  Samuel  Crell  (not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  eminent  commentator),  in  the  Inituim  Ev. 
S.  Joannis  restitutiim  (1726),  published  under  the  pseu- 
donym of  L.  M.  Artemonius.  Its  superficial  plausibility 
seems  to  have  fascinated  many ;  among  them  Whitby  {Last 
Thoughts),  Jackson  of  Leicester  {AnJiot.  ad  Noi^at,  p.  341), 
John  Taylor  of  Norwich,  Goadby,  Wakefield  {Enquiry), 
Bishop  Edmund  Law  (Wakefield's  Memoirs,  i.  447),  Bel- 
sham  {Epistles  of  Paul),  John  Jones,  and  David  Schulz  (so 
says  Baumgarten-Crusius).  Even  Doddridge  and  Harwood 
speak  of  it  as  **  ingenious,"  and  Olshauscn  calls  it  "  scharf- 
sinnig."     It  is  quite  indefensible. 

Among  the  writers  on  Biblical  Theology,  Usteri  {Paulin. 
Lehrbegr,,  5te  Ausg.,  1834,  p.  324  f.)  refers  the  clause  in 
question  to  Christ,  but  strongly  expresses  his  sense  of  the 
great  difficulties  which  this  involves.  He  is  influenced  es- 
pecially by  Riickert  (1831),  who  afterwards  changed  his 
mind.  Messner  (1856,  p.  236  f.)  regards  this  reference  as 
probable,  though  not  certain  ;  somewhat  more  doubtful  is 
C.  F.  Schmid  (2d  cd.,  1859,  p.  540  f.,  or  p.  475  f.  Eng. 
trans.).  Dorner  in  his  recent  work,  Systcui  der  Christ  I. 
Glaiibaislchrc  (1879),  i.  345,  only  ventures  to  say  that  the 
reference  to  Christ  is  ''  the  most  natural."  Schott,  August 
Hahn,  De  Wette,  Reuss,  Ritschl,  are  sometimes  cited  as 
supporting  this  construction  ;  but  later  they  all  went  over 
to  the  other  side.     See  below,  under  No.  7. 

For  the  most  elaborate  defences  of  the  construction  we 
are  considering,  besides  those  which  have  already  been  men- 
tioned, one  may  consult  Dr.  John  Pye  Smith's  Scripture 
Tcstiviouy  to  the  Messiah,  5th  ed.  (1859),  vol.  ii.  pp.  370- 
377,  401-405,  and  the  commentaries  of  Flatt  (from  whom 
Professor  Stuart  has  borrowed  larL,^ely)  and  Philippi. 

4.  Construction  No.  4  has  already  been  sufficiently  no- 
ticed.    (See  above,  p.  Z'S}^.) 

5.  The  construction  which  puts  a  colon  or  a  period  after 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.    5  399 

iravTuw,  making  the  clause  beginning  with  thog  a  doxology  to 
God,  seems  to  have  been  first  suggested  by  Erasmus  in 
the  Annotations  to  his  third  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament 
(1522),  repeated  in  the  fourth  (1527).  In  his  later  writings, 
and  in  the  note  in  his  last  edition  (1535),  while  recognizing 
the  possibility  of  this  construction,  he  gave  the  preference 
to  No.  7.*  It  was  adopted  by  Locke  in  his  posthumous 
Paraphrase,  etc.  (London,  1705,  and  often) :  "and  of  them,  as 
to  his  fleshly  extraction,  Christ  is  come,  he  who  is  over  all, 
God  be  blessed  for  ever.  Amen."  Locke's  construction  was 
preferred  by  Wetstein  in  the  important  note  on  the  passage 
in  his  Greek  Testament,  vol.  ii.  (1752),  and  was  adopted  by 
Prof.  L.  J.  C.  Justi  in  Paulus's  Memorabilieu,  1791,  St.  i. 
pp.  1-26,  treated  more  fully  in  his  Vennischtc  AbJiandlungcn, 
2te  Samml.,  1798,  pp.  309-346;  also  by  E.  F.  C.  Oertel, 
Christologie  (1792),  p.  209  f.  He  has  a  pretty  full  discussion 
of  the  passage  (pp.  195-218).  So  by  G.  L.  Bauer,  BibI, 
Tlieol,  di's  N.  T,,  Bd.  iv.  (1802),  pp.  ia-14,  and  by  C.  F. 
Ammon ;  for  though  in  his  Bibl.  TheoL,  2te  Ausg.  (1801), 
pp.  220-222,  he  does  not  decide  between  constructions  No. 
S  and  No.  7,  he  favors  the  former  in  his  note  on  the  passage 
in  the  third  edition  of  Koppe  on  Romans  (1824).  J.  J.  Stolz 
adopts  it  in  the  fourth  edition  of  his  Ucbcrsctzung  des  N.  T. 
(1804),  and  the  third  edition  of  his  Eriduterungen  (1808),  iii. 
170-191.  He  gives  there  an  interesting  extract  from  Sem- 
ler's  Hist,  u.  krit.  Saminlungcn  iibcr  die  sogenanntcn  Bcwcis- 
stellen  in  dcr  Dogmatik,  St.  ii.  pp.  284-287.  So  De  Wette 
in  the  text  of  the  third  edition  of  his  German  translation 
of  the  Bible  (1839),  though  he  gives  constructions  Nos.  i 
and  7  as  alternative  renderings ;  in  the  note  in  the  fourth 
and  last  edition  of  his  commentary  on  the  Epistle  (1847), 
though  undecided,  he  seems  on  the  whole  rather  inclined 
to  No.  7.  This  construction  (No.  5)  is  supported  also  by 
Baumgarten-Crusius,  a  scholar  to  be  spoken  of  with  high 
respect,  in  his  Comm.  on  the  Epistle  (Jena,  1844),  comp.  his 
Grundziige  dcr  bibl.  TlieoL  (1828),  p.  385  f.,  and  his  Exeget. 
Schriften  zum  N,  T.  11.  i.  (Jena,  1844)  p.  266,  the  latter  cited 

* Erasmi  Opp.y  Lugd.  Bat.  1703,  flf.,  vol.  vi.  610  f. ;  ix.  100a  f.,  1045  ^' 


400  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

by  Ernesti.  So  by  Schumann  in  his  Ckristus  (1852),  ii.  545, 
note  ;  H.  Fr.  Th.  L.  Ernesti,  Vom  Urspmnge  d,  Sunde  nach 
pauiin,  Lchrgehalte,  i.  (1855)  pp.  197-204;  Marcker  (cited  by 
Meyer),  whose  work  I  have  not  seen ;  and  Reuss,  Les  Epttres 
Pauliniennes  (1878),  ii.  88. 

The  best  defence  of  this  view,  perhaps,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  article  of  Grimm,  referred  to  above. 

6.  On  construction  No.  6,  see  above,  p.  385  f. 

7.  Erasmus  in  his  translation  renders  the  words  of  the 
last  part  of  our  verse  thus  :  "  et  ii,  ex  quibus  est  Christus 
quantum  attinet  ad  carnem,  qui  est  in  omnibus  deus  lau- 
dandus  in  secula,  amen."  His  paraphrase  seems  a  little  am- 
biguous.* But  in  the  note  in  his  last  edition  (1535),  and 
in  his  later  writings,  he  clearly  indicates  his  preference  for 
construction  No.  7.!  Bucer  (or  Butzer)  in  loc,  (1536?).  as 
quoted  by  Wetstein,  suggests  this  construction  as  an  alter- 
native rendering.  Curcellaeus  (Courcelles)  in  his  edition  of 
the  Greek  Testament  published  in  1658  (also  1675,  1685, 
1699)  notes  that  *'  Quidam  addunt  punctum  post  vocem  <ya/>Ka. 
quia  si  id  quod  sequitur  cum  praecedentibus  connecteretur, 
potius  dicendum  videatur  ^r  f<T7/,  vel  ^y  <>,  quam  o  uv." 

Among  those  who  have  adopted  or  favored  this  construc- 
tion are  Whiston,  in  his  Primitive  Christianity  Reviii' d,  vol. 
iv.  (1711),  p.  13  ff.  ;  and  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke,  in  his  Scripture 
Doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  London,  17 1 2,  3d  ed.,  1732,  p.  85  £f. 
He  gives  also  as  admissible  constructions  No.  5  and  No.  2, 
but  places  No.  7  first.  He  was,  as  is  well  known,  one  of 
the  best  classical  scholars  of  his  day,  as  well  as  one  of  the 
ablest  metaphysicians  and  theologians.  So  John  Jackson 
of  Leicester,   in   his  Antiot.  ad  Novatiannm  (1726),  p.  341, 


^  "  At  Christus  sic  est  homo,  ut  idem  et  Deus  sit,  non  huius  aut  illius  gentis  peculiaris,  sed 
universDrum  Deus,  et  idem  cum  patre  Deus,  qui  [Christus?  pater?  or  Pater  cum  Christo?]  prae- 
siidet  omnibus,  cuiusque  inscrul.ibili  consilio  geruntur  haec  omnia,  cui  soh  .  .  .  debetur  laus,"  etc 
One  suggestion  of  Erasmus  is  that  the  word  "God"  in  the  last  clause  may  denote  the  whole 

Trinity. 

t  See  especially  his  Af>ol.  adv.  monachos  quosdam  // is^anos  (y/ntttn  in  1528),  Opp.  ix.  1043- 
47:  '*  Ego  coram  Deo  pr«  titeor  mihi  videri  Paulum  hoc  sensisse,  quod  modo  significavimus,  nec 
hunc  scrmonem  propria  ad  Christum  periinere,  sed  vel  ad  Patrem,  vel  ad  totam  Triniiatem " 
(col.  1045).  Comp.  AVj/.  ad  Juvenem  Gerontodidxscalum  {yix'wx^u  1532),  col.  1002:  "ipsa  res 
lociuitur,  verba  Pauli  nullum  sensum  cvidentius  reddere  quam  hunc  :  Dfiis,  qui  est  super  omnia^ 
sit  bemdictus  in  secula.     Cui  precalioni  accinitur,  Anun.^^     See  aUo  above,  under  No.  5. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF    ROMANS   IX.   5  4OI 

though  captivated  by  the  specious  but  worthless  conjecture 
of  wv  6;  Wetstein,  as  an  alternative  rendering,  but  rather  pre- 
ferring to  place  the  stop  after  -dv-uv  (see  the  end  of  his 
note);  Semler,  Paraph,  Ep.  ad  Rom,  (1769),  p.  114!!.,  and 
in  many  other  writings ;  on  the  literature  of  the  Semler  con- 
troversy, see  the  references  given  above,  p.  396  n.  Semler 
was  not  so  well  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  the  later  as 
with  those  of  the  earlier  Fathers,  and  in  this  part  of  the 
field  of  debate  his  adversaries  had  the  advantage.  But  he 
gave  a  stimulus  to  a  freer  and  more  impartial  treatment  of 
the  question.  Eckermann  adopted  the  construction  we  are 
now  considering  in  the  second  edition  (1795)  of  his  Theolo- 
gische  Beytrdge,  Bd.  I.  St.  iii.  pp.  160-162,  though  in  the 
first  edition  he  had  opposed  it. 

Coming  now  to  the  present  century,  we  find  this  construc- 
tion adopted  by  the  commentators  C.  F.  Boehme  (Lips. 
1806),  and  H.  E.  G.  Paul  us,  Des  Apostcls  Pan  I  us  Lehr-Bricfe 
an  die  Galater-  und  Romer-Christcn  (Heidelb.  1831),  where 
he  translates  (p.  102)  :  **  Der  iiber  alle  (Juden  und  Heiden) 
seyende  Gott  sey  gepriesen  auf  (alle)  die  Zeitalter  hinaus  "  ; 
by  Professor  J.  F.  Winzer  of  Leipzig  in  a  Programma  on 
Rom.  ix.  i-S  (Lips.  1832).  which  I  have  not  seen,  but  find 
highly  praised  ;  and  Karl  Schrader,  Der  Apostel  Paulus, 
Theil  iii.  (1833),  P-  7S»  and  Theil  iv.  (1835),  p.  355.  He 
translates,  **  Der  iiber  Allem  Seiende  (der  welcher  iiber 
AUem  ist,)  Gott,  gelobt  (sei  gelobt)  in  Ewigkeit !  **  It  is 
adopted  in  three  commentaries  of  remarkable  independence 
and  ability  which  appeared  in  1834,  namely  :  those  of  Pro- 
fessor J.  G.  Reiche  of  Gottingen,  whose  note  (Theil  ii.  pp. 
268-278)  is  one  of  the  fullest  and  best  discussions  of  the 
passage,  though  he  makes  some  mistakes  about  the  Fathers ; 
Professor  Eduard  Koellner  of  Gottingen ;  and  Dr.  Conrad 
Glockler,  whom  Professor  Stuart  calls  "  a  Nicenian  "  as  re- 
gards his  theol(;^ical  position..  K.  G.  Bretschneider,  in  the 
fourth  edition  of  his  Handbucfi  der  Dogmatik  (1838),  i.  604  f., 
adopts  the  same  construction,  though  in  the  earlier  editions 
of  this  work  he  had  referred  the  ^e<Jc  to  Christ.  He  trans- 
lates: "Der  Herr  iiber  alles,  Gott,  sei  gepriesen  in  Ewig- 


keit."  In  1839,  Professor  L.  J.  Riickert  of  Jena,  in 
second  edition  of  his  elaborate  and  valuable  commenti 
(vol.  ii.  pp.  13-17),  discusses  the  passage  fully,  and  though 
in  the  first  edition  (1831)  he  had  strenuously  contended  for 
the  reference  of  the  last  part  of  the  verse  to  Christ,  now 
pronounces  the  construction  which  makes  it  a  doxology  to 
God  "far  more  probable,"  This  year  is  also  signalized  in 
the  history  of  the  interpretation  of  our  passage  by  the  pub- 
lication of  vol.  ii,  of  the  commentary  of  Professor  C.  F.  A. 
Fritzsche  of  Rostock,  who  discusses  the  passage  in  a  mas- 
terly manner  (pp.  260-275).  His  translation  has  been  given 
above,  p.  354.  In  the  fourth  edition  of  his  Greek  Testament 
with  a  Latin  version,  published  in  (839,  Professor  H.  A, 
Schott  of  Jena  adopted  the  punctuation  and  construction 
which  make  the  clause  beginning  with  "^v  a  doxology  to 
God,  though  in  previous  editions  he  had  followed  the  com- 
mon construction.  In  his  essay  De  Invocationejesu  Christi 
Panic.  I.  (1843),  p.  8.  the  highly  esteemed  commentator  Dr. 
Friedrich  Liicke,  Professor  at  G.ittingen,  refers  the  last  part 
of  our  verse  to  God.  Professor  A.  L.  G.  Krehl,  of  Leipzig, 
docs  the  same  in  his  Drr  Brief  an  die  Romrr  ausgc/cgt, 
u.  s.  w.  (1845),  p.  322,  though  in  an  earlier  work,  Neittest. 
Hand-ivorterbuch  ([843),  art.  Christus,  p.  1 14,  he  had  cited 
Rom.  ix.  5  in  proof  that  Christ  is  called  God. 

Baur,  who  makes  the  passage  a  doxology  to  God,  has 
some  valuable  remarks  upon  it  in  his  Paulus  (1845),  p.  624 
f.,  2te  Aufl.  (1866-67),  i'-  263  f. ;  comp.  his  Leiire  von  dc-r 
Drcicinigkeit  (1841),  i.  84,  note,  and  Neuhst.  Theol  (1864), 
p.  194.  Zeller  agrees  with  him  {Theol.  JtihrbiUher,  1842. 
p.  55).  So  J.  F.  Rabiger,  a  believer  in  the  divine  nature  of 
Christ,  in  his  De  Christologia  Paulina  contra  Baurium  Com- 
meiilatio  (1S52),  pp.  26-28. 

We  may  notice  here  the  great  commentators  De  We) 
and    Meyer.     De   Wette,  not   perfectly   satisfied   with 
view,  yet  wavers  between  constructions  Nos.  5  and  7;  i 
above  under  No.  5.     In  his  BOii.  D.'gtnatik,  3te  Aufl.  (1831J 
p.   249,  and  in  the  second  edition  of  his  translation  of  1 
New  Testament  (1833),  he  had  taken  the  name  "  God  "  hei 


ON  THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  403 

as  a  designation  of  Christ ;  but  in  the  third  edition  of  his 
translation  (1839)  he  makes  it  begin  a  doxology.  Meyer  in 
his  Das  N.  71  griechisch  mit  einer  ncuen  detttschen  Uebersetz- 
ung  (1829)  followed  the  common  construction;  but  in  the 
first  edition  of  his  Contm,  (1836),  and  all  later  editions,  he 
makes  the  passage  a  doxology  to  God.  His  collaborator, 
Huther,  maintains  in  his  note  on  Titus  ii.  13  that  the  name 
^ti>^  is  not  given  to  Christ  in  any  of  the  New  Testament 
Epistles. 

In  1855  appeared  the  first  edition  of  Jowett's  work  on 
four  of  the  Epistles  of  Paul  (2d  ed.,  1859).  He  translates: 
"God,  who  is  over  all,  is  blessed  for  ever.  Amen.*'  So 
Bishop  Colenso,  St,  Paul's  Ep,  to  the  Romans,  etc.,  London, 
1861  ;  Am.  ed..  New  York,  1863. 

Ewald,  Die  Scndschreiben  des  Ap,  Panlus,  u.  s.  w.  (1857), 
translates :  **  der  iiber  alien  ist  Gott  sei  gelobet  in  die  ewig- 
keiten,  Am6n  !"  (p.  323  ;  comp.  p.  398  f.)  See  also  his  Die 
Lehre  der  Bibcl  von  Gott,  Bd.  iii.  (1874),  p.  416,  n.  3.  Pro- 
fessor J.  H.  Scholten  of  Leyden,  in  his  Dogmatices  Christ. 
Imtia,  ed.  2da,  Lugd.  Bat.  1858,  p.  193  f.,  adopts  the  same 
construction.  So  Athanase  Coquerel,  Christo/ogie  (Paris, 
1858),  i.  76,  note.  So  the  celebrated  Dutch  commentator. 
Van  Hengel,  who  in  tome  ii.  of  his  Interpretatio  (1859),  pp. 
343-360,  discusses  the  passage  very  fully.  He  mentions 
some  Dutch  scholars  that  agree  with  him,  as  Vissering  and 
Scheffer  (Godgel.  Bijdragen  1853  and  1854),  whose  writings 
I  have  not  seen.  The  eminent  Danish  commentator.  Dr. 
H.  N.  Clausen,  Pauli  Brev  til  Roincrne  fortolket  (Copen- 
hagen, 1863),  p.  124,  translates:  "Han  som  er  over  Alt, 
Gud,  (eller,  "  Gud,  som  er  over  Alt  ")  vsere  priset  i  Ev- 
ighed  ! "  (He  is  the  author  of  the  Heimencutik,  The  Ger- 
mans spell  his  name  Klausen.)  Holtzmann,  in  his  transla- 
tion of  the  Epistle  in  Bunsen's  Bibelwcrk  (1864),  vol.  iv., 
gives  the  same  construction  to  the  passage ;  and  so  Profes- 
sor Willibald  Beyschlag  of  Halle,  in  his  Chris tologie  des 
N,   T.f  Berlin,   1866,  p.  209  f. 

Professor  R.  A.  Lipsius  of  Jena,  in  the  Protestanten-Bibel 
Neuen  Testamentes  (1872-73),  p.  572,  translates:   "Der  da 


404  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ist  iiber  Alles,  Gott,  sei  gelobt  in  Ewigkeit";  Volkmar, 
Romeririef  (ZuTicb,  1875),  p.  32:  "  Der  iiber  Allen  seiendc 
Gott  sei  gelobt  in  Ewigkeit!"  His  comment  is  (p.  97): 
"Der  Gott,  der  iiber  a//en  (Volkern)  waltet,  sei  dafiir  ge- 
priesen,  dass  er  aus  Israel  den  Heiland  (fiir  AUe)  hervor- 
gehen  liess."  The  Rev.  John  H.  Godwin,  "Hon.  Prof. 
New  Coll.,  Lond.,"  and  Congregational  Lecturer,  translates, 
"God  who  is  over  all  be  praised  for  ever.  Amen,"  and 
has  a  good  note.  {Ep.  to  Rom.,  London,  1873.)  Professor 
Lewis  Campbell,  the  editor  of  Sophocles,  in  the  Contetnpo- 
raty  Review  for  August,  1876,  p.  484,  adopts  the  rendering 
of  Professor  Jowett.  The  Rev.  Joseph  Agar  Beet,  Wesleyan 
Methodist,  in  a  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans 
of  very  marked  ability  {London,  1877,  2d  ed.,  1881),  defends 
this  view  in  an  excellent  note  (pp.  267-272,  2d  ed.).  The 
same  construction  is  followed  in  Herm.  Bartels's  Exeget. 
UebersetZHtig  des  Brief es,  etc.  (Dessau,  187S),  which  I  men- 
tion because  Professor  Woldemar  Schmidt  of  Leipzig,  in  a 
notice  of  the  book  (Theol.  Literaturzeituug,  1879,  No.  22), 
expresses  his  approval  of  this.  C.  Holsten,  in  an  article  in 
thsjahrbiickcrf.prol.  Thcoi,  1879,  p.  683,  translates  :  "Der 
iiber  alien  Volkern  waltende  Gott  (der  doch  Israels  Volk  so 
begnadet  hat)  sei  gepriesen  in  Ewigkeit !  " 

Some  of  the  best  recent  translations  adopt  this  construc- 
tion of  the  passage ;  e.g.  H:t  Nieitwe  Testament,  etc.  (pub- 
lished by  the  authority  of  the  General  Synod  of  the  Dutch 
Reformed  Church),  Amsterdam,  i868:"Hij,  die  over  alles 
is,  God,  zij  geprezen  tot  in  eeuwigheid ! "  and  the  versions 
by  Dr.  George  R.  Noyes  (Boston,  1869),  Hugues  Oltramare 
(Gentve,  1872),  "Que  celui  qui  gouverne  toutes  choses, 
Dieu,  en  soit  b^ni  ^ternellement !"  Carl  Weizsacker,  Das 
N.  T.  uebcrsctst,  Tiibingen,  1875,  and  Dr.  Samuel  Davidson, 
London,  1875,  2d  ed.  1S76. 

No  one  who  knew  the  scholarship  and  the  impartiality  of 
the  late  Dr.  Noyes  will  wonder  that  I  have  cited  him  here. 
A  dispassionate,  judicial  spirit  in  the  examination  of  such 
questions  as  the  one  before  us  is  not  the  exclusive  posses- 
sion of   the  Dean  of   Chichester  and  of  "the  Church"  in 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  405 

distinction  from  "the  Sects,"  though  there  are  many  noble 
examples  of  it  in  the  Church  of  England. 

Among  critical  editors  of  the  Greek  Testament  who  have 
placed  a  period  after  aApKa,  making  the  passage  a  doxology  to 
God,  I  may  mention  Harwood  (1776),  Lachmann  (1831-50), 
Schott  (4th  ed.,  1839).  Tischendorf  (1841-73),  Muralt  (1846- 
48),  Buttmann  (1856-67),  Aug.  Hahn,  assisted  by  his  son 
G.  L.  Hahn  (1861),  Kuenen  and  Cobet  (1861),  and  Westcott 
and  Hort  (1881)  in  their  margin,  representing  the  judgment 
of  Dr.  Hort. 

To  these  authorities  may  be  added  the  names  of  the  gram- 
marians Winer  and  Wilke.  See  Winer,  Gram,y  7te  Aufl., 
1867,  §§  61,  3,  e.,  and  64,  2,  b.,  pp.  513,  545,  or  551,  586 
Thayer,  690,  733  Moulton;  and  Wilke,  Hermeneutik  (1844), 
ii.  88. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  many  scholars  who  had  already 
in  their  publications  adopted  or  even  strongly  contended 
for  the  common  construction  of  this  passage,  afterwards 
saw  reason  to  change  their  minds.  Such  was  the  case 
with  Eckermann,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Ruckert,  Bretschneider, 
Schott,  Krehl,  Hahn  (perhaps  both  father  and  son) ;  and  it 
is  so  with  Ritschl,  as  I  am  assured  by  a  very  intelligent 
student  (the  Rev.  Alfred  Gooding),  who  took  full  notes  of 
his  exegetical  lectures  on  Romans  in  the  semester  of  1879- 
80.  I  know  of  only  one  instance  of  a  conversion  in  the 
opposite  direction,  that  of  Dr.  G.  V.  Lechler,  who,  in  the 
first  edition  of  his  Das  apost.  ?/.  das  nacliapost.  Zeitalter 
(185 1),  pp.  38,  39,  made  the  last  part  of  the  verse  a  doxology 
to  God,  but  in  the  second  edition  (1857),  P-  ^3  f-  [s-'^d  3d 
ed.  (1886),  Eng.  trans.,  vol.  ii.  p.  27  f.],  applies  it  to  Christ. 
He  expressly  admits,  however,  as  regards  the  two  opposing 
views,  that  "sprachlich  und  logisch  sind  beide  gleichbe- 
rechtigt." 

"  The  awful  blindness  and  obstinacy  of  Arians  and  Socin- 
ians  in  their  perversions  of  this  passage,"  says  the  Scotch 
commentator  Haldane,  "  more  fully  manifest  the  depravity 
of  human  nature,  and  the  rooted  enmity  of  the  carnal  mind 


406  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

against  God,  than  the  grossest  works  of  the  flesh."  *  **  The 
dishonest  shifts/'  says  Dean  Burgon,  **  by  which  unbelievers 
seek  to  evacuate  the  record  which  they  are  powerless  to 
refute  or  deny,  are  paraded  by  our  Revisionists  in  the 
following  terms."  f  (Here  Mr.  Burgon  quotes  the  margin 
of  the  Revised  Version  at  Rom.  ix.  5,  regarding  these  render- 
ings as  "not  entitled  to  notice  in  the  margin  of  the  N.  T.," 
and  their  admission  as  "  a  very  grave  offence.")     ^v  r/f  el,  6 

Kpivuv  al}.6TpLOv  oiKirijv^  6  Karijrycjp  Ton/  dcJcA^v  ^fiuv.      (Rom.  xiv.  4  J    ReV. 

xii.  10.) 

In  contrast  with  these  utterances,  not  addressed  to  the 
reason  of  men,  and  not  adapted  to  promote  Christian  charity 
or  Christian  humility,  it  is  refreshing  to  read  a  discussion 
so  calm,  so  clear,  so  fair,  and  so  able  as  that  of  Professor 
Dwight. 

NOTE  A.    (See  p.  346.) 
On  the  Punctuation  of  Rom.  ix.  5  in  Ancient  AfSS. 

In  regard  to  the  punctuation  of  this  passage  in  ancient  MSS.,  though 
the  matter  is  in  itself  of  little  importance,  it  may  be  well  to  correct 
some  current  errors,  especially  as  the  supposed  absence  of  a  point 
after  aiipKa  in  the  MSS.  has  been  urged  as  an  objection  to  the  construc- 
tion which  makes  the  o  ur,  k.  r.  ?..  a  doxoiogy  to  God.  For  example, 
Dr.  Gifford,  the  latest  commentator,  speaks  of  the  stop  after  adftun  as 
found  simply  "in  two  or  three  inferior  MSS.";  while  Mr.  Burgon.  in 
the  Quar/er/v  Review  for  January.  1882,  says  "  the  oldest  codices^  besides 
the  whole  body  of  the  cursives  [the  Italics  are  his],  know  nothing  about 
the  method  of  *  some  modern  Interpreters  '  "  (referring  to  the  margin  of 
the  Revised  Version);  and  he  remarks  in  a  note,  "C  alone  has  a  point 
between  0  l^v  l-X  udvTuiv  and  Ofor  uv.o)//7or  tie  rot-f  aJwrar.  But  this  is  an 
entirely  different  thing  from  what  is  noted  in  the  margin."     (p.  54.) 

The  facts  of  the  case  do  not  accord  with  these  statements.  In  the 
first  place,  C,  according  to  Tischendorf's  very  careful  edition  of  this 
MS.  (Lips.  1843),  ^3^  "O  point  after  Tairwr,  and  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  such  a  stop  exists  only  in  Mr.  Burgon's  very  lively  imagina- 
tion ;  it  does  have,  on  the  other  hand,  as  Tischendorf's  edition  shows, 
both  a  point  and  a  space  after  adpKa,  unquestionably  a  prima  manu. 
The  Alexandrian  MS.  (A)  has  also  a  point  after  cci^kq^  as  appears  by 
Woide's   edition   (1786),   by  the   recent  photograph    published   by  the 


•  Exposition  of  the  Ep.  to  the  Romans,  Am.  reprint  of  the  fifth  Edinburgh  edition,  p.  454. 

t  The  Quarter/y  Revico  for  J«nunry.  iR^2.  p.   54  [sec   The  Revision  Revised,  p.  211J;  see 
also  the  same  fir  A|ri  ,  1^82,  [>   370  f  The  Revaion  Revised,  p.  353  f.]. 


ON  THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5 


407 


British  Museum  (1879),  and  by  the  express  testimony  of  Dr.  Vance 
Smith  and  of  Dr.  Sanday,  who  says,  "  The  point  is  clearly  marked,  and 
it  is  evidently  by  the  first  hand."  {The  Expositor,  Sept.,  1879,  x.  235.) 
This  fact  has  been  overlooked  both  by  Tischendorf  and  by  Westcolt 
and  Hon.  There  is,  moreover,  a  point  after  ml^.Mi  in  the  Vatican 
MS.  (BX  which,  though  it  does  not  appear  in  the  Roman  edition,  is 
amply  attested  by  Dr.  Vance  Smith  from  personal  inspection  (TSir  fj-- 
Pesilor,  May,  1879,  \x.  39J,  comp.  his  The  Spirit  and  the  Word  of 
Christ,  London,  1874,  p.  138),  and  by  others.  This  point  also,  from  the 
description  of  it,  seems  to  be  probably  by  the  first  hand,  though  more 
careful  wtaniinalion  and  comparison  may  be  required  to  settle  the  tjues- 
tion.*  The  Clermont  MS.  (D)  ends  a  stichometric  line  at  on/j'.r,  but 
this  does  not  determine  the  construction  of  what  follows.  The  Sinaitic 
MS.  has  only  a  single  point  (after  ™ru7,  Rom.  \x.  20)  in  the  whole  page 
containing  the  passage,  4  cols,  of  48  lines  each,  from  Rom.  viii.  38 
ovrr  iviBTuTa  to  ajiwutTrr,  X.  3,  inclusive.  It  is  therefore  neutral.  The 
same  is  true  for  a  different  reason  of  F  and  G,  in  which  the  numerous 
points  are  distributed  in  the  most  arbiirar)'  manner,  so  that,  although 
they  each  have  a  point  after  oilpnn,  it  counts  for  nothing.  We  have  no 
report  of  K,  collated  by  Matthaei,  who  does  not  record  the  punctuation 
of  MSS.  L,  the  remaining  uncial,  has  a  point  after  oii/Ma  according  to 
Tischendorf.    There  is  no  break  between  o  uu  and  i/ji/v  in  A,  B,  C. 

As  lo  the   cursive    MSS.,   their  punctuation   has    been   very  rarely 
noted  by  collators.    The  sweeping  statement  of  Mr.  Burgon  is  made 


•Tba  Cicuai  id  ihr  Vatic 
«llemi<Mi  la  ill  piliofr jphy,  n 
nrci  iat«rpiiniiBBe,  «ne  ulla  di 
The  Ulerhtnd.ol  Ihe  tonllio 


MS.  a™  III 


«bya 


lioiabla  en 


tIBlUip 


imply  1  1 


>r  Ihe  fi'U  tiaad  in  TiKhendorTi  fic-^miln, 

p.  1448),  wfaere  there  is  Doipue,  and  alter  Keirat  in  1  Cor.  ill-  Tf  (cod-  p-  14^9)1  where  Lbeipjice 
k  nEwUngtr  (null.  -HKheiidDrl  wu  unabls  to  luining  oreluIlT  Ihe  pgnctuatuin  ol  ihe  MS. 
beroDil  ihe  end  Qf  iheGjipel  oF  Luke,  but  he  obisrved  Ihat  puncIDillaawiit  miKhndrelrequeni 
ia  the  EiHHici  than  in  the  Ootpeli,  I  notice  that  in  the  Romas  edition  Ihera  are  twelTe  poinli 
OH  Ihe  page  (p.  1415)  ihM  co  mini  Rom.  ii.  s.  eitending  (mm  Rom.  viii.  13  (tjwjrff  W  ^ijt« 
jup.  ii.  11,  inelnuTe.  There  ii  no  em*  ipaca  itw  aafiiia,  but  pethapiilai  do«  not  dlniniib 
ihc  prolubiHiy  that  Ihe  poinl  ii  by  the  fit«  band.  There  ia  no  ejtira  space,  as  we  liave  secn.afier 
'     ~         '      4:  and  Tiachendnrf  obsarvn  Itfn.  Ttil.  Sin.  p.  ii(.)  Ibat    ~ 


(■4Sjl  which  CO 


.  irMr  lbs  words  TO 


i>  the  pi 


]l  ii  evprasly  stated  t>t  a 


408  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

entirely  at  random.  But  a  point  after  odpKa  is  found  in  at  least  six 
cursives,  namely:  No.  5  (collated  by  Scholz),  47  (by  Griesbach),  71, 
yj,  80,  and  89  (by  Birch);  also  in  the  beautiful  Greek  Praxapostolos  or 
Lectionary  of  the  twelfth  century  belonging  to  the  Library  of  Harvard 
College  (pp.  150,  151),  and  the  fine  Lectionary  in  the  Astor  Library 
(p.  1 1 7),  assigned  to  the  eleventh  century  (?),  formerly  in  the  possession 
of  the  Duke  of  Sussex.  In  the  Harvard  Lectionary  there  is  also  a 
point  after  ^fof,  which  is  not  the  case  in  the  Astor  Library  MS.*  A 
point  has  also  been  noted  after  ^edf  in  17  (Griesb.),  and  after  -rdvruv  in 
71  (Birch).t 

Incorrect  statements  are  often  made  in  regard  to  the  extreme  rarity 
of  punctuation  in  our  oldest  New  Testament  MSS.  I  therefore  note 
the  fact  that,  on  the  page  of  the  Alexandrian  MS.  (A)  which  contains 
our  passage,  extending  from  Rom.  viii.  21  d>jM.  dta  tov  v-rora^avra  to 
TrpoOvGig  rovtti'/iti'  .  .  .  ix.  II »  there  are  sixty-four  points  in  Woide's 
edition;  in  the  Ephraem  MS.  (C)  from  Rom.  viii.  27  o  deepewufv  to  a/upf 
ix.  5  in  Tischendorf's  edition  there  are  forty-five  points ;  for  B  see 
above.  In  the  three  pages  of  PauFs  Epistles  in  B  published  by  Tisch- 
endorf  line  for  line  in  his  Appendix  codd.  celeb.  Sin.  Vat,  Alex.  (1867), 
p.  1 44 J  (Rom.  i.  1-26)  has  fifteen  points  which  he  regards  as  a  prima 
manu;  p.  1460  (Rom.  xv.  24-xvi.  17)  has  thirty-five;  p.  1506  (CoL 
iv.  8-1,  Thess.  i.  8),  with  more  than  half  a  column  blank,  has  seven- 
teen. These  pages,  however,  were  selected  partly  on  account  of  their 
exceptional  frequency  of  punctuation. 

The  truth  is  that  this  whole  matter  of  punctuation  in  the  ancient 
MSS.  is  of  exceedingly  small  importance,  which  might  be  shown  more 
fully,  had  not  this  paper  already  extended  to  an  excessive  length.  In 
the  first  place,  we  cannot  infer  with  confidence  the  construction  given 
to  the  passage  by  the  punctuator,  the  distribution  of  points  even  in  the 
oldest  MSS.  i-;  so  abnormal;  in  the  second  place,  if  we  could,  to  how 
much  would  his  authority  amount? 

All  that  I  have  ari^ned  from  the  point  after  nf'ipKn  in  A,  B,  C,  L,  etc., 
is  that  a  pause  after  tlui'  word  was  felt  by  ancient  scribes  to  be  natural. 


adjoining  letters,"  and  that  it  was  certainly  much  fainter  than  a  point  in  the  space  after  rjuuv 
on  the  same  page,  "  which  was  as  black  as  the  touched  letters." 

Since  the  above  was  printed,  the  point  after  onpKCi  has  been  very  carefully  examined  by 
Professor  Ubaldo  l^baldi,  of  the  Collcgio  Romano,  and  Father  Cozza,  one  of  the  editors  of  the 
Vatican  MS.  Tliey  compared  it,  at  my  suggestion,  with  the  twelve  points  represented  in  the 
printed  edition  of  the  MS.  on  the  same  page  (1453),  and  also  with  the  points,  unquestionably 
a  prima  fttanu,  after  tH^fi/T/Ud,  Rom.  iv.  4,  and  after  hfitui,  2  Cor.  iii.  15.  The  result  is  that 
the  point  after  anfiKit  is  undoubtedly  by  the  first  hand,  the  pale  ink  of  the  original  being  only 
partially  covered,  as  in  other  cases  on  the  same  page,  by  the  black  ink  of  the  late  scribe  who 
retouched  the  ancient  writing  throughout  the  MS. 

*  For  a  careful  copy  of  that  part  of  thi  Astor  Library  MS.  which  contains  Rom.  ix.  4,  5, 
I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  Rev.  S.  M.  Jackson. 

t  It  may  be  added,  that  out  of  six  cunive  MSS.  examined  for  me  bv  Dr.  C.  R.  Gregory,  viz., 
Brit.  Mus.  Add.  511'),  7142,  n'^w,  1 74'^<).  Cuzon  71.  6,  and  Act.  20  (Paul.  25),  all  but  the  last 
have  a  colun  after  a.'i)\:i,  and  the  iast  M.S.  is  almost  illegible  in  this  place.     [See  p.  432  below.] 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  409 

NOTE   B.    (Seep.  363.) 

On  the  Distinction  between  evAoyrtTd^  and  evAoyrffiivoc. 

The  distinction  between  evTuoyrrrd^  and  ev?joyrfufvoc  is  dwelt  upon  by 
Philo,  De  Migr.  Abrah,  c.  19,  0pp.  i.  453,  in  his  remarks  on  Gen.  xii.  2. 
The  former  word,  according  to  him,  describes  one  who  by  nature  or 
character  is  worthy  of  praise  or  blessing,  n'Mtyiaq  h^io^\  the  latter,  one 
who  is  in  fact  praised  «  r  blessed,  whether  rightfully  or  otherwise.  In 
other  words,  ev/Myr/rur,  in  doxologies,  would  be  laudandus  or  laude 
dignus ;  ev/ioyvfjthmg  iaudatus.  So  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  on  Eph.  i. 
3  explains  tv7ioyriT6^  as  rov  £7raiveia6at  kuI  BavfidCeaOai  a^iog.  (Migne,  PatroL 
CPr.  Ixvi.  912.)  It  is  true  that  in  classical  Greek  verbals  in  -r<Jf,  like 
the  Latin  participles  in  -/«j,  have  generally  a  simply  passive  significa- 
tion ;  but  we  find  exceptions,  particularly  in  the  later  Greek,  and  espe- 
cially in  the  case  of  words  analogous  in  meaning  to  t\)>.oy7rr6q.  See  in 
the  Lexicons  aiv^roq,  kTraiveToc,  vtzf paivrrd^,  eyKUfiiaardc.  I^i]7jurr6q,  Oavfiaord^, 
fiwapiard^  (2  Macc.  vii.  24),  fiefiTrrdg,  feKrdCy  fiiorrrd^,  arvyr/rd^,  vfiiT/Tdc.  iVf- 
pvuvrfTd^.  On  FTrniverdc  and  V'^/rrcJf,  see  Philo,  ubi  supra.  (See  also 
Kiihner,  Ausfilhrl.  Gram.^  2te  Aufl.,  i.  716.)  This  view  is  confirmed 
by  the  fact  that  we  never  find  n'/oyri-o^  used  like  ev/.oyr/fih'og  with  nrj 
or  iffTu;  wherever  the  verb  is  expressed  with  ei?/j)yrrr6g  it  is  always  in 
the  indicative.  For  example,  in  Rom.  i.  25,  rbv  tcriaavra,  6c  tonv  ti^yM^-rfrb^ 
e<f  Tov^  alijvac,  it  is  surely  more  natural  to  take  ev/xtyrrrSg  as  signifying  "to 
be  praised,"  laudandus^  than  actually  "  praised,"  Iaudatus,  See  Fritz- 
sche  and  Van  Hengel  in  loc,  the  latter  of  uhom  cites  the  passage  of 
Philo  referred  to  above.  So  in  other  doxologies  we  find  the  indica- 
tive, ev/ oyi/Tdf  d,  Ps.  cxviii.  (cxix.)  12;  Judith  xiii.  17;  Tob.  iii.  11;  viii. 
5,  15,  16,  17;  xi.  13;  Orat.  Azar.  2;  Cant,  trium  puer.  (Fritzsche),  28, 
30-33;  I  Esdr.  iv.  60;  i  Macc.  iv.  20;  Const.  Apost.  vii.  34,  49;  Act. 
Phil.  c.  26;  Lit.  S.  Jac.  in  Hammond's  Antient  Liturgies  (Oxford, 
1878),  pp.  25,  26,  28,  31,  33,  38,  39,  53,  54;  Lit.  Const.  (Anaph.  S. 
Chrys.),  p.  119;  (Anaph.  S.  Basil.)  p.  128;  Lit.  S.  Marci,  p.  179;  and 
%o  ouv  fT/.nyrror,  2  Cor.  xi.  3 1  ;  Lit.  S.  Marci.  pp.  176,  192.  This  is  the 
view  of  many  excellent  scholars  besides  Fritzsche  and  Van  Hengel; 
as  Erasmus,  Beza  (on  Mark  xiv.  61).  Crell  on  Ro*p.  ix.  5,  Tholuck, 
Riickert,  and  the  lexicographers  Schleusner,  Wahl,  Bretschneidcr,  and 
Robinson.  On  the  other  side  there  are  indeed  very  eminent  names,  as 
Grimm  in  his  Lex.,  Meyer,  De  Wttte  and  Philippi  on  Rom.  i.  25,  and 
Harless  on  Eph.  i.  3 ;  but  I  find  no  argument  in  any  of  them  except 
Harless,  and  his  arguments  seem  to  me  of  little  weight.  They  rest 
mainly  on  the  assumption  that  tv'/nyr/rd^  is  taken  to  mean  "one  who 
must  be  praised"  instead  of  "one  to  whom  praise  is  due.**  That  the 
latter  conception  of  God  may  naturally  be  expressed  in  a  doxology  is 

shown  by  Rev.  iv,  1 1,  a^in^  n,  o  Kifmn;  K(ii  tkor  f'/iiui',  '/a  ?^/i'  rr/v  fio^av,  k.  r.  >. ; 

comp.  Rev.  v.  12.     See  also  Ruinart,  Acta  Afar/yj////^  ed.  Galura,  ii. 


41 0  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

i86  (S.  Bonifatius,  §12),  bn  aoi  Trpiirec  u/iy,  k.t.\  and  iii.  62  (SS. 
Tarachus,  Probus,  etc.,  §ii)»  <""«  ai"'v»  Tp^n-ci  66^a,  k.  t.  X.;  Const.  Ap. 
vii.  48 ;  Act.  Barn.  c.  26;  Act.  Joh.  c.  22 ;  Protev.  Jac.  c.  25,  §  2,  MSS.; 
Act.  Pil.  A.  c.  16,  §  6y  MSS. ;  Narr.  Jos.  c.  5,  §  4.  I  accordingly  agree 
with  Buttmann,  N.  T.  Gram.^  p.  120  (137  Thayer),  that  in  doxologies 
with  evh}y7rr6q  we  are  to  supply  ^otIv  rather  than  £ln  or  iaru.  The  sen- 
tence is  therefore,  in  these  cases,  grammatically  considered,  declarative, 
not  optative,  though  the  whole  effect  of  the  original  is  perhaps  better 
given  by  renderinir  "  be  blessed  "  than  *'  is  to  be  praised.'*  Compare 
further  i  Pet.  iv.  11  ;  Matt.  vi.  13  (Text  Rec.) ;  Clem.  Rom.  Ep,  ad  Cor. 
c.  58  (new  addit. ;  contra^  c.  32);  and  see  Lightfoot's  note  on  Gal.  i.  5. 

We  must  notice  the  difference  in  meaning,  not  affecting  however 
the  position  of  the  words,  between  eu?j)yti76g  ia  the  Septuagint  when 
applied  to  men,  as  in  Gen.  (xii.  2,  variante  lectione)  xxiv.  31  (v.  1.):  xxvi. 
29  (v.  1.);  Deut.  vii.  14;  (xxviii.  6,  v.  1.;  xxxiii.  24,  v.  1.);  Judges  xvii. 
2  (v.  1);  Ruth  ii.  20;  i  Sam.  xv.  13  (v.  1.);  Judith  xiii.  18  (v.  1.);  Tobit 
xi.  16  (in  one  text),  xiii.  12  (in  one  text),  18  (do.),  and  when  applied  to 
God.  In  the  former  case,  it  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  prospered,'* 
"blessed"  (namely,  by  God),  and  is  to  be  taken,  probably,  in  a  simply 
passive  sense;  evXoyrfulvog  often  occurs  as  a  various  reading.  As 
applied  to  God,  I  believe  Philo's  distinction  holds  good.  In  the  par- 
ticular case,  however,  to  which  he  refers.  Gen.  xii.  2,  where  he  reads 
ei>/); //roi^  (so  many  other  authorities,  see  Holmes),  applied  to  Abraham, 
his  exposition  is  fanciful.  In  several  cases  the  terms  may  seem  to  be 
intentionally  distinguished  ;  see  Gen.  xiv.  19,  20;  i  Sam.  xxv.  32,  33; 
Tobit  xi.  16,  Sin.;    contra^  Judith  xiii.  iS. 

One  other  remark  may  be  made.  In  speaking  of  f:v7jo-)'Tir6g  and  sim- 
ilar words  in  "exclamatory  doxologies"  (see  Dr.  Dwight  as  above,  pp. 
3'~39X  we  must  guard  against  a  fallacy.  "  Exclamatory  "  as  applied  to 
sentences  denotes  a  characteristic  which  exists  in  very  different  degrees 
in  different  cases;  where  one  printer  would  use  a  mark  of  exclamation, 
another  would  often  put  a  period.  Because  the  placing  of  such  a  predi- 
cate as  f/'/ojy/ror  first  in  the  sentence  gives  or  tends  to  give  it  an  exclama- 
tory character,  we  cannot  straightway  draw  the  inference  that  in  all 
doxologies  in  which  the  verb  is  omitted  tr/'j>//ror,  if  used,  must  have  the 
first  place.  One  may  admit  that  in  exclamatory  doxologies  n'/.oyrjrbg 
always  stands  first,  and  deny  that  the  doxology  in  Rom.  ix.  5  is  exclama- 
tory. The  elliptical  word  I  suppose  to  be  iorl,  as  in  most  at  least  of  the 
clauses  immediately  preceding. 


XVII. 
RECENT  DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5. 

[From  the  Journal  0/  the  Society  of  Biblical  Literaturt  and  Exegesis  for  1883.] 

Since  the  publication  of  the  articles  on  Rom.  ix.  5  in 
the  Journal  oi  our  Society  for  1881,  there  have  been  several 
discussions  of  the  passage  which  seem  worthy  of  notice, 
especially  as  in  some  of  them  those  articles  have  been 
quoted  with  approval  or  criticised.  The  venerable  pastor 
and  Professor  of  Theology  in  the  University  of  Geneva, 
Hugues  Oltramare,  has  a  long  and  able  note  upon  it  in  his 
recent  elaborate  and  valuable  Commentaire  siir  V Epitre  aux 
Romahts  (2  vols.,  Geneva  and  Paris,  1881-82).  He  adopts 
the  doxological  construction,  placing  a  period  after  <ra/j/ca.  In 
England,  the  marginal  note  of  the  Revisers  appears  to  have 
given  gfreat  offence  in  certain  quarters.  **  I  must  press  upon 
every  reader,"  says  Canon  Cook,  "the  duty  —  I  use  the  word 
•duty*  emphatically  —  of  reading  the  admirable  note  of  Dr. 
Gifford  [on  this  passage]  in  the  'Speakers  Commentary.* 
I  should  scarcely  have  thought  it  credible,  in  face  of  the 
unanswered  and  unanswerable  arguments  there  urged,  that 
English  divines  would  venture  to  have  given  their  sanction 
to  one  of  the  most  pernicious  and  indefensible  innovations 
of  rationalistic  criticism.*'  (The  Revised  Version  of  the  First 
Three  Gospels^  London,  1882,  p.  167,  note.)  Elsewhere  he 
speaks  of  "the  very  painful  and  offensive  note  on  Romans 
ix.  5,  in  the  margin  of  the  Revised  Version  **  (ibid,,  p.  194). 

It  appears  that  Canon  Cook  sent  a  challenge  to  Canon 
Kennedy,  Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  to  meet  the  arguments  of  Dr.  Gifford.  and  that 
this  led  to  the   publication   of    the   first   pamphlet   to   be 


412  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

noticed,  the  title  of  which  is  givm  below.*  Dr.  Gifford  re- 
plied to  Professor  Kennedy  in  a  pamphlet  of  sixty-six  pages  ;t 
and  Professor  Kennedy  rejoined  in  a  pamphlet  of  seventy- 
two  pages,  entitled  Pauline  Chris to/ogy.  Part  I.  J  We  shall 
probably  have  in  due  time  a  surrejoinder  by  Dr.  Gifford,  and 
Part  II.  of  Professor  Kennedy's  Pauline  Christology, 

Professor  Kennedy  translates  the  last  part  of  Rom.  ix.  5 
as  follows :  **  And  of  whom  is  the  Christ  as  concerning  flesh. 
He  who  is  over  all  is  God,  worthy  to  be  praised  for  ever. 
Amen."  {Sennon,  etc.,  p.  19.)  As  was  remarked  above, 
pp.  346,  385,  there  is  no  grammatical  difficulty  in  this  con- 
struction. But  I  cannot  adopt  the  view  which  Professor 
Kennedy  takes  of  the  passage.  He  regards  the  last  part 
of  Rom.  ix.  5  as  added  by  St.  Paul  "to  win  the  ear  and 
gain  the  confidence  of  the  Jews  by  declaring  his  adherence 
to  doctrines  which  they  prized,  a  Jewish  Messiah,  and  one 
supreme  God  worthy  to  be  praised  for  ever"  (Sennon,  p.  21 ; 
comp.  pp.  20,  25,  and  Pauline  Christology^  I.,  p.  61.) 

My  objections  to  this  view  are :  (i)  that  there  was  no  need 
of  Paul's  declaring  his  adherence  to  doctrines  which  neither 
he  nor  any  other  Christian  of  that  day  was  ever  charged 
with  questioning,  the  Jewish  origin  of  the  Messiah,  and  the 
unity  of  God ;  and  (2)  that  the  last  clause  of  verse  5,  accord- 
ing to  Dr.  Kennedy's  construction,  is  not  a  direct  affirma- 
tion of  monotheism  in  distinction  from  polytheism,  though 
monotheism  is  implied  in  the  language. 

Were  Professor  Kennedy's  construction  of  the  passage  to 
be  adopted,  I  should  rather  regard  the  <>  wr  fxi  -avruv  as  having 
reference  to  God's  providential  government  of  the  universe, 
and  especially  to  his  providential  dealings  with  the  Jews,  in 
the  revelations  and  privileges  granted  them  with  a  view  to 


•  Thf  Divinity  of  Christ.  A  Sermon  preached  on  Christmas  Day,  1882,  before  the  Univer- 
sity of  Cambridge.  With  an  Appendix  on  Rom.  ix.  5  and  Til.  ii.  13.  By  Benjamin  Hall  Ken- 
nedy, D.D.  .  .  .  Printed  by  desire  of  the  Vice-Chancelior.  Cambridge,  also  London,  1883. 
8vo.     pp.  vii,  32. 

t  .  .  .  A  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Benjamin  Hall  Kennedy,  D.D.,  ...  in  Reply  to  Criticisms  on  the 
Interpretation  of  Rom.  ix.  5,  in  "The  Speaker's  Commentary."  By  Edwin  Hamilton  Gifford, 
D.D.  .  .  .  Cambridge,  a/so  London,  1S83.     8vo.     pp.  66. 

X  Paultttir  Christology,  Part  I.  Examination  of  Romans  ix.  5,  being  a  Rejoinder  to  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Gifford's  Reply.  By  Benjamin  Hall  Kennedy,  D.D.  Cambidge,  etc.,  1883.  8va 
pp.  7a. 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  413 

the  grand  consummation  of  them  all  in  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah,  as  the  head  of  a  new  spiritual  dispensation,  em- 
bracing all  men  upon  equal  terms.  The  wv,  in  this  connec- 
tion, may  include  the  past,  present,  and  future ;  and  we 
might  paraphrase  as  follows,  supplying  what  may  naturally 
be  supposed  to  have  been  in  the  mind  of  the  Apostle :  "  He 
who  is  over  all,"  He  who  has  presided  over  the  whole  his- 
tory of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  bestowed  upon  it  its  glorious 
privileges ;  He  whose  hand  is  in  all  that  is  now  taking  place, 
who  brings  good  out  of  evil,  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles 
out  of  the  temporary  blindness  and  disobedience  of  the 
Jews ;  He  whose  promises  will  not  fail,  who  has  not  cast  off 
his  people,  and  who  will  finally  make  all  things  redound  to 
the  glory  of  his  wisdom  and  goodness,  "  is  God,  blessed  for 
ever.     Amen." 

But  with  this  understanding  of  the  bearing  of  the  o  <^v  M 
ndvTuv,  it  seems  more  natural  to  regard  the  enumeration  of 
the  distinctive  privileges  of  the  Jews  as  ending  with  ff  wv  6 
xptoTdc  rd  Kara  aapua,  and  to  take  the  last  clause  as  a  doxology, 
prompted  by  the  same  view  of  the  all-comprehending,  benefi- 
cent providence  of  God,  and  the  same  devout  and  grateful 
feeling,  which  inspired  the  doxology  at  the  end  of  the 
eleventh  chapter. 

Professor  Kennedy  is  a  devout  believer  in  the  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity,  and  the  deity  of  Christ ;  and  one  cannot  help 
admiring  the  conscientiousness  and  sturdy  honesty  which 
lead  him,  in  the  pure  love  of  truth,  to  defend  an  unpop- 
ular view  of  this  mooted  passage.  He  speaks  feelingly  of 
"that  mischievous  terrorism,  which,  like  carbonic  dioxide 
in  a  crowded  and  closed  room,  pervades  and  corrupts  with 
its  stifling  influence  our  British  theological  atmosphere." 
"Men,"  he  says,  "who  judge  of  this  verse  as  I  do,  and  who 
publish  and  defend  that  judgment  as  I  do,  know  that  they 
have  to  encounter  the  open  rage  of  a  few,  the  suppressed 
displeasure  of  a  great  many,  and  the  silence  of  masses,  who, 
whatever  they  may  think  on  one  side  or  the  other,  yet  for 
various  private  reasons  consider  '  golden  silence '  the  safe 
course."     {Pauline  Christology^  I.,  p.  3  ;  comp.  pp.  34,  38.) 


414  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  enter  into  any  detailed  analysis 
or  criticism  of  Professor  Kennedy's  pamphlets.  He  urges 
powerfully  against  Dr.  Gifford's  view  the  Pauline  usage  of 
'?f<5f,  and  other  considerations ;  but  on  some  minor  points 
takes  positions  which  seem  to  me  untenable,  and  exposes 
himself  to  the  keen  criticism  of  his  antagonist,  who  is  not 
slow  to  take  advantage  of  any  incautious  expression.  In 
the  Pauline  Christology,  I.,  pp.  22,  23,  he  presents,  though 
with  some  hesitation,  an  extraordinary  view  of  the  cause  of 
Paul's  grief  expressed  in  Rom.  ix.  2,  3 ;  but  I  will  not  stop 
to  discuss  it.  He  also  takes  an  indefensible  position  (/^/V/., 
pp.  26,  32)  in  regard  to  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  draws,  I 
conceive,  an  inference  altogether  false  (pp.  28,  29)  from  the 
passages  in  Origen  against  Celsus,  viii.  12  and  72.  The 
former  of  these  will  be  discussed  hereafter  in  reply  to  Dr. 
Gifford  :  in  the  latter  we  have  the  expression  roi  k-xi  'xmji  76yov 
Kui Beo'v^  where  the  t-i  iram  belongs  only  to  '^yov,  not  to  Oeov  also, 
as  Professor  Kennedy  seems  to  understand  it ;  comp.  Cont. 
Ccls.  V.  4,  ro'v , . ,  'minxov  Uyov  Koi  Oeo'v.  Christ,  according  to  Ori- 
gen,   is    o  tTTi  rrdat  Kvpio^y  and    o  f^rt  Traai  ?.<J>'Of,  but    nOt   o  tTTi  iraai  (hd^, 

which  is,  as  Dr.  Kennedy  elsewhere  observes,  "the  Father's 
express  title,  applied  by  Origen  to  the  supreme  God  nearly 
100  times."     {Pauline  Christology,  I.,  p.  27.) 

Professor  Oltramare  had  not  seen  the  articles  in  our 
Journal,  but  replies  effectively  on  many  points  to  the  argu- 
ments of  Godet  and  Dr.  Gifford.  I  only  note  here  that 
Oltramare,  Dr.  Gifford,  and  Professor  Kennedy  agree  in  tak- 
ing o  r/"^''^r,  in  ver.  5,  not  as  a  proper  name,  **  Christ,"  but  in 
the  sense  of  "the  Christ,"  "the  Messiah,"  which  the  defi- 
nite article  suggests  and  the  context  requires,  or  at  least 
favors. 

Dr.  Gifford' s  pamphlet  is  mainly  occupied  with  a  reply  to 
Dr.  Kennedy ;  but  he  bestows  some  criticisms  on  my  paper 
in  the  Journal  for  1881,  of  which  it  seems  to  me  well  to 
take  notice.  I  regret  to  say  that  he  also  makes  some  com- 
plaints, which  I  must  also  consider. 

He  complains,  first  {Letter,  p.  27),  that  in  quoting  a  sen- 
tence of  his  {Journal^  p.  91  [p.  337  above])  I  have  omitted 


RECENT   DISCUSSIONS   OF    ROMANS    IX.    5  415 

altogether  the  first  part,  in  which  the  cause  of  Paul's  anguish 
is  said  to  be  "  the  fall  of  his  brethren." 

I  omitted  it  simply  for  the  sake  of  brevity.  I  had  already 
assumed  this  as  the  cause  of  his  grief,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  discussion  {Journal^  p.  gi  [p.  336  f.]).  I  had  expressly 
mentioned  it  as  such,  twice,  on  the  very  page  (p.  91  [see  as 
above])  containing  my  quotation  from  Dr.  Gifford ;  it  was 
implied  in  the  clause  "whom  they  have  rejected,"  which  I 
did  quote ;  and  it  was  a  point  about  which  there  was  no  dis- 
pute. Every  reader  would  take  it  for  granted  that  when 
Paul's  anguish  was  spoken  of,  it  was  his  anguish  on  that 
account.  Under  these  circumstances  I  fail  to  perceive  how 
my  omission  of  a  part  of  Dr.  Gifford*s  sentence,  in  which 
I  had  nothing  to  criticise,  has  given  him  any  reasonable 
ground  of  complaint. 

Here  I  observe  that  Dr.  Gifford  passes  over  without 
notice  the  first  point  of  my  criticism  of  his  sentence  (Jour- 
nal, pp.  91,  92  [pp.  336,  337  above]).  I  still  venture  to 
think  that  it  is  not  unworthy  of  attention. 

Dr.  Gifford  next  complains  that  after  having  once  quoted 
the  remainder  of  his  sentence  fully,  I  proceed  to  criticise  it, 
omitting  in  my  second  quotation  the  words  "  whom  they  had 
rejected."  I  omitted  this  clause  because,  having  been  just 
quoted,  it  seemed  unnecessary  to  repeat  it ;  because  it 
formed  no  part  of  the  particular  privilege  of  the  Jews  of 
which  Dr.  Gifford  was  speaking,  the  climax  of  which  was 
expressed  by  the  words  **the  Divine  Saviour"  ;  and  because 
its  omission  was  likely  to  make  the  point  of  my  criticism 
strike  the  reader  somewhat  more  forcibly.  That  I  have 
done  Dr.  Gifford  no  injustice  seems  to  me  clear  from  the 
fact  that,  in  the  sentence  quoted,  **his  anguish  was  deepened 
[not  caused]-  most  of  all  by  the  fact  that  their  race  gave 
birth  to  the  Divine  Saviour,"  the  phrase  "  his  anguish  "  can 
only  mean  "his  anguish  on  account  of  the  rejection  of  the 
Messiah  by  the  great  majority  of  his  countrymen."  This 
is  also  clearly  implied  in  the  first  words  of  my  criticism, 
"Paul's  grief  for  his  unbelieving  countrymen,  then."  Not  a 
word  of  my  criticism,  which  Dr.  Gifford  seems  to  misunder- 


41 6  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Stand,  would  be  affected  in  the  least  by  the  insertion  of  the 
omitted  clause. 

Two  typographical  errors  in  Dr.  Gifford's  pamphlet  give 
a  false  color  to  his  complaint.  He  calls  on  the  reader  to 
"observe  the  note  of  admiration  in  place  of  the  all-important 
words  'whom  they  had  rejected.'"  It  stands  itiside  oi  the 
quotation-marks  in  the  sentence  as  he  gives  it,  as  if  I  had 
ascribed  it  to  him,  but  outside  in  the  sentence  as  printed  in 
the  Journal,  Again,  in  quoting  his  own  sentence  from  the 
Commentary  on  Romans,  he  omits  the  comma  before  "whom 
they  have  rejected,"  thus  making  the  relative  clause  an  in- 
separable part  of  the  sentence,  and  aggravating  my  supposed 
offence  in  omitting  it. 

In  commenting  on  Dr.  Gifford's  assertion  that  "  Paul's 
anguish  was  deepened  most  of  all  by  the  thought  that  their 
race  gave  birth  to  the  Divine  Saviour,  whom  they  have  re- 
jected," I  had  exclaimed,  "Paul's  grief  for  his  unbelieving 
countrymen,  then,  had  extinguished  his  gratitude  for  the 
inestimable  blessings  which  he  personally  owed  to  Christ; 
it  had  extinguished  his  gratitude  for  the  fact  that  the  God 
who  rules  over  all  had  sent  his  Son  to  be  the  Saviour  of  the 
world  !  "     {Journaly  p.  92  [p.  338  above].) 

Dr.  Gifford  remarks,  "  Another  note  of  admiration  at 
Paul's  ingratitude,  a  pure  invention  of  Professor  Abbot" 
{Letter,  p.  28). 

My  critic  appears  to  misunderstand  me.  I  shall  be  very 
sorry  if,  through  my  unskilful  use  of  irony  of  which  Dr. 
Gifford  speaks,  any  other  reader  has  failed  to  perceive  that 
my  note  of  admiration  is  an  expression  of  wonder  that  in  his 
reference  to  the  Jewish  birth  of  the  Messiah  as  deepening 
Paul's  grief  at  the  unbelief  of  his  countrymen,  and  in  his 
whole  argument  against  a  doxology,  Dr.  Gifford  ignores  the 
fact  that  THE  ADVENT  OF  Christ,  ncccssarily  suggested  by 
the  words  ^^fu  ^k  ^-j^'  o  x(>'(rror  7o  Kara  adpKn,  was  to  the  Apostle  a 
cause  of  joy  and  gratitude  immensely  outweighing  all  tem- 
porary occasions  of  grief,  and  might  well  prompt  an  outburst 
of  thanksgiving  and  praise  to  God.  That  the  very  language 
he  uses  did  not  suggest  this  is  a  marvel.  He  does  not  meet 
at  all  the  point  of  my  objection  to  his  view. 


RECENT   DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  417 

It  will  be  observed  that  I  do  not,  with  many  commenta- 
tors, regard  the  doxology  here  as  simply  or  mainly  an  ex- 
pression of  gratitude  for  the  distinctive  privileges  bestowed 
upon  the  Jews  as  a  nation,  and  still  less  for  the  particular 
fact  that,  as  Dr.  Gifford  expresses  it  (p.  30,  and  note  in  his 
Commentary),  "Christ  was  born  a  Jew."  That  gratitude, 
not  sorrow,  was  the  predominant  sentiment  in  the  mind  of 
the  Apostle  in  view  of  these  privileges  I  do  not  doubt ;  but 
these  particular  occasions  for  thankfulness  were  lost,  I  con- 
ceive, in  the  thought  of  the  actual  advent  of  Christ,  incom- 
parably the  greatest  and  most  joyful  event  in  the  history  of 
the  world,  and  the  most  glorious  expression  of  God's  love 
and  mercy  to  man,  for  which  eternal  gratitude  was  due.  It 
was  this  which  prompted  the  song  of  the  angels,  "  Glory  to 
God  in  the  highest,"  and  which  prompted  here  the  doxology 
which  so  fitly  closes  the  Apostle's  grand  historic  survey  of 
those  privileges  of  his  people,  which  were  the  providential 
preparation  for  it. 

Let  us  now  consider  more  particularly  Dr.  Gifford's  argu- 
ments and  criticisms. 

JEWISH  PRIVILEGES,  AND  CONNECTION  OF  THOUGHTS 

IN  ROM.  IX.  1-5. 

Dr.  Gifford  assumes  that  the  Apostle,  in  his  enumeration 
of  the  privileges  which  God  had  bestowed  on  his  nation, 
names  them  only  as  reasons  for  the  deepening  of  his  grief 
for  the  fall  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  thus  finds  in  vv.  1-5  of 
the  chapter  one  unbroken  strain  of  lamentation,  leaving  no 
room  for  a  doxology. 

It  appears  to  me  that  this  is  a  very  narrow  view  of  what 
was  probably  in  the  Apostle's  mind,  and  that  there  are 
other  aspects  of  these  privileges,  which  the  way  in  which 
they  are  mentioned  would  more  naturally  suggest  to  the 
reader,  and  under  which  it  is  far  more  probable  that  the 
Apostle  viewed  them  here.  As  I  have  elsewhere  observed, 
the  manner  in  which  he  recites  them  is  not  that  of  one 
touching  upon  a  subject  on  which  it  is  painful  to  dwell.  To 
say  nothing  here  of  the  oinvef,  observe  the  effect  of  the  repe- 


4l8  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

tition  of  the  ^v  and  the  «cu.     Let  us  consider  some  of  these 
other  aspects. 

(i)  The  privileges  of  the  Jews  which  the  Apostle  recounts 
were  the  glory  of  their  nation,  distinguishing  it  above  all  the 
other  nations  of  the  earth.  This  detailed  enumeration  of 
them,  so  evidently  appreciative,  was  adapted  to  gratify  and 
conciliate  his  Jewish  readers,  and  to  assure  them  of  the 
sincerity  of  his  affection  for  his  countrymen.  It  was  also 
adapted  to  take  down  the  conceit  of  his  Gentile  readers,  who 
were  prone  to  despise  the  Hebrew  race. 

(2)  These  privileges  had  been  the  source  of  inestimable 
blessings  to  the  Israelites  in  the  course  of  their  long  history. 
(See  Rom.  iii.  i,  2.)  Through  them  the  worship  of  one 
God,  who  rewarded  righteousness  and  punished  iniquity, 
was  preserved  in  their  nation. 

(3)  They  were  parts  of  a  great  providential  plan  which 
was  to  find  and  had  found  its  consummation  in  the  advent 
of  the  Messiah,  "the  unspeakable  gift"  of  God's  love  and 
mercy. 

(4)  They  were  tokens  of  the  Divine  favor  to  the  Jews 
as  a  nation,  and  especially  to  their  pious  ancestors,  which 
gave  assurance  to  Paul  that  God  would  not  cast  off  his 
people,  whom  he  had  chosen  ;  that  they  were  still  "  beloved 
for  the  fathers'  sake  "  ;  that  the  present  unhappy  state  of 
thin^^s  was  only  temporary,  and  that,  finally,  all  Israel 
should  be  saved. 

The  first  three  aspects  of  these  privileges  are  obvious; 
and  would  naturally  suggest  themselves  to  every  reader  of 
the  Epistle  ;  the  fourth  we  have  strong  reasons  for  believing 
to  have  been  also  in  the  mind  of  the  Apostle.  (See  the 
eleventh  chapter.) 

Here  I  must  express  my  surprise  at  the  manner  in  which 
Dr.  Gifford  has  treated  my  quotations  from  the  eleventh 
chapter  in  reference  to  this  last-mentioned  aspect  of  the 
Jewish  privileges.  {Letter,  p.  26  f.)  He  omits  entirely  my 
statement  of  the  purpose  for  which  I  introduce  them  {Jour- 
7ial,  p.  92  [p.  338  above]),  though  this  is  absolutely  essential 
to  the  understanding  of  what  is  meant  by  "this  view"  in  the 


RECENT   DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  419 

first  sentence  which  he  quotes  from  me  J  and  then,  wholly 
without  ground,  represents  me  as  teaching  two  things:  (i) 
•'that  as  we  read  the  simple  enumeration  of  Jewish  privi- 
leges in  w.  3,  4  [he  means  w.  4,  5],  we  are  not  to  connect 
it,  as  is  most  natural,  with  the  preceding  context."  How 
can  he  say  this,  when  in  the  whole  treatment  of  the  subject 
(Journal,  pp.  ^^  f.  [p.  333  f.],  91  [337],  2d  paragr.,  104,  105 
[P-  353  f-])»  I  ^^^^  taken  particular  pains  to  point  out  the 
connection  of  thought,  and  to  show  that  my  view  of  vv.  4,  5, 
agrees  with  the  context.?  (2)  That,  "in  order  to  understand 
the  Apostle's  meaning  at  this  point,  we  must  anticipate  by 
an  effort  of  our  own  imagination  all  the  long-sustained  argu- 
ment .  .  .  and  the  far-reaching  prophetic  hopes  which  make 
up  the  three  following  chapters."  If  Dr.  Gifford  had  not 
omitted  the  sentences  in  which  I  stated  my  purpose,  it  would 
be  at  once  seen  that  I  did  not  make  these  quotations  to 
show  what  the  reader  of  vv.  4,  5,  is  expected  to  draw  from 
them  by  an  effort  of  his  own  imagination,  but  what  the 
Apostle^  together  with  other  things  more  obvious  to  the 
reader,  may  be  reasonably  supposed  to  have  had  in  mind 
when  he  wrote.  When  a  person  treats  at  length  of  a  subject 
on  which  he  must  have  meditated  often  and  long,  meeting 
objections  which  he  must  have  been  frequently  called  upon 
to  answer,  I  have  been  accustomed  to  suppose  that  what  he 
actually  says  may  afford  some  indication  of  what  was  in  his 
mind  when  he  began  to  write. 

I  admit  that  the  privileges  which  the  Jews  enjoyed  as  a 
nation  may  be  regarded  as  having  incidentally  aggravated 
the  sin  and  the  shame  of  their  rejection  of  the  Messiah ; 
that  the  contemplation  of  them  under  that  aspect  would 
have  deepened  in  some  measure  the  Apostle's  grief;  and 
that  it  is  possible,  though  I  see  nothing  which  directly 
proves  it,  that  he  viewed  them  under  this  aspect  here.  Dr. 
Gifford's  error,  I  conceive,  lies  in  ignoring  the  other  obvious 
aspects,  under  which  they  could  be  only  regarded  as  occa- 
sions of  thankfulness ;  and  in  not  recognizing  the  well- 
known  psychological  fact  that  the  same  object  of  thought 
often  excites  in  the  mind  at  the  same  time,  or  in  the  most 


420  CRITICiU.   ESSAYS 

rapid  succession,  mingled  emotions  of  grief  and  joy  and 
gratitude.  One  knows  little  of  the  deeper  experiences  of 
life  who  has  not  felt  this.  That  this  should  be  true  here 
in  the  case  of  the  Apostle  who  describes  himself  as  "sor- 
rowful, yet  always  rejoicing,"  who  exhorts  his  Christian 
brethren  to  "rejoice  evt!rmore,"  and  to  "give  thanks  always 
for  all  things  to  God,  the  Father,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,"  cannot  be  regarded  as  strange  or  unnatural. 

There  is  no  incongruity  between  sorrow  for  the  misuse 
of  a  great  privilege,  whether  by  ourselves  or  by  others,  and 
devout  thankfulness  to  God  for  its  bestowal.  In  a  pious 
mind,  these  feelings  would  naturally  co-e.xist.  Take,  for  e.t- 
ample,  the  privilege  of  having  been  born  and  educated  in 
a  Christian  land,  so  sadly  abused  by  the  majority  of  those 
who  enjoy  it. 

I  may  note  here  another  fallacy  which  appears  to  me  to 
lurk  in  the  language  Dr.  GifEord  uses  respecting  the  Jewish 
privileges.  He  repeatedly  speaks  of  them  as  "lost"  (pp. 
$0,  34,  35),  inferring  that  the  remembrance  of  them  can 
only  deepen  the  Apostle's  grief.  But  these  privileges  were 
distinctions  and  glories  of  the  Jewish  people  which  from 
their  very  nature  could  not  be  lost.  They,  and  the  bless- 
ings of  which  they  had  been  the  source,  were  facts  of  his- 
tory. Even  in  the  case  of  the  unbelieving  Jews,  though 
abused,  or  not  taken  advantage  of,  they  were  not,  properly 
speaking,  "lost."  The  privileges  themselves  remained  un- 
changed, a  permanent  subject  of  thankfulness  to  God.  In 
Dr.  Gifford's  assumption  that  verses  4  and  5  are  only  a  wail 
of  lamentation,  he  ignores  these  obvious  considerations. 

I  will  here  state  briefly  my  view  of  the  connection 
thought  between  w.  4,  5,  of  the  ninth  chapter,  and  wl 
precedes. 

In  vv.  1-5  the  purpose  of  the  Apostle  was  to  conciluti 
his  Jewish-Christian  readers,  and  inJirectly  the  unbelieving 
Jews,*  by  assuring  them  of  his  strong  affection  for  his  peo- 


In 

m 


•Though  Ihe  EpUllt  lo  ihe  Ron 

Mn.w«Boiaddr« 

IC   0(^=1 

It  <ru  10  mcel,  >u>d  »  enable  i1>  nad 

en  lo  ai«i,  objeciid 

Urn,  uried 

Jemih  ChrUliiu 

urgHl  >g>inn  P4iiJ'i  Yiew  ■ 

dI  il.    The 

»mngih  of  ihe  pfcjudici  igainil  hir 

;h  tht  Aponle  ai  ll»  Gtol 

i:»hui» 

RECENT   DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  42 1 

pie,  and  his  appreciation  of  their  'privileges.*  His  affection 
is  shown  (i)  by  his  deep  sorrow  for  the  unhappy  condition 
of  the  great  mass  of  his  countrymen'  in  their  rejection  of 
the  Messiah  (ver.  2) ;  and  (2)  by  his  readiness  to  make  any 
sacrifice,  even  that  of  his  own  salvation,  were  such  a  thing 
possible,  if  thereby  he  .might  bring  them  to  Christ.  His 
appreciation  of  their  privileges  is  indicated  by  the  detailed 
manner  in  which  they  are  enumerated,  and  is  distinctly  ex- 
pressed by  the  oinvi^  elatv  'lapaffTieirac  and  what  follows.  The 
oinveg  shows  that  it  IS  not  merely  because  he  belongs  to  the 
same  nation  with  the  Jews  that  he  is  ready  to  make  such 
a  sacrifice  for  them  ;  but  because  their  nation  is  suc/i  a 
nation,  distinguished  above  all  the  other  nations  of  the 
earth ;  a  nation  dedicated  to  God,  whose  whole  history  had 
been  glorified  by  extraordinary  marks  of  the  Divine  favor, 
a  nation  to  which  he  is  proud  and  thankful  to  belong.  The 
dirive^  introduccs  the  distinguisJimg  characteristic  of  his  <ii/>7fi'f/f 
Kara  eapKa.  They  are  not  merely  fellow-countrymen,  they  are 
Israelites  ;  and  as  Philippi  remarks,  "  In  dem  Namen  Israelit 
lag  die  ganze  Wiirde  des  Volkes  beschlossen."  So  far  as 
the  word  oinvsc  indicates  a  causa/  relation,  it  strengthens  the 
reason  for  the  affirmation  which  ifnmcdiately  precedes  (not 
directly  that  in  ver.  2,  to  which  Dr.  Gifford  refers  it) ;  it 
serves,  as  Tholuck  remarks,  "  zur  Begriindung  eines  solchen 
Grades  aufopfernder  Liebe."  Dr.  Gifford's  assumption  that 
the  memory  of  these  privileges  only  deepened  the  Apostle's 
grief  is  not  proved  by  the  oirr^tf,  and  really  rests  on  no 
evidence. 

So  much  for  the  connection  of  vv.  4,  5,  with  what  pre- 
cedes. How  naturally  the  doxology  at  the  end  was  sug- 
gested,   and    the    reason   for    the    position    of    ft/o>7-<Jf,   are 

•  So  Theophylact,  on  w.  1,2:  MA/^/  TTpoiiJV  ^el^at,  on  ov  ttolvte^  01  e^  *A/3paa/i 
airipfia  ai/rov  e'tat.  Kai  'iva  fir/  fid^i^  Kaf  tfnraOeiav  ravra  /Jyeiv,  TrpoXafi^dvet,  xal 
J\iyEi  irepl  ribv  'Elipaiuv  tcl  ;^p7ffrdrf/)a,  ryv  virovoiav  ravTijv  avatpCw,  Kal  o/ioAoyel 
avTov^  virep^aXXdvTCjg  (pOMv.  And  on  w.  4, 5 :  'Erratvei  rovTov^  kvravda  naX  firyd/.v- 
v«,  iva,  birep  i<f>^v,  fiij  d6^y  Kar'  eftTrddeiav  Tieyeiv.  * II pf  tin  de  Kal  eTrcuv'tTTerai,  bri  6 
fikv  dedc  r/f3ov?^ro  avrovc  auHf/vat,  k.tX  So  also,  in  the  main,  Theodoret,  Calrin,  Locke, 
and  especially  Flacius  Uiyncas,  whose  notes  on  vv.  i,  3,  and  4  are  very  much  to  the  point.  Dr. 
Hodge  has  stated  his  view  of  the  Aoostle's  purpose  in  almon  the  same  language  as  I  have  used 
above.    (See/ffuma/,  p.  91,  note  [p.  337  above];  see  also  Dr.  Dwi^rhi,  il^.d.,  p.  41.) 


422  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

pointed  out  on  pp.  88  f.,  90  ff.,  and  104  f.  of  th^  Journal  [pp. 
334.  336  ff.,  353  t  ^bove],  and  I  need  not  repeat  what  is 
there  said. 

c     m 

o  tav. 

In  Dr.  Gifford's  remarks  on  6  ^v  (p.  46),  he  speaks  of  ray 
"gratuitous  assumption  that  ouv,  in  this  passage,  'admits  of 
being  regarded  as  the  subject  of  an  independent  sentence,'  " 
and  affirms  that  this  "  is  simply  .  .  .  begging  the  whole  ques- 
tion in  dispute.'*  It  is  so  if  "admits  of  being  regarded"  is 
synonymous  with  **  must  be  regarded  "  ;  not  otherwise.  That . 
o  wi\  grammatically  considered  (and  it  is  of  this  point  that  I 
was  speaking),  may  either  refer  to  the  preceding  ^  xp«rr6c,  or 
introduce  an  independent  sentence,  is  simply  a  thing  plain 
on  the  face  of  the  passage.  If  Dr.  Gifford  denies  this,  he 
not  only  contradicts  the  authorities  he  cites,  who  only  con- 
tend that  it  is  7nore  naturally  connected  with  what  goes 
before,  but  virtually  charges  such  scholars  as  Winer, 
Fritzsche,  Meyer,  Ewald,  Van  Hengel,  Professor  Campbell, 
Professor  Kennedy,  Professor  Jowett,  Dr.  Hort,  Lachmann, 
and  Kuenen  and  Cobet,  with  ignorance  or  violation  of  the 
laws  of  the  Greek  language  in  the  construction  which  they 
have  actually  given  the  passage. 

In  reply  to  Dr.  Dwight,  who  admits  that  the  construction 
of  this  passage  is  ambiguous,  but  makes  a  statement  about 
**  cases  similar  to  that  which  is  here  presented,"  I  remark 
that  no  similar  case  of  ambiguity  from  the  use  of  the 
participle  with  the  article  has  ever,  to  my  knowledge,  been 
pointed  out,  so  that  we  have  no  means  of  comparing  this 
passage  with  a  similar  one.  Dr.  Gifford  seems  to  argue 
from  this  (p.  46)  that  there  is  no  ambiguity  here.  But  I 
fail  to  perceive  any  coherence  in  his  reasoning.  He  '*  con- 
cludes" that  St.  Paul  "could  not  possibly  have  intended  his 
words  to  bear"  an  ambiguous  construction  **in  a  passage  of 
the  highest  doctrinal  importance."  Certainly.  No  writer, 
whose  object  is  to  express  and  not  to  conceal  his  thoughts, 
intejitiojially  uses  ambiguous  language.  But  how  does  this 
prove   that   the  language  here   is  not  actually  ambiguous  ? 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  423 

The  fact  that  it  is  so  is  plain ;  and  it  is  also  obvious  that, 
had  the  Apostle  intended  to  express  the  meaning  conveyed 
by  Dr.  Gifford's  construction,  all  ambiguity  would  have  been 
prevented  by  using  k  '^otiv  instead  of  <5  ^v. 

If  Dr.  Gifford's  proposition,  "The  reference  of  661;  not 
ambiguous  "  (p.  45),  denies  a  grammatical  ambiguity  here, 
it  denies,  as  I  have  said,  what  is  plain  on  the  face  of  the 
passage,  and  what  is  generally,  if  not  universally,  admitted 
by  competent  scholars ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  conceding  the 
grammatical  possibility  of  two  different  constructions  of 
*  ^v  here,  he  affirms  that  there  is  no  real  ambiguity,  because 
he  deems  the  one  he  adopts  the  only  one  tenable,  he  simply 
begs  the  whole  question. 

It  is  true,  as  Dr.  Gifford  observes,  that  in  the  cases  in 
the  New  Testament  in  which  o  <jv  introduces  an  independent 
sentence  no  other  construction  is  grammatically  possible. 
But  it  is  equally  true,  on  the  other  hand,  that  in  the  cases 
in  which  ouv  refers  to  a  preceding  subject  no  other  construc- 
tion is  grammatically  possible.  It  follows  that  the  examples 
of  the  use  of  6  wv  in  the  New  Testament  do  not  help  us  to 
decide  which  of  the  two  possible  constructions  is  the  more 
probable  here.  There  are  no  **  cases  similar  to  that  which 
is  here  presented."  Dr.  Gifford's  claim  that  2  Cor.  xi.  31  is 
similar  will  be  examined  presently. 

On  what  ground,  then,  is  it  affirmed  that  the  construction 
which  refers  o  wv  to  0  xp^^^'^^  is  "  easier  '*  here  than  that  which 
makes  it  the  subject  of  an  independent  sentence }  There  is 
not  the  slightest  grammatical  difficulty  in  either.  Nor  is 
there  the  slightest  difficulty  in  the  latter  construction,  on 
account  of  the  fact  that  the  verb  is  not  expressed.  In  the 
case  of  a  doxology,  which  the  "A^fxijv  naturally  suggests,  the 
ellipsis  of  koTi  or  eirj,  when  €v?x)y7fT6c  is  employed,  is  the  con- 
stant usage;  nor  is  there  any  grammatical  difficulty  in  the 
construction  adopted  by  Professor  Kennedy. 

It  has  indeed  been  asserted  by  many,  as  by  Dr.  Gifford 
for  example,  that  the  construction  of  the  o  uv  for  which  he 
contends  here  is  the  "usual"  one,  and,  therefore,  more  easy 
and  natural.     But  the  examples  which  I  have  cited  of  the 


424  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Other  construction  disprove  this  assertion,  and  also  show 
that,  in  general,  the  construction  of  the  participle  with  the 
article  in  the  nominative  case,  as  the  subject  of  an  inde- 
pendent sentence,  is  much  more  common  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment than  that  which  refers  it  to  a  substantive  preceding. 
{Sqq  Journal,  p.  97  [above,  p.  344].) 

In  one  respect,  and  one  only,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  the  con- 
struction which  refers  6  u^  to  <J  xp^f^'O':  may  be  regarded  as  the 
more  natural.  It  is  the  one  which  naturally  presents  itself 
first  to  the  mind.  But  it  has  this  advantage  only  for  a 
moment.  As  the  reader  proceeds,  he  perceives  at  once 
that  owv  may  introduce  an  independent  sentence,  and  the 
•A////V  suggests  a  doxology.  Ever^  more  may  be  said :  the 
separation  of  ^  wv  from  «  xp^^k  by  to  KaTa  aapxa,  and  the  nec- 
essary pause  after  adpKa,  might  at  once  suggest  that  6  uv  (not 
"who  is,"  but  "he  who  is*')  may  introduce  a  new  sentence. 
But  waiving  this  possibility,  as  soon  as  it  is  perceived  that 
the  passage  admits  grammatically  of  two  constructions,  the 
question  which  is  the  more  natural  does  not  depend  at  all 
on  the  fact  that  the  one  presented  itself  to  the  mind  a 
moment  before  the  other,  but  must  be  determined  by  weigh- 
ing; all  the  considerations  which  bear  on  the  subject.  One 
of  these  considerations,  second  to  no  other  in  importance, 
is  Paul's  use  of  language.  In  the  eight  preceding  chapters 
of  the  Epistle  the  Apostle  has  used  the  word  '^  <>  as  a  proper 
name,  designating  the  "one  God,  the  Father,"  about  eighty 
seven  times,  and  has  nowhere  applied  it  to  Christ.  Could 
anything  then  be  more  natural  than  for  the  primitive  reader 
of  the  Epistle  to  adopt  the  construction  which  accords  with 
this  uniform  usage  of  the  writer  ? 

On  p.  48  Dr.  Gifford  claims  that  2  Cor.  xi.  31  is  "exactly 
similar  in  form"  to  Rom.  ix.  5,  and  therefore  proves  ''that 
the  clause  '-  '■>'  '-'  -nvr^io  ^.  r.  /.  must,  according  to  Paul's  usage, 
bti  referred  to  the  preceding  subject  o  r/uaror";  and  he  again 
speaks  of  the  "exact  correspondence  between  the  two  pas- 
sages." He  overlooks  two  fundamental  differences:  (i)  that 
in  2  Cor.  xi.  31  the  construction  which  refers  the  f>  <!>»'  to  -w^.^oc 
/v  -.  >    is  the  only  one  possible ;  and  (2)  that  what  precedes 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  425 

the  o  uv  does  not,  as  he  incorrectly  affirms,  form  a  sentence 
**  grammatically  complete,"  as  in  Rom.  ix.  5;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  an  essential  part  of  the  sentence,  the  object  of  the 
transitive  verb  oIAfp  (namely,  on  ob  ■^evdofiai)^  is  separated  from 
the  verb  which  governs  it  by  the  clause  introduced  by  b  Ctv. 

DISTINCTION   BETWEEN   Oedg  AND   Kvpiog. 

In  regard  to  the  distinction  between  ^for  and  Kvpio^,  which 
Dr.  Gifford  charges  me  with  having  **  asserted  in  a  most 
inaccurate  form  "  {Letter,  p.  12),  I  cannot  perceive  that  he 
has  pointed  out  any  inaccuracy  in  my  statement.  That  the 
word  ^ioc  in  general  expresses  a  higher  dignity  than  k<V<>c 
seems  to  me  beyond  question.  The  use  of  Kipio^  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint  as  a  proper  name,  taking  the  place  of  Jehovah  on 
account  of  a  Jewish  superstition  respecting  the  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  tetragrammatojtf  is  something  wholly  exceptional 
and  peculiar.  I  have  not,  however,  as  Dr.  Gifford  incor- 
rectly represents,  "suppressed  all  reference"  to  this  very 
frequent  use  in  the  Septuagint  and  occasional  use  in  the 
New  Testament.  I  note  the  fact  that  "it  is  seldom  used 
of  God  in  the  writings  of  Paul  except  in  quotations  from  or 
references  to  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament,"  and  then 
remark  upon  its  twofold  use  as  applied  to  God  in  the  Septu- 
agint. (See /o/ir//a/,  p.  127  f.  [above,  p.  380].)  That  as  a 
title  of  Christ  it  does  not  stand  for  Jehovah  is  fully  shown, 
I  think,  by  Cremer  in  his  Biblisch-theoL  Worterbuch  der  Neu- 
test,  Grdcitdty  3te  Aufl.,  p.  483  ff.  [4te  Aufl.,  p.  520],  or  Eng. 
trans.,  2d  ed.,  p.  382  ff.  The  argument  that  as  a  designa- 
tion of  Christ  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul  it  is  equivalent  to 
Jehovah,  because  in  a  very  few  places  he  applies  to  Christ 
language  of  the  Old  Testament  in  which  /c»>of  represents 
Jehovah,  loses  all  its  apparent*force  when  we  observe  the 
extraordinary  freedom  with  which  he  adapts  the  language 
of  the  Old  Testament  to  his  purpose  without  regard  to  its 
meaning  in  the  connection  in  which  it  stands.  On  this  it 
may  be  enough  to  refer  to  Weiss,  Bihi.  TJicol.  of  the  N.  Zl, 
3d  ed.,  §  74.  He  remarks  :  **  Paul  does  not  inquire  into  the 
original  meaning  of  Old  Testament   expressions  ;  he  takes 


/ 


426  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

them  in  the  sense  which  he  is  accustomed  to  give  to  similar 
expressions,  even  in  the  case  of  such  terms  as  ttUttic,  Kvpiog, 

fi(i}yeXi:eaffai  (Rom.  i.    I/,  ix.  33,  X.    I3,   1 5)." 

In  the  passage  of  the  Old  Testament  (Ps.  ex.  i)  which 
Christ  himself  has  quoted  (Matt.  xxii.  43-45  ;  Mark  xii.  35- 
37  ;  Luke  xx.  41-44)  as  illustrating  the  meaning  of  k-'V>c  as 
a  designation  of  the  Messiah,  the  Messiah  (if  the  Psalm 
refers  to  him)  is  clearly  distinguished  from  Jehovah,  at 
whose  right  hand  he  sits,  as  he  is  everywhere  else  in  the 
Old  Testament.*  This  very  passage  is  also  quoted  by  the 
Apostle  Peter  as  proving  that  "God  hath  made  Jesus  both 
Lord  and  Christ."  When  these  and  other  facts  are  adduced 
to  show  that  the  term  **  Lord  "  as  applied  to  Christ  in  the 
New  Testament  does  not  stand  for  Jehovah,  but  describes 
the  dignity  and  dominion  conferred  upon  him  by  God,  Dr. 
Gifford  simply  remarks  that  "this  reasoning  has  been  em- 
ployed again  and  again  in  the  Arian  and  Unitarian  contro- 
versies, and  again  and  again  refuted."  I  wonder  how  many 
of  his  readers  would  regard  this  as  a  satisfactory  answer  to 
my  quotations  (if  he  had  giveii  them)  from  the  Apostles 
Peter  and  Paul,  or  are  ready  to  assume,  with  St.  Jerome, 
that  Domijuitio  involves  Dcitas.  The  "refutations'*  to 
which  Dr.  Gifford  refers,  "again  and  again"  repeated,  do 
not  appear  to  have  been  convincing  to  those  to  whom  they 
were  addressed. 

Dr.  Gifford  refers  to  Waterland,  Pearson,  and  Weiss. 
Weiss  has  already  been  sufficiently  answered  by  Weiss ; 
sec  above.  Waterland  and  Pearson  cite  such  passages  as 
Hpsea  i.  7,  "  I  will  save  them  by  Jehovah  their  God,  and 
will  not  save  them  by  bow,  nor  by  sword,  nor  by  battle,  nor 
by  horses,  nor  by  horsemen,"  as  proving  that  Jesus  Christ 
is  called  Jehovah  in  the  Old  Testament.  (Pearson,  Expos, 
of  the  Creed,  p.  217  f.,  Nichols's  ed.)  Pearson  cites  to  the 
same  purpose  Zech.  x.  12;  Jer.  xxiii.  5,  6  (comp.  Jer.  xxxiii. 
15,  16)  ;  Zech.  ii.  10,  and  other  passages.  Such  exegesis 
might  perhaps  be  pardoned  in  the  time  of  Pearson  and 
Waterland,  though  commentators  like  Calvin,  Pocock,  Dru- 


*  See,  for  example,  Micah  v.  4  :  "  And  he  shall  stand  and  feed  in  the  strength  of  Jehovah, 
in  the  majesty  of  the  name  of  Jehovah,  his  God." 


RECENT   DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  427 

sius,  Grotius,  and  LeClerc  had  rejected  this  wild  interpre- 
tation ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  supposed  that  it  needs  a  formal 
refutation  at  the  present  day.  It  may  be  enough  to  refer 
Dr.  Gifford  to  **  The  Speaker's  Commentary  "  on  the  pas- 
sages mentioned,  and  the  note  in  th^  Journal  lor  1881,  p.  124 
[above,  p.  376]. 

ORIGEN. 

Dr.  Gifford  still  appeals  to  Rufinus*s  translation  of  Ori- 
gan's Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  as  proving 
that  Origen  "certainly"  interpreted  the  last  part  of  Rom. 
ix.  5  as  he  does  {Letter,  pp.  32  ff.,  65).  His  positiveness  is 
not  abated  by  the  circumstance  that  Rufinus  so  altered, 
abridged,  and  interpolated  this  work  of  Origen,  that  for  the 
most  part  we  have  no  means  of  determining  what  belongs 
to  Origen  and  what  to  Rufinus,  and  that  his  friends  thought 
he  ought  to  claim  it  as  his  own.* 

Dr.  Gifford  gives*  his  readers  no  hint  of  this  important 
fact,  of  which  he  could  not  have  been  ignorant,  and  for 
which  I  had  cited  Matthaei,  Redepenning,  and  Rufinus 
himself  {Journal,  p.  135).  There  is  perhaps  no  higher 
authority  in  Patrology  than  Cave,  who,  in  his  list  of  Ori- 
gan's writings,  thus  describes  the  work  on  which  Dr.  Gifford 
ralias  with  so  much  confidence  :  "  /;/  Epistolavi  ad  Roinanos 
Commentariorum  tomi  20.  quos  pessima  fide  a  se  versos 
MiSERE  interpolatos,  detruncatos  ct  ad  mediam  fere 
partem  contractos  edidit  Rufinus,  versione  sua  in  10.  tomos 
distributa."  —  Hist,  Lit,  s.v,  Origenes,  i.,  118  ed.  Oxon. 
1740.  Thomasius,  in  his  valuable  work  on  Origen,  was  more 
prudent  in  his  use  of  authorities.  He  says:  "Am  wenigsten 
aber  wagte  ich  den  Commentar  zu  den  Romern  zu  beniitzen, 
der  nach  der  Pcroratio  Riifini  in  explanatiouem  Origenis 
super  Epist,  Pauli  ad  Rom,  Vol.  iv.  eine  ganzliche  Umge- 
staltung  durch  den  Uebersctzer  erfahrcn  zu  haben  scheint." 
{Origenes  (1837),   P-  9^)      Even  Burton,  who,  in   his  very 

*"Adrersus  hanc  aadaciam  excandesdt  Erasmus,  nee  immerito  qoidam  Rufinum  objur- 
garunt,  quemadmodum  ipse  sibi  obj-x:tum  fuisse  ait  in  peroratione  suae  translationis,  quod  suum 
potios,  quam  Origenis  nomen  hujus  operis  titulo  non  inscripsisset.  Hinc  etiam  fit,  ut  vix 
OrigeDcm  in  Origene  reperias,"  etc    Lumper,  Hist.  tk*ol.<rii.,  etc,  Pars  ix.  (179a),  p.  i<)i. 


428  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

one-sided  Testimonies  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers^  etc., 
quotes  largely  from  spurious  works  ascribed  to  Hippolytus 
and  Dionysius  of  Alexandria  without  giving  any  warning  to 
the  reader,  could  not  bring  himself  to  cite  Rufinus's  trans- 
formation of  Origen's  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.     (See  Testimonies^  etc.,  2d  ed.,  p.  339.) 

Dr.  Gifford*s  citations  from  the  treatise  of  Origen  against 
Celsus  do  not  appear  to  me  to  answer  his  purpose.  He 
quotes  passages  (Cont,  Cels,  i.  60,  66 ;  ii.  9)  in  which  Origen 
has  called  Christ  ^m  but  in  the  last  one  adduced  (ii.  9) 
the  words  at  the  end  of  the  sentence,  Kara  rov  -Ctv  b^uv  debv  kqI 
naripa,  as  Dc  la  Ruc  remarks,  '*  manifestam  continent  antith- 
esin  ad  ista,  fi^ya^v  bvra  6'vvafuv  Koi  ftedv,  ut  pater  supra  filium  eve- 
Jiatnry  *  What  is  wanted  is  to  show  that  Origen  has  not 
merely  given  Christ  the  appellation  Be6^,  *'a  divine  being.*' 
in  contradistinction  from  ©  ^e<ic,  ^  rCtv  u/mv  ee6^,  6  cttI  rraai  deo^,  by 
which  titles  he  constantly  designates  the  Father,  but  that 
he  has  called  him  **  God  over  all,"  as  he  is  represented  as 
making  St.  Paul  do  in  this  so-called  translation  of  Rufinus. 
It  is  the  Father  alone  who  in  the  passages  cited  by  Dr. 
Gifford  (Conf.  Cels.  viii.  4,  12)  is  termed  6  km  Tram  Seu^-,  in  viii. 
14  of  the  same  treatise  Origen  emphatically  denies  that  the 
generality  of  Christians  regarded  the  Saviour  as  **  the  God 
over  all  " ;  and  in  the  next  section  he   expressly  calls  him 

^De  la  Rue  understands  the  Karn  to  denote  "  inferiorom  ordinem,"  and  says  it  is  often  so 
used.  I  doubt  this,  and,  if  the  word  is  genuine,  should  rather  lake  it  as  meaning  "  in  accordance 
with  the  will  of,"  or  "  by  the  will  of,"  nearly  as  in  the  phrase  Kara  thov  in  Plato,  Aristotle,  and 
other  Gfctik  authors.  But  it  seems  to  me  very  probable  that  the  true  reading  '\%  uird  ;  comp. 
Orig.  Injo.innem,  tom.  i.  c.  n,  70V  // f  rtt  Tov  Trartpa  r(bi>  u/m)i>  (icbv  AOyuv  ;  Justin  Mart. 
Apol  \.  32,  1)  ~f)(',t7r/  M'van/r  fi  f  r  a  rui>  rcaT^pa  iravriov  Kal  i^eaTOTf/v  deuv  (and  similarly 
A^o/.  I.  12,  13;  ii.  13);  Eiiseb.  B^  Eccl.  Tkeol.  \.  20,  p.  93  c  , /c/'/ror  ruiv  b?.iov  urra  r.;,- 
fzi  rrarruji'  Ihor.  The  prepositions  Kara  and  firra  are  very  often  conf'»unded  in  MSS.  by  an 
error  of  the  scribe,  the  ab'oreviatioii^  for  the  two  words  being  similar.  (Montfaucon,  Palatognr. 
Graeca,  p.  345;  Sabi*.  S/>ec/>n.  Palcuogr.^  Suppl.,  tabb.  xi. ,  xii.)  See  Bast  ad  Gregor. 
Coriiuh.  ed.  Schaefer  (iSi  1 ),  pp  <>*),  405,  825,  and  Irmisch's  Herodian  iv.  1638,  who  gives  eight 
examples.  Cobel  remarks:  "  Q.ii  codices  Graecos  triverunt  sciunt  «a7«  et  lyrra  corapendiosc 
sic scribi  ut  vix  oculis  discerni  poi>itu.  Passim  confuodi  solere  sciunt  omnes." — Varia*  LtC' 
iionfs^  in  Mnemosyne  vii.  391. 

Dr.  G.fford  may  prefer  Burton's  view,  who  says  {TtititnoKUS,  etc.,  2d  ed.,  p.  293)  it  "can 
only  mean  '  God  after  the  pattern  of  the  God  of  the  universe.'  "  It  would  taJce  too  much  space 
10  give  my  reasons  for  differing  from  him.  Martini  says  (p.  175),  "  Entweder  ist  es  s.  v.  a. /rr 
deuw  [there  is  some  mistake  here,  perhaps  only  a  comma  omitted]  cuius  auctor  tst  summus  deus^ 
oder  secundum  voiuntatem  snvttni  deiV  Mosheim  renders  it  uiichst ;  Riissler,  nack  ;  Crom-»ie 
and  Professor  Kennedy,  wrx/  to.  These  trinslatioiis  rather  represent  //-*/,  but  thow  what  the 
translators  thought  the  context  to  require,  and  may  thus  be  regarded  as  confirming  my  conjecture. 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  429 

"  inferior  "  to  the  Father  (vTroSeiarepoc),  as  he  elsewhere  speaks 

of  him   as  eXdrranf  npo^  rov  naripa  and  devrepoc  rov  rrarpdc  {^De  Priucip, 

i-  3>  §  5)»  ^^^  says  that "  he  is  excelled  by  the  Father  as  much 
as  (or  even  more  than)  he  and  the  Holy  Spirit  excel  other 
beings,"  and  that  "  in  no  respect  does  he  compare  with  the 

Father  "   (<'«  cvyKpiverai  Kaf  Mev  ri^i  izarpi^  In  Joau,   tom.    xiii.    C.    25, 

Opp.  iv.  235).  It  is  not  easy  to  believe  that  one  who  uses 
such  language  as  this  applied  the  last  clause  of  Rom.  ix.  5 
to  Christ. 

In  the  passage  Cont,  Cels,  viii.  4,  I  perceive  no  ground  for 

regarding  the  titles  rhv  ml  Trdai  Behv  ruv  Oeijv,  and  Tovem  TToai  KVpiovTov 

Kvpiutv,  as  denoting  equal  dignity.  The  latter,  high  as  it  is, 
as  applied  to  Christ,  is  far  from  proving  that  he  might  be 
called  cTTA  irdvTuv  dedg.  The  last  sentence  quoted  by  Dr.  Gifford 
shows  the  distinction.  The  purport  of  it  is  that  "he  has 
risen  to  the  God  over  all  who  worships  Him  undividedly" 
(this  is  said  in  opposition  to  the  worship  of  the  heathen,  dis- 
tributed among  many  gods),  "  through  him  who  alone  leads 
men  to  God,  namely,  the  Son,  the  God-Logos  and  Wisdom," 
etc.  The  relation  of  the  Son  to  the  Father,  from  whom  he 
has  derived  all  that  makes  him  an  object  of  worship,  and 
whose  image  he  is,  is  such,  according  to  Origen,  that  the 
relative  worship  paid  to  him  is  all  ultimately  paid  to  the 
God  over  all,  the  Father,  who  alone  is  the  Supreme  Object 
of  worship. 

Still  less,  if  possible,  is  the  quotation  from  Cont,  Cels,  viii. 
12  to  Dr.  Gifford*s  purpose.  It  teaches,  he  says,  ''that 
Christ  is  to  be  worshipped  as  being  One  with  the  Supreme 
God."  "  One "  in  what  sense }  Dr.  Gifford  omits  the 
words  that  immediately  follow,  in  which  Origen  cites  Acts 
iv.  32,  "  And  the  multitude  of  believers  were  of  one  heart 
and  one  soul,"  as  explaining  the  meaning  of  the  words,  "  I 
and  the  Father  are  one."  *  A  little  further  on  Origen  says  : 
"We  worship,  then,  the  Father  of  the  Truth,  and  the  Son, 
who  is  the  Truth  ;  f  two  distinct  persons,  but  one  in  agree- 

*  So  in  his  Comm.  in  Joan.  tom.  xiiL  c.  34,  Opp.  ir  345,  Origen  explains  John  x.  30  as 
relating  to  the  unity  of  will  between  the  Father  and  the  Son. 

t  Comp.  Origen,  In  Joan.  tom.  ii.  c  18,  Opp.  vf.  76b:  5  Trarr/p  rfi^  iO.rfitia^  Bih^  Tr?^icw 
koTi  Kai  fui^uv  Ti  [we  should  read,  perhaps,  rj  fj]  a/.ifina :  "  the  God  who  is  the  Father  of  the 
Trvth  is  more  and  greater  than  the  Truth." 


430  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ment  of  thought,  and  in  harmony  of  feeling,  and  in  same- 
ness of  will,*'  ftvra  Sin  ry  viroffrdaet  Trpdyuara,  ev  Se  rij  dfiovoia,  kqI  ry  oviKpuvig, 

Kai  TTf  ravT&rrjTL  rov  ^ov^juaTog  ^  SO  that  he  who  has  Seen  the  Son 
.  .  .  has  seen  in  him,  who  is  the  image  of  God,  God  him- 
self."* 

In  the  view  of  Origen,  the  moral  union  between  the 
Father  and  the  Son  was  perfect,  so  that  the  worship  of  the 
Son,  regarded  as  the  image  of  the  Father,  reflecting  his 
moral  perfections,  his  goodness  and  righteousness  and  truth, 
is  virtually  the  worship  of  the  Father  himself;  it  terminates 
in  him  as  its  ultimate  object.     (See  Cont,  Cels,  viii.  13,  ad  fin) 

Origan's  ideas  respecting  the  worship  of  the  Son  appear 
distinctly  in  what  he  says  of  prayer.  In  his  treatise  on 
Prayer,  he  teaches  that  prayer,  properly  speaking,  is  "per- 
haps never  to  be  offered  to  any  originated  being,  not  even  to 
Christ  himself y  but  only  to  the  God  and  Father  of  all,  to 
whom  our  Saviour  himself  prayed  and  teaches  us  to  pray." 
{^De  Orat,  c.  15  ;  Opp.  i.  222.)  There  is  much  more  to  the 
same  purpose.  In  his  later  work  against  Celsus,  he  says 
that  "every  supplication  and  prayer,  and  intercession,  and 
thanksgiving  is  to  be  sent  up  to  the  God'  over  all,  throjigk 
the  High  Priest,  who  is  above  all  angels,  the  living  Logos, 
and  God.  But  we  shall  also  supplicate  the  Logos  himself, 
and  make  requests  to  him,  and  give  thanks  and  pray,  if  we 
are  able  to  distinguish  between  prayer  properly  speaking 
and  prayer  in  a  looser  sense,  i^'iy  (^rv<'jutOa  KnraKovuv  tt}^  ^(pi  r/KXTf-rj^j^f 

Kvinn/f::-uic  Mil  K(!ra;[in^an.>r''        (^Cout.    Ceis.    V.    4,    and    SCC    alsO    V.    5, 

Opp.  i.  580.)  Compare  Cofif.  Ccls.  viii.  26:  "  We  ought  to 
pray  only  to  the  God  over  all  ;  yet  it  is  proper  to  pray 
also  to  the  only-begotten,  the  first-born  of  the  whole  creation, 
the  Logos  of  God,  and  to  request  him,  as  a  High  Priest,  to 
carry  up  our  prayers  which  reach  him  to  his  God  and  our 
God."     So  Cout,  Ccls.  viii.   13  :  "We  worship  the  one  God, 


•  Ii  may  be  well  to  notice  here  an  ambiguous  sentence  in  this  section,  which  has  been  trans- 
lated, incorrectly,  I  think,  "  We  worship  one  God,  therefore,  the  Father  and  the  Son,  as  we 
have  explained."  The  Greek  is,  /jv;  nvv  {ho\\  <.V  ar:()i\i:i^uKaiifv^  rov  -arifm  [.]  Kat  rov 
v'lov  (^ffuirrrvoiiFv.  We  should,  I  believe,  place  a  comma  after  Trarepa^  and  translate,  '*  We 
worship,  therefore,  one  God,  the  Father,  and  the  Son."  This  is  confirmed  by  what  follows,  dted 
above,  and  by  the  language  used  in  the  next  section  (c.  13):  did  Tov  kva  btbv^  Kol  Tov  eva 
liov  a'vrov  Kai  '/.6}vv  Kcii  uKoi'a  .  .  .  ai,3out:v. 


RECtNT  DISCUSSIONS  OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  43 1 

and  the  one  Son,  who  is  his  Logos  and  Image,  with  suppli- 
cations and  petitions  as  we  are  able,  bringing  our  prayers  to 
the  God  of  the  universe  through  his  only-begotten  Son, 
to  whom  we  first  offer  them ;  beseeching  him,  who  is  the 
propitiation  for  our  sins,  to  present,  as  High  Priest,  our 
prayers   and  sacrifices  and  intercessions  to  the  God  over 

ALL."  • 

I  do  not  see  how  any  one  can  read  these  passages  and 
regard  it  as  probable,  much  less  as  certain^  that  Origen  un^ 
derstood  Paul  in  Rom.  ix.  5  to  describe  Christ  as  o  bv  k-\ 
rrdvTuv  de6c,  ev?joyTrrdc  ek  Toig  a'ltjvac.  It  is  clcar,  at  any  rate,  that  he 
did  not  understand  the  passage  as  Dr.  Gifford  does  (Letter, 
p.  3),  as  **a  testimony  to  the  co-equal  Godhead  of  the  Son." 

Dr.  Gifford's  argument  from  the  Selecta  in  Threjios,  iv.  5, 
rests  on  a  false  assumption,  which  has  been  already  suffi- 
ciently remarked  upon. 

PUNCTUATION  IN   MANUSCRIPTS. 

On  p.  36  of  Dr.  Gifford's  Letter,  speaking  of  punctuation 
in  MSS.,  he  observes  that  "it  is  universally  acknowledged 
that  no  marks  of  punctuation  or  division  were  in  use  till 
long  after  the  days  of  St.  Paul."  This  remark,  if  intended 
to  apply  to  Greek  MSS.  in  general,  is  inaccurate,  and  indi- 
cates that  Dr.  Gifford  has  been  misled  by  untrustworthy 
authorities.  If  it  is  intended  to  apply  to  New  Testament 
MSS.,  I  do  not  see  how  the  fact  can  be  proved,  as  we  pos- 
sess no  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  of  earlier  date  than 
the  fourth  century.  But  the  essential  point  in  Dr.  Gifford*s 
remarks  is,  that  the  punctuation  in  MSS.  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  of  no  authority.  This  is  very  true ;  and  it  should 
have  been  remembered  by  the  many  commentators  (includ- 
ing Dr.  Gifford)  who  have  made  the  assertion  (very  incorrect 
in  point  of  fact),  that  a  stop  after  fffl/M«  is  found  in  only  two 
or  three  inferior  MSS.  in  Rom.  ix.  5,  as  if  that  were  an  argu- 
ment against  a  doxology  here. 

*  It  may  be  worth  while  to  note  that  Orif^en  {jCont.  Ctb.  viii.  9)  justifies  the  honor  paid  to  the 
Sod  00  the  ground  that  he  receives  it  by  the  appointment  of  the  Father  (arrm^n^nfttv  on  airb 
Beav  didorai  ainif)  to  Tiuuctku,  ciiinjt  John  v.  aj)^  and  is  declared  by  God  to  be  a^iuv  r  r/f 
devrepevoia^g  fiera  ruv  Oeuv  tcjv  o/mv  .  .  .  Tifif/(.    {Cent.  Ctl*.  v.  57.) 


432  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

The  results  of  some  recent  investigation  in  regard  to  this 
matter  are  given  in  owx  Journal  for  1882,  p.  161  [p.  4o6f. 
above].  The  investigation  has  since,  through  the  kindness 
of  Dr.  C.  R.  Gregory,  been  carried  somewhat  farther.  I  can 
now  name,  besides  the  uncials  A,  B,  C,  L.  the  first  three  of 
which  are  not  "inferior  MSS.,"  at  least  twenty-six  cursives 
which  have  a  stop  after  oapm,  the  same  in  general  which  they 
have  after  a\iivaq  or  'A/zr/v.  In  all  probability,  the  result  of  an 
examination  would  show  that  three-quarters  or  four-fifths  of 
the  cursive  MSS.  containing  Rom.  ix.  5  have  a  stop  after 

In  regard  to  Codex  A,  Canon  Cook  thinks  the  testimony 
of  Dr.  Vance  Smith,  whom  Dr.  Gifford  cites  as  saying  that 
the  stop  after  oa^Ka  is  "  evidently  a  prima  tnanu^^  is  "  not 
verified  or  likely  to  be  verified."  *  Many  others  will  ques- 
tion the  testimony  of  a  Unitarian  heretic.  It  would  have 
been  only  fair,  therefore,  to  have  added  the  fact,  mentioned 
on  p.  150  of  the  Journal  [p.  407  above],  that  Dr.  Sanday 
agrees  with  him.  I  would  add  that  I  am  informed,  on  good 
authority,  that  Dr.  Scrivener  has  examined  the  MS.  at  this 
place  with  the  same  result. 

The  whole  matter  is  in  itself  unimportant ;  but  it  is 
important  that  writers  like  Dean  Burgon  should  cease  im- 
posing upon  unlearned  readers  by  making  reckless  asser- 
tions about  it. 

VAN  HENGEL  ON  THE  to  Kara  adpKa. 

As  regards  the  limitation  ro  Kara  aafma  {Letter,  p.  38  f.),  the 
examples  cited  by  Van  Hen  gel  from  Plato's  Philebns  (c.  7, 
p.  17'')  and  Isocrates  {Ad  Nicocl.  c.  29  al.  30)  in  support  of 
his  view,  and  urged  by  Dr.  Gifford  in  opposition  to  it,  are, 
I  think,  not  to  the  purpose  on  either  side.  The  formulae 
"A  and  also  B,"  and  **  not  only  A,  but  B,"  into  which  the 
quotations,  so  far  as  they  bear  on  the  matter,  may  be  re- 
solved, do  not  express  "antithesis,"  but  agreement.  Dr. 
Gifford's  citation  from  Demosthenes  {Cont,  Enbul.  p.  1229,  1. 
14)  furnishes  no  analogy  to  the  -<>  ««-a  aa{)Ka  here,  and  is  wholly 


•Canon  Cook,  Reiustd  yersion  of  the  First  Three  Gospels^  p.  194  ;  comp.  p.  167. 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS   OF    ROMANS    IX.    5  433 

irrelevant,  for  two  reasons  :  (i)  because  the  rb  Koff  vfia^  [al.  4fMc] 
is  introduced  with  a  f^v,  which  of  course  leads  one  to  expect 
an  antithesis,  such  as  follows,  expressed  by  ie;  and  (2)  be- 
cause the  Td  Koff  vfia^  is  probably  to  be  regarded  as  the  direct 
object  of  the  verb  dappeiv,  used  here,  as  often,  transitively. 
like  its  opposite  (^o^eioBcu.  Van  Hengel's  rule  relates  only  to 
clauses  like  ro  Kaf  ink,  rh  e^  vfujv,  in  which  the  article  r6  with  its 
adjunct  is  neither  the  object  nor  the  subject  of  a  verb,  or  at 
least  of  any  verb  expressed.  (See  Van  Hengel,  Interp,  Ep, 
Pauli  ad  Rom,  ii.  348.) 

IRENiEUS. 

As  to  the  quotation  of  Rom.  ix.  5  by  Irenaeus  {Haer,  iii. 
16,  §3),  I  must  still,  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  the  Journal 
(p.  390  above),  regard  it  as  doubtful  whether  he  referred  the 
last  clause  of  the  verse  to  Christ.  In  opposition  to  the 
Gnostics  who  held  that  the  Mon  Christ  first  descended  upon 
Jesus  at  his  baptism,  Irenaeus  is  quoting  passages  which,  like 
k^  6v  6  xpiork  TO  Kara  aapKa,  speak  of  the  Christ  as  born.  But  why. 
Dr.  Gifford  asks,  does  he  quote  the  remainder  of  the  passage, 
if  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  argument }  {Letter,  p.  42.)  I 
answer,  he  may  well  have  included  it  in  his  quotation,  if  he 
regarded  it  as  a  doxology,  or  gave  it  Dr.  Kennedy's  con- 
struction, for  the  same  purpose  as  Photius  has  quoted  it  in 
his  work  against  the  Manichaeans  (sqq  Journal,  p.  138  f.  [p. 
393  above] ) ;  namely,  as  confirming  the  doctrine  insisted  on 
throughout  his  book,  that  the  God  of  the  Jews,  the  God  of 
the  Old  Testament,  was  not,  as  all  the  Gnostics  contended, 
a  being  inferior  to  the  Supreme  God,  but  the  God  over  all. 
So  understood,  it  would  agree  with  the  language  which 
Irenaeus  uses  so  often  elsewhere,  describing  the  Father  as 
the  God  over  all,  while  he  nowhere,  to  my  knowledge,  speaks 
of  the  Son  as  God  over  all.  I  admit  that  Irenaeus  may  have 
applied  the  last  clause  to  Christ,  separating  the  ^m  from  «  wv 
kiri  ndvTuv  as  a  distinct  predicate ;  but  I  perceive  nothing 
which  determines  with  certainty  the  construction  he  gave 
it.  The  whole  question  is  of  the  least  possible  consequence- 
One  who  could  treat  2  Cor.  iv.  4  as  he  has  done  {Haer.  iii.  7, 


434  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

§  I ;  iv.  29,  §  2)  is  certainly  no  authority  in  exegesis  in  a 
case  where  doctrinal  prejudice  could  have  an  influence. 

Dr.  Gifford  thinks  that  Irenaeus  "  most  probably "  refers 
to  Rom.  ix.  5  when  he  says  {Haer,  iii.  12,  §  9)  that  the  mys- 
tery which  was  made  known  to  Paul  by  revelation  was  that 

b  iraHtJV  ettl   liovriov  Uli/.drov  ovro^  Kvpto^  tuv  t&vtuv  Kai  ^atXei>^  koj  Btb^  koI 

KpiHi^  koTLv.  He  omits  the  words  that  immediately  follow,  pre- 
served in  the  old  Latin  version :  "  ab  eo  qui  est  omnium 
Deus  accipiens  potestatem,  quoniam  subiectus  factus  est 
usque  ad  mortem,  mortem  autem  crucis,"  where  Christ  as 
Bedq  is  distinguished  from  him  who  is  **  omnium  Deus,"  from 
whom  he  received  his  power.  This  does  not  go  far  towards 
proving  that  Irenseus  would  call  Christ  "  God  over  all."  I 
observe  incidentally  that  Irenaeus*s  explanation  of  "  the  mys- 
tery which  was  made  known  to  Paul  by  revelation  "  (Eph. 
iii.  3)  differs  widely  from  that  which  Paul  himself  gives 
(Eph.  iii.  6  ff.). 

CLEMENT  OF  ROME. 

Passing  to  p.  41  of  Dr.  Gifford*s  Letter,  I  remark  that  if 
Clement  of  Rome  in  the  passage  cited  {Cor,  c.  32)  had  Rom. 
ix.  5  in  mind,  as  he  probably  did,  and  regarded  the  last 
clause  as  applicable  to  Christ,  it  would  have  been  altogether 
to  his  purpose  to  have  added  it  to  the  ro  Kara  aapKa,  his  pur- 
pose being  to  magnify  the  distinctions  bestowed  by  God 
on  the  patriarch  Jacob.  Dr.  Gifford  will  not,  I  think,  find 
many  who  regard  the  simple  expression  **the  Lord  Jesus" 
as  equivalent  to  *'  He  who  is  over  all,  God  blessed  for  ever"; 
it  is  rather  the  equivalent  of  the  Pauline  o  .xn^^-oCf  a  title 
which,  when  it  denotes  the  Messiah,  involves  lordship.  So 
far,  then,  from  inferring,  as  Dr.  Gifford  does,  from  this  pas- 
sage of  Clement,  that  he  *' probably"  {Letter,  p.  65)  applied 
the  last  clause  to  Christ,  I  should  infer  from  his  omitting  it, 
where,  thus  understood,  it  would  have  been  so  much  to  his 
purpose,  that  he  probably  did  not.  This  presumption  would 
be  confirmed  by  the  way  in  which  he  speaks  of  Christ,  and 
distinguishes  him  from  God,  throughout  his  Epistle. 


RECENT   DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.    5  435 

THE  NEWLY  DISCOVERED  QUOTATION  OF  ROMANS   IX.  5  BY 

IRENiEUS. 

Dr.  Gi£ford  {Letter,  p.  41)  adduces  a  passage  from  Ire- 
naeus,  "which  no  one,"  he  observes,  "so  far  as  I  know,  has 
hitherto  noticed  in  this  connection.  Prof.  Abbot  indeed 
says  (p.  136)  that  the  only  place  where  Irenaeus  has  quoted 
Rom.  ix.  5  is  Haer,  iii.  16  {al.  18),  §  3.  Alas!  for  the  man 
who  ventures  on  that  spirited  but  dangerous  hobby,  the  uni- 
versal negative.     These  are  the  words  of  Irenaeus  in  Fragm. 

Xvii.  (Stieren)  l  k^  dv  6  xpt-*^"^^^  npoervn^Otf  Kal  iTTeyvuadij  kgl  kyewtjOtf, 
ev  fihf  ydp  r^  'lcj<n)0  npoervn^Sij'  kx  6k  tov  Aevt  Kal  tov  'lotxfa  rb  Kara  adpna 
«f  pofftXebc  Kol  iepevc  eyewT/dTj** 

Dr.  Gifford  has  fortunately  given  the  Greek  of  the  passage 
that  is  to  put  me  to  shame,  and  I  have  not  the  slightest  ap- 
prehension that  any  reader  of  his  Letter  will  call  the  frag- 
ment of  Irenaeus  which  he  cites  a  quotation  of  Rom.  ix.  5  ; 
at  the  very  utmost,  it  could  only  be  termed  an  allusion  to 
that  passage.  The  editor  of  the  2e/pd  or  Catena  from  which 
this  fragment  is  taken  (Nicephorus  Theotoki),  and  the  edi- 
tors and  translators  of  Irenaeus,  as  Grabe,  Massuet,  Stieren, 
Migne,  Harvey,  Roberts  and  Rambaut,  and  Keble,  though 
they  all  refer  in  the  margin  to  supposed  quotations,  have 
failed  to  make  any  reference  here  to  Rom.  ix.  5.  If  it  be  a 
quotation,  the  discovery  of  the  fact  belongs  probably  to  Dr. 
Gifford  alone.  It  will  be  observed  that  Dr.  Gifford  spaces 
the  letters  in  H  ^  o  xp'<f'k  as  if  they  must  be  regarded  as 
quoted  Ixovci  Rom.  ix.  5.  He  does  not  note  the  fact  that  this 
fragment  of  Irenaeus  is  part  of  a  comment  on  Deut  xxvii. 
12,  and  is  given  in  a  fuller  form  in  a  Latin  translation  by 
Franciscus  Zephyrus  or  Zephyrius  (=  Zafiri)  in  his  edition 
of  a  Catena  on  Deuteronomy,  as  cited  by  Grabe  in  his  edi- 
tion of  Irenaeus  (p.  469).  This  reads:  "Notandum,  benedi- 
cendi  munus  in  tribubus  demandatum,  ex  quibus  Christus 
designatus  cognoscitur  et  generatur,"  etc.,  and  shows  how 
little  the  H^v^k.t.a.  has  to  do  with  Rom.  ix.  5,  and  how 
groundless  is  the  inference  which  Dr.  Gifford  draws  from 
this  accidental  coincidence  of  expression. 


43^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

Long  before  Dr.  Gifford's  Letter  was  published  I  had 
noted  this  fragment,  together  with  a  similar  passage  in  Ire- 
naeus  {Haer,  iv.  4,  §  i),  as  examples  of  rdKaraaapKa  without  an 
antithesis  expressed,  and  had  caused  them  to  be  printed 
among  the  Additions  and  Corrections  in  the  number  of  the 
Journal  for  1882,  p.  160,  referring  to  th^  Journal  for  1881, 
p.  loi.  So  far  as  they  go,  they  both,  I  think,  favor  my  view 
of  the  controverted  passage  rather  than  Dr.  Gi£ford*s.  If 
they  are  to  be  regarded  as  quotations  of  Rom.  ix.  5,  they 
favor  it  more  than  I  had  supposed. 

POSITION  OF  evAoyjTTcJf. 

In  Dr.  Gifford's  remarks  on  the  position  of  evAoy7r<if  {Letter^ 
p.  54  f.)>  he  maintains  that  in  the  text  of  the  Septuagint,  in 
Ps.  Ixviii.  20  (Sept.  Ixvii.  19),  ev7.oynr6^  should  be  read  but 
once,  and  connected  with  what  follows.  For  this,  so  far  as 
I  can  ascertain,  he  has  the  authority  of  only  two  unimpor- 
tant cursive  MSS.  (Nos.  183,  202), —  in  which  the  omission 
of  one  tvhyyrjToq  is  readily  explained  as  accidental,  on  account 
of  the  Jiomocotcleuton  or  dittography, —  in  opposition  to  all  the 
other  known  MSS.  of  the  Psalms,  more  than  a  hundred  in 
number,  including  the  uncials,  among  them  j<  and  B  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  the  Verona  MS.  of  the  fifth  or  sixth. 
(The  Alexandrian  MS.  and  the  Zurich  Psalter  are  mutilated 
here.)  The  omission  of  the  first  ^ 'V^^; 7-or,  moreover,  leaves 
the  kIihoc  ,',  fhor  simply  hanging  in  the  air,  without  any  con- 
struction. To  adopt  such  a  reading  in  the  face  of  such  evi- 
dence is  to  do  violence  to  all  rational  principles  of  textual 
criticism.  The  difference  between  the  LXX  and  the  He- 
brew is  easily  explained  ^y  the  supposition  that  in  the 
Hebrew  copy  used  by  the  t*-anslators,  the  *1T)3  was  repeated 
(which  might  easily  have  happened),  or  at  least  that  they 
thought  it  ought  to  be. 

Dr.  Gifford  takes  no  notice  of  my  explanation  of  the 
reason  for  the  ordinary  position  of  such  words  as  ev?Myirr6c, 
Ev?.oyr/ufvoc,  i—Lnnraparnc^  etc,  iu  doxologics,  bencdictious,  and 
maledictions,  or  of  the  exceptions  which  I  adduce  (save  Ps. 


RECENT  DISCUSSIONS   OF   ROMANS   IX.   5  437 

« 

Ixviii.  20,  which  I  waive),  or  of  ray  argument  that,  if  we  take 
the  last  clause  as  a  doxology,  the  position  of  evXoyTrr^c  after 
the  subject  is  not  only  fully  accounted  for,  but  is  rather 
required  by  the  very  same  law  of  the  Greek  language  which 
governs  all  the  exaraples  that  have  been  alleged  against  the 
doxolog^cal  construction,  (/otirnaly^p,  103-111.)  As  this 
view  is  supported  by  so  eminent  a  grammarian  as  Winer,  to 
say  nothing  of  Meyer,  Fritzsche,  and  other  scholars,  it  seems 
to  me  that  it  deserved  consideration. 


DIFFERENT  SENSES  OF  evloynrd^. 

On  p.  56  of  Dr.  Gifford's  Letter^  he  gives  as  exaraples  of 
the  use  and  meaning  of  the  word  th/MyrfTd^  the  expressions 
"  Blessed  be  God  "  and  "  Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord,"  and 
remarks  that  "Dr.  Abbot  'overlooks  the  fact'  that,  what- 
ever difference  there  may  be,  it  lies  7iot  in  the  sense  of  the 
word tvAoyjiTo^,  but  in  the  different  relations  of  the  persons 
blessing  and  blessed.'*  I  must  confess  that  I  have  over- 
looked the  fact,  if  it  be  a  fact ;  and  must  also  confess  my 
belief  that  not  a  few  of  Dr.  Gifford's  readers  will  be  sur- 
prised at  the  proposition  that  there  is  no  difference  in  the 
sense  of  the  word  ev/Myrjrd^  when,  applied  to  God,  it  means 
"praised"  or  "worthy  to  be  praised,"  and  when,  applied  to 
men,  it  means  **  prospered  "  or  "  blessed  "  by  God.  The  fact 
on  which  Dr.  Gifford  seems  to  lay  great  stress,  that  iv/joyrrrdi 
in  these  different  senses  represents  the  same  Hebrew  word, 
will  not  weigh  much  with  those  who  consider  that  many 
words  in  common  use  have  several  very  different  meanings 
in  Hebrew  as  well  as  in  other  languages.  The  two  mean- 
ings are  as  distinct  as  those  of  ev7joyia  in  the  sense  of  laus, 
landatiOf  celcbratio  (Grimm,  Lex,  s.v.  ei/jyyia,  No.  i),  and  of 
donum,  beneficinm  (Grimm,  ibid,^  No.  S). 

The  very  common  use  of  fvP^j^^c  in  doxologies  to  God 
seems  to  have  led  the  Septuagint  translators  to  restrict  its 
application  in  the  sense  of  "praised,"  or  rather  "worthy  to 
be  praised,"  to  the  Supreme  Being.  To  this  perhaps  the 
only   exception   is   in   the   expression   ev/Myrroc  o  rpoTro^  aw  in 


43^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

I  Sam.  XXV.  33.  In  the  New  Testament,  apart  from  the  pas- 
sage in  debate,  its  application  is  restricted  to  God,  **  the  God 
and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  My  point  is  that 
whatever  force  there  may  be  in  the  argument  from  this  ex- 
tensive usage  in  favor  of  its  application  to  God  rather  than 
to  Christ  in  Rom.  ix.  5,  it  is  not  diminished  in  the  slightest 
degree  by  the  fact  that  in  a  few  passages  of  the  LXX  the 
word  is  applied  to  men  in  the  very  different  sense  of  **  pros* 
pered"  or  "recipients  of  blessings."  i,e,  benefits,  from  God. 

I  have  now,  I  believe,  taken  notice  of  all  the  points  of  im- 
portance  in  which  Dr.  Gifford  has  criticised  my  statements, 
or  statements  which  he  has  ascribed  to  me.  I  am  not  with- 
out hope  that  in  a  future  edition  of  his  pamphlet  he  may  see 
reason  for  modifying  some  of  his  remarks,  and  for  giving 
more  fully  the  context  of  some  of  his  quotations. 


XVIII. 
ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  TITUS  II.  13. 

[From  rXieJmtmal  of  tht  Society  0/  Biblical  Liitraittre  and  Exe£esis,  1881.] 

The  Greek  reads  as  follows  :  7rpoa6ex6fievoi  ri^v  fiampiav  iXmSa 
Kal  inu^dveiav  Tijq  Sd^ij^  rov  /isydh)v  fieov  nal  auTijpoq  ^/luv  'lijonrb  Xpurrov  {OK 
XpuxTov  *lTfaov). 

Shall  we  translate,  "the  appearing  of  the  glory  of  our 
great  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ "  ?  or,  "  the  appearing 
of  the  glory  of  the  great  God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  "  ? 

It  was  formerly  contended  by  Granville  Sharp,  and  after- 
wards by  Bishop  Middleton,  that  the  absence  of  the  Greek 
article  before  at^rfipryq  in  Tit.  ii.  13  and  2  Pet.  i.  i,  and  before 
Qtw)  in  Eph.  V.  S,  is  alone  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  two 
appellatives  connected  by  Kai  belong  to  one  subject.*  **  It  is 
impossible,"  says  Middleton  in  his  note  on  Tit.  ii.  13,  "to 
understand  Q^oh  and  ai^rripoq  otherwise  than  of  one  person." 
This  ground  is  now  generally  abandoned,  and  it  is  admitted 
that,  grammatically^  either  construction  is  possible.     I  need 


*  Sharp  applied  his  famous  rule  also  to  a  Thess.  i.  is,  but  Middleton  thinks  that  this  text 
affords  no  certain  evidence  in  his  favor.  Wioer  disposes  of  it  summarily  as  merely  a  case  in 
which  Kvpioq  is  used  for  ft  Kvpiog,  the  word  Kvpio^  taking,  in  a  measure,  the  character  of  a 
proper  name.  In  a  Thess.  i.  1 1,  o  debq  r//iGtv  denotes  God  in  distinction  from  "  our  Lord  Jesus  " 
(ver.  I  *) ;  it  is  therefore  unnatural  in  the  extreme  to  take  this  title  in  the  last  clause  of  ike  very 
same  sentence  (ver.  12)  as  a  designation  of  Christ.  We  may  then  reject  without  hesitation  Gran< 
ville  Sharp's  coastruction,  which  in  fact  has  the  support  of  but  few  respectable  scholars. 

As  to  I  Tim.  V.  ai  and  a  Tim.  iv.  i,  it  is  enough  to  refer  to  the  notes  of  Bi»hop  Middleton 
and  Bishop  EUicott  on  the  form  -r  passage.  Compare  the  remarkable  various  reading  in  Gal.  ii. 
ao,  adopted  by  Lachmann  and  Tregehes  (text),  but  not  by  Tischendorf  or  Westcott  and  Hurt, — 
iv  TziartL  Cw  Ty  tov  deov  Kal  Xpiaroi, 

In  Erh.  v.  5,  ev  rfj  ^aaiAeig.  rov  Xpiarov  Kat  deov,  the  Xpiarov  *nd  fieov  are  regarded 
as  denoting  distinct  subjects  by  a  large  majority  of  the  best  commentators,  as  De  Wette,  Meyer, 
Olshaosen,  Meier,  Holzhausen,  Flatt,  Matthies,  Baumgarten-Crusius,  Bleek,  Ewald,  Schenkel, 
Braune  and  Riddle  (in  Lange's  Comm..  Amer.  trans.),  Conybeare,  Bloomfield,  EUicott,  Eadie, 
Alford,  Canon  Barry  in  £llicott*s  A''.  T.  Comm.,  and  Prebendary  Meyrick  m  "  the  Speaker's 
Commentary  "( 1881). 

In  the  Revised  New  Testament,  the  construction  contended  for  so  strenuously  by  Middleton 
in  Eph.  V.  5,  and  by  Sharp  in  a  Thess.  i.  12,  has  not  been  deemed  worthy  of  notice. 


440  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

only  refer  to  Winer.  Stuart,  Buttmann,  T.  S.  Green,  and 
S.  G.  Green  among  the  grammarians,  and  to  Alford,  EUicott, 
Bishop  Jackson,  and  other  recent  commentators.*  It  will 
be  most  convenient  to  assume,  provisionally,  that  this  view 
is  correct ;  and  to  consider  first  the  cxegctical  grounds  for 
preferring  (5ne  construction  to  the  other.  But  as  some  still 
think  that  the  omission  of  the  article,  though  not  decisive  of 
the  question,  affords  a  presumption  in  favor  of  the  construc- 
tion which  makes  rov  fityahm  Oeoi)  a  designation  of  Christ,  a  few 
remarks  upon  this  point  will  be  made  in  Note  A,  at  the  end 
of  this  paper.  It  may  be  enough  to  say  here  that  f^eoif  has 
already  an  attributive,  so  that  the  mind  naturally  rests  for  a 
moment  upon  rdv  fieydXw  Beov  as  a  subject  by  itself ;  and  that 
the  addition  of  'irioov  ^Lptarov  to  aurrvpo^  iuov  distinguishes  the 
person  so  clearly  from  rov  fiey67jov  Oeov,  according  to  Paul's  con- 
stant use  of  language^  that  there  was  no  need  of  the  article 
for  that  purpose. 

The  question  presented  derives  additional  interest  from 
the  fact  tiiat,  in  the  recent  Revision  of  the  English  transla- 
tion of  the  New  Testament,  the  English  Company  have 
adopted  in  the  text  the  first  of  the  constructions  mentioned 
above,  placing  the  other  in  the  margin  ;  while  the  American 
Company,  by  a  large  majority,  preferred  to  reverse  these 
positions 

I  will  first  examine  the  arguments  of  Bishop  EUicott  for 
the  construction  which  makes  rov  ixtyakov^tov  an  appellation  of 
Christ.     They  are  as  follows  :  — 

''  {a)  t7rt(i>avtta  is  a  term  specially  and  peculiarly  applied  to 
the  Son,  and  never  to  the  Father."  The  facts  are  these.  In 
one  passage  (2  Tim.  i.  10)  the  word  k-i^dvaa  is  applied  to 
Christ's  first  advent ;  in  four  to  his  second  advent  (2  Thess. 
ii.  8  ;  I  Tim.  vi.  14  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  1,8);  and  as  i-^^vf/a  denotes 
a  visible  manifestation,  it  may  be  thought  that  an  t-toduEm  of 


•  See  Winer.  Gram.  §  19,  5,  Anm.  1,  p.  123,  yte  Aufl.  (p.  130  Thayer's  trans.,  p.  161  Mooi- 
ton) ;  Stuart,  B/^'/.  Repos.  April,  1834,  vol.  iv.  p.  322  f.  ;  A.  Huttmann,  Gra««.  §125,  14-17, 
pp.  97-'0',  Thayer's  triiis.  ;  T  S.  Green,  Gram.  0/  the  .V.  T.  Dialect  (1S42),  pp.  205-219,  or 
n-w  .>d.  I  1^.62),  pp.  67-75;  S.  G.  Green,  Hamlbyok  to  the  Gr.im.  0/ the  Greek  Test.,  p.  216;  and 
A.f"rcJ  o  \  Tit  ii.  i  j.  Alfo'd  h\«5  «irn.;  jiood  remarks  on  the  ni.;.!T7e.  bir  I  hnd  no  sulficient  proof 
«  I  hu  sMtcnjint  that  (jioTf/ft  had  become  in  the  N.  T.  "a  qiuiii  proper  uamc." 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  TITUS   II.    13  441 

God,  the  Father,  "whom  no  man  hath  seen  nor  can  see," 
could  not  be  spoken  of. 

But  this  argument  is  founded  on  a  misstatement  of  the 
question.  The  expression  here  is  not  "the  appearing  of  the 
great  God*'  but  "  the  appearing  of  the  glory  of  the  great 
God,"  which  is  a  very  different  thing.  When  our  Saviour 
himself  had  said,  "  The  Son  of  man  shall  come  in  the  glory 
of  his  Father^  with  his  angels  "  (Matt.  xvi.  27,  comp.  Mark 
viii.  38),  or  as  Luke  expresses  it,  "  in  his  own  glory,  and  the 
glory  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  holy  angels  "  (ch.  ix.  26),  can 
we  doubt  that  Paul,  who  had  probably  often  heard  Luke's 
report  of  these  words,  might  speak  of  "the  appearing  of  the 
glory "  of  the  Father,  as  well  as  of  Christ,  at  the  second 
advent }  * 

This  view  is  confirmed  by  the  representations  of  the 
second  advent  given  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,  and 
particularly  by  i  Tim.  vi.  14-16.  The  future  cn-^bama  of 
Christ  was  not  conceived  of  by  Paul  as  independent  of  God, 
the  Father,  any  more  than  his  first  i^L^^dvua  or  advent,  but  as 
one  "which  in  his  own  time  the  blessed  and  only  Potentate, 
the  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  who  only  hath  immor- 
tality, dwelling  in  lis^ht  unapproachable,  whom  no  man  hath 
seen  nor  can  see,  shall  show "  ('^f'^f').  The  reference  is  to 
the  joint  manifestation  of  the  glory  of  God  and  of  Christ  at 
the  time  when,  to  use  the  language  of  the  writer  to  the 
Hebrews  (i.  6),  "  he  again  bringeth  [or  shall  hive  brought^ 
the  first-begotten  into  the  world,  and  saith,  Let  all  the 
angels  of  God  pay  him  homage."  f  That  God  and  Christ 
should  be  associated  in  the  references  to  the  second  advent, 

*  Even  if  the  false  assamption  on  which  the  argumeot  is  founded  were  correct,  that  is,  if  the 
expression  here  used  were  t^/P  kiTK^viiav  rov  /iF.yd/.ov  fknv  Kal  auT^po^  ijftdv  'Ir/<Tov 
\pcCTOL;  the  argument  would  have  little  or  no  weight.  The  fact  that  e7n6civeia  is  used  four 
times  of  Chriit  in  relation  to  the  second  advent  would  be  very  far  from  proving  that  it  might  not 
be  so  used  of  God,  the  Father,  also.  Abundant  examples  may  be  adduced  from  Jewish  writers  to 
show  that  any  extraordinary  display  of  divine  power,  whether  exercised  directly  and  known  only 
by  its  effects,  or  through  an  intermediate  visible  agent,  as  an  angel,  might  be  called  an  eTi^avtiOj 
an  "  appearing "  or  "  manifestation  "  of  God.  The  word  is  used  in  the  same  way  in  heathen 
Uterature  to  denote  any  supposed  divine  interpo<ition  in  human  affairs,  whether  accompanied  by 
a  visible  appearance  of  the  particular  deity  concerned,  or  not.     See  Note  B. 

t  See  also  Acts  iii.  ao :  "  — and  that  he  may  senJ  the  Christ  whu  hath  been  appointed  for  you, 
•ven  Jesus.'' 


442  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

that  God  should  be  represented  as  displaying  his  power  and 
glory  at  the  tTrupdveia  of  Christ,  accords  with  the  account  given 
elsewhere  of  the  accompanying  events.  The  dead  are  to  be 
raised  at  the  second  advent,  a  glorious  display  of  divine 
power,  even  as  Christ  is  said  to  have  been  "  raised  from  the 
dead  by  \.\i^ glory  of  the  Father**  (Rom.  vi.  4).  But  it  is  ex- 
pressly declared  by  Paul  that,  "as  Jesus  died  and  rose  again, 
even  so  shall  God,  through  Jesus,  bring  with  him  them  that 
have  fallen  asleep**  (i  Thess.  iv.  14;  comp.  Phil.  iii.  21) ;  and 
again,  '*God  both  raised  the  Lord,  and  will  raise  up  us  by  his 
power**  (i  Cor.  vi.  14).  There  is  to  be  a  general  judgment 
at  the  second  advent ;  but  Paul  tells  us  that  "  God  hath  ap- 
pointed a  day  in  which  he  \^ill  judge  the  world  in  righteous- 
ness by  a  man  whom  he  hath  ordained**  (Acts  xvii.  31),  or, 
as  it  is  elsewhere  expressed,  "the  day  va  which  he  will  judge 
the  secrets  of  men,  through  Jesus  Christ"  (Rom.  ii.  16, 
comp.  ver.  5,  6);  and  that  "we  shall  all  stand  before  the 
judgment  seat  of  God  '*  (Rom.  xiv.  10).  So  the  day  referred 
to  is  not  only  called  "the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus**  (i  Cor.  i. 
8,  V.  5  ;  2  Cor.  i.  14),  or  "the  day  of  Christ  Jesus"  (Phil.  i. 
6),  or  "the  day  of  Christ*'  (Phil.  i.  10,  ii.  16),  but  "the  day 
of  God"  (2  Pet.  iii.  12).     Here,  as  throughout  the  economy 

of    salvation,   there  is  t'C"  '^f-o<;.   o  -arijp^  l^  oh  ra   ndwa,  Kal  E\q  KVpu)^, 
'\TjGovq  Xpiaro^',  <W  ov  ra  Tzdvrn    (l    Cor.   viii.   6). 

It  appears  to  me,  then,  that  Bishop  Ellicott*s  "  palmary 
argument,"  as  he  calls  it,  derives  all  its  apparent  force  from 
a  misstatement  of  the  question ;  and  when  we  consider  the 
express  language  of  Christ  respecting  his  appearing  in  the 
glory  of  his  Father,  the  express  statement  of  Paul  that  this 
l-i<;Hii'ria  of  Christ  is  one  which  God,  the  Father,  will  show 
(i  Tim.  vi.  15),  and  the  corresponding  statement  of  the 
writer  to  the  Hebrews  (i.  6, "  when  he  again  bringeth,"  etc.) ; 
when  we  consider  that  in  the  ccmcomitafits  of  the  second 
advent,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  the  judgment  ot 
men,  in  which  the  glory  of  Christ  will  be  displayed,  he  is 
everywhere  represented  as  acting,  not  independently  of  God, 
the  Father,  but  in  union  with  him,  as  his  agent,  so  that 
"  the  Father  is  glorified  in  the  Son,"  can  we  find  the  slight- 


ON  THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF  TITUS   II.    13  443 

est  difficulty  in  supposing  that  Paul  here  describes  the 
second  advent  as  an  "  appearing  of  the  glory  of  the  great 
God,  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ "  ? 

{b)  Bishop  Ellicott's  second  argument  is  "  that  the  imme- 
diate context  so  specially  relates  to  our  Lord."  He  can 
only  refer  to  ver.  14,  "who  gave  himself  for  us,"  etc.  The 
argument  rests  on  the  assumption,  that  when  a  writer 
speaks  of  two  persons,  A  and  B,  there  is  something  strange 
or  unnatural  in  adding  a  predicate  to  B  alone.  If  it  is  not 
instantly  clear  that  such  an  assumption  contradicts  the  most 
familiar  facts  of  language,  one  may  compare  the  mention  of 
God  and  Christ  together  in  Gal.  i.  3,  4,  and  i  Tim.  ii.  5,  6, 
and  the  predicate  that  in  each  case  follows  the  mention  of 
the  latter.  The  passage  in  Galatians  reads  :  '*  Grace  to  you 
and  peace  from  God  the  Father  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
who  gave  himself  for  us,  that  he  might  deliver  us,"  etc. 

(f)  The  third  point  is  "that  the  following  mention  of 
Christ's  giving  Himself  up  for  us,  of  His  abasement,  does 
fairly  account  for  St.  Paul's  ascription  of  a  title,  otherwise 
unusual,  that  specially  and  antithetically  marks  His  glory." 
—  "Otherwise  uniisiiaV'  !  Does  Bishop  EUicott  mean  that 
"the  great  God"  is  simply  an  "unusual"  title  of  Christ  in 
the  New  Testament }  But  this  is  not  an  argument,  but  only 
an  answer  to  an  objection,  which  we  shall  consider  by  and 
by.  It  is  obvious  that  what  is  said  in  ver.  14  can  in  itself 
afiFord  no  proof  or  presumption  that  Paul  in  what  precedes 
has  called  Christ  "the  great  God."  He  uses  similar  lan- 
guage in  many  passages  (e,g,  those  just  cited  under  b  from 
Gal.  i.  3,  4,  and  i  Tim.  ii.  5,  6),  in  which  Christ  is  clearly 
distinguished  from  God. 

i^d)  The  fourth  argument  is  "that  \Leya7Mv  would  seem 
uncalled  for  if  applied  to  the  Father."  It  seems  to  me,  on 
the  contrary,  to  have  a  solemn  impressiveness,  suitable  to 
the  grandeur  of  the  event  referred  to.  It  condenses  into 
one  word  what  is  more  fully  expressed  by  the  accumulation 
of  high  titles  applied  to  God  in  connection  with  the  same 
subject  in  i  Tim.  vi.  14-16,  suggesting  that  the  event  is 
one  in  which  the  power  and  majesty  of  God  will  be  con- 


444  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

spicuously  displayed.  The  expression  "the  great  God" 
does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,  but  it  is 
not  uncommon  in  the  Old  Testament  and  later  Jewish  writ- 
ings as  a  designation  of  Jehovah.     See  Note  C.  p.  456. 

(e)  Bishop  Ellicott's  last  argument  is  that  "apparently 
two  of  the  ante-Nicene  (Clem.  Alexand.  Protrept,  7  [ed. 
Pott.]  and  Hippolytus,  quoted  by, Words.)  and  the  great 
bulk  of  post-Nicene  writers  concurred  in  this  interpreta- 
tion."—  As  to  this,  I  would  say  that  Clement  of  Alexandria 
does  not  cite  the  passage  in  proof  of  the  deity  of  Christ,  and 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  he  adopted  the  construction 
which  refers  the  rob  ^tyakov  deov  to  him.*  Hippolytus  {D^ 
,Antichristo,  c.  6"])^  in  an  allusion  to  the  passage,  uses  the 
expression  ^T^^vewv  rov  Oew  K(u  auTt/poc  ir/fiijv  of  Chrfst,  which  may 
seem  to  indicate  that  he  adopted  the  construction  just  men- 
tioned. But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  he  omits  the  'w  «54-w, 
and  the  fieyd?jiv.  and  the  'irfaov  Xpiarov  after  oofrf/pog  ^fiuv,  so  that  it 
is  not  certain  that  if  he  had  quoted  the  passage  fully,  instead 
of  merely  borrowing  some  of  its  language,  he  would  have 
applied  all  the  terms  to  one  subject.  My  principal  reason 
for  doubt  is,  that  he  has  nowhere  in  his  writings  spoken  of 
Christ  as  o  uyyar  f^y.',-;,  with  or  without  r]u(:>t>,  and  that  it  would 
hardly  have  been  co.isistcnt  with  his  theology  to  do  this, 
holding  so  strongly  as  he  did  the  doctrine  of  the  subordina- 
tion of  the  Son. 

It  is  true  that  many  writers  of  the  fourth  century  and 
later  apply  the  passage  to  Christ.  At  that  period,  and 
earlier,  when  ^' '>;  had  become  a  common  appellation  of 
Christ,  and  especially  when  he  was  very  often  called  *'  our 
God"  or  ^'our  G  )d  and  Saviour,"  the  construction  of  Tit.  ii. 


*  Winstanley  well  remarks,  in  hi?  valuable  essay  on  the  use  of  ihe  Greek  article  in  the  New 
Testament,  that  'the  observation  of  Whitby  that  Clem.  Alex,  quotes  this  text  of  St.  Paul,  when 
he  is  asserting  the  divinity  of  Christ,  if  it  in^an  that  he  quotes  it  as  an  argument,  or  proof ,  is 
a  mistake.  Clemens  is  all  along  speaking  of  a  past  appearance  only,  and  therefore  he  begms  his 
quotation  with  a  former  ver-se,  /}  x<i,>'('  ~oi'  t^tDU  •  •  •  etc.,  and  then  proceeds  tovto  iort  ro 
aaua  to  tiaii'ov  [I  omit  the  qu)tation],  etc.,  so  that  his  authority  inclines  the  other  Mray;  for 
he  has  not  appealed  to  this  text,  though  he  had  it  before  him,  when  he  was  expressly  asserting 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  as  ihor,  and  ,)  t'hor  hv/or^  but  not  as  o  uiyaq  6e6r.^*  {^Vindication  of 
certain  Passaf^es  in  thr  Comnf^n  Engliih  Version  of  the  *V.  7".,  p.  35  f.,  Amer.  ed.,  Cambridge, 

1819.) 

Wvt  supposition  of  Word nvorth  and  Bishop  Jack*on  that  Ignatius  (£'/A.  c  i)  refers  to  this 

passage  has,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  no  foundation. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  TITUS   II.    13  445 

13  which  refers  the  deoi  to  him  would  seem  the  most  natural. 
But  the  Njw  Testament  use  of  language  is  widely  different ; 
and  on  that  account  a  construction  which  would  seem  most 
natural  in  the  fourth  century,  might  not  even  suggest  itself 
to  a  reader  of  the  first  century.  That  the  orthodox  Fathers 
should  give  to  an  ambiguous  passage  the  construction  which 
suited  their  theology  and  the  use  of  language  in  their  time 
was  almost  a  matter  of  course,  and  furnishes  no  evidence 
that  their  resolution  of  the  ambiguity  is  the  true  one. 

The  cases  are  so  numerous  in  which  the  Fathers,  under 
the  influence  of  a  dogmatic  bias,  have  done  extreme  violence 
to  very  plain  language,  that  we  can  attach  no  weight  to  their 
preference  in  the  case  of  a  construction  really  ambiguous, 
like  the  present.     For  a  notable  example  of  such  violence, 

see  2    Cor.  iv.  4,    '»  ol^  0  dedg  tov  aiuvo^  rovrov  crv^Awtrev  ra  vo^fiara  ruv 

aTTioTuv,  where,  through  fear  of  Gnosticism  or  Manichaeism, 
Irenaeus  {Haer,  iii.  7,  §  i  ;  comp.  iv.  29  (al.  48),  §  2),  Ter- 
tullian  {Adv,  Marc,  v.  11),  Adamantius  or  Pseudo-Origen 
(De  recta  in  Dcum  fide,  sect.  ii.  Orig.  Opp,  i.  832),  Chrysos- 
tom,  Theodoret,  CEcumenius,  Theophylact,  Augustine,  Pri- 
masius,  Sedulius  Scotus,  Haymo,  and  others  make  rov  aiuvog 
Tovrov  depend  on  amarcjv  instead  of  o  ee6c*  a  construction  which 
we  should  hardly  hesitate  to  call  impossible. 

I  have  now  considered  all  the  arguments  of  Bishop  Elli- 
cott,  citing  them  in  full  in  his  own  language.  It  seems  to 
me  that  no  one  of  them  has  any  real  weight ;  and  that  a 
consideration  of  his  "palmary  argument,"  which  is  the  one 
mainly  urged  by  the  advocates  of  his  construction  of  the 
passage,  really  leads  to  the  opposite  view.  The  same  is 
true  also,  I  conceive,  of  his  reference  to  the  expression 
"the  great  God." 

But  there  is  a  new  argument  which  it  may  be  worth  while 
to  notice.  In  the  English  translation  of  the  second  edition 
of  his  BiblicO'TJicological  Lexicon  of  N,  T,  Greek,  Cremer 
has  added  to  the  article  ^^k  a  long  note  on  Tit.  ii.  13  which 

*  For  many  of  these  writers  see  Whitby,  Diss.  tU  Script.  InUrp.  ucMndum  Fatr«m  Cotm- 
mentariost  p.  275  f.  Alford*s  note  on  this  passage  has  a  number  of  false  references,  copied 
without  acknowledj^ent  from  Mever,  and  ascribes  this  interpretation  (after  Meyer)  to  Origen, 
who  opposes  it  {PPP-  iiL  497,  ed.  De  la  Rue). 


446  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

is  not  in  the  German  original,  and  has  made  other  altera- 
tions in  the  article.  He  here  contends  that  rov  ficyd/jov  Ofov 
refers  to  Christ.  He  gives  up  entirely  the  argument  from 
the  want  of  the  article  before  aur^po^,  on  which  he  had  in- 
sisted in  the  German  edition.  Nor  does  he  urge  the  argu- 
ment from  the  use  of  t-i(*>dv£ia.  His  only  arguments  are 
founded  on  the  assertion  that  ver.  14  "by  its  form  already 
indicates  that  in  ver.  13  only  one  subject  is  presented  ** — an 
argument  which  has  already  been  answered  (see  p.  443, 
under  b),  and  to  which,  it  seems  to  me,  one  cannot  reason- 
ably attach  the  slightest  weight  —  and  the  fact  that  ver.  14 
contains  the  expression  >-aof  Tcepuwato^,  **  a  peculiar  people,"  an 
expression  used  in  the  O.  T.  to  denote  the  Jewish  nation 
as  the  chosen  people,  the  peculiar  possession  of  God.  The 
argument  rests  on  the  assumption  that  because  in  ver.  14 
the  Apostle  has  transferred  this  expression  to  the  church  of 
Christ,  "the  great  God"  in  ver.  13  must  be  taken  as  a 
predicate  of  Christ. 

The  case  seems  to  me  to  present  no  difficulty,  and  to 
afford  no  ground  for  such  an  inference.  The  relation  of 
Christians  to  God  and  Christ  is  such  that,  from  its  very 
nature,  the  servants  of  Christ  are  and  are  called  the  servants 
of  God,  the  church  of  Christ  the  church  of  God,  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  the  kingdom  of  God.  So  Christians  are  and 
arc  represented  as  the  peculiar  people  and  possession  of 
Christ,  and  at  the  same  time  the  peculiar  people  and  pos- 
session of  God  (i  Pet.  ii.  9,  10).*  If  Christians  belong  to 
Christ,  they  must  belong  also  to  God,  the  Father,  to  whom 
Christ  himself  belongs  (i  Cor.  iii.  23,  "ye  are  Christ's, 
and  Christ  is  God's ").  To  infer,  then,  that  because  in 
ver.  14  Christians  are  spoken  of  as  Christ's  peculiar  people, 
the  title  "great  God"  must  necessarily  be  understood  as 
applied  to  him  in  ver.  13  is  a  very  extraordinary  kind  of 
reasoning. 

Such  are  the  arguments  which  have  been  urged  for  the 
translation,   "  the  appearing  of  the  glory  of  our  great  God 


•CcTmp  Clement  of  Rome,  i  £"/  ad  Cor.  c.  64  (formerly  58):  "  May  the  All-s«einic  God 
and  M.^ster  ot  Spirits  and  Lord  of  all  flesh,  who  chose  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  us  through  Aim 
for  a  peculiar  people  (fif  '/.aov  7rFf)(oicioi'),  grant,"  etc. 


ox   THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  TITUS   II.    1 3  447 

and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ."     Let  us  now  consider  what  is  to 
be  said  for  the  construction  which  makes  rov  fMeyd/u)v  deov  2Lnd 

'Irfoov  Xpurrov   distluct  SUbjCCtS. 

In  the  case  of  a  grammatical  ambiguity  of  this  kind  in  any 
classical  author,  the  first  inquiry  would  be,  What  is  the 
usage  of  the  writer  respecting  the  application  of  the  title  in 
question  ?  Now  this  consideration,  which  certainly  is  a 
most  reasonable  one,  seems  to  me  here  absolutely  decisive. 
While  the  word  o^o;  occurs  more  than  five  hundred  times  in 
the  Epistles  of  Paul,  not  including  the  Epistle  to  the  He- 
brews, there  is  not  a  single  instance  in  which  it  is  clearly 
applied  to  Christ.* 

In  the  case  then  of  a  question  between  two  constructions, 
either  of  which  is  grammatically  possible,  should  we  not 
adopt  that  which  accords  with  a  usage  of  which  we  have 
five  hundred  examples,  without  one  clear  exception,  rather 
than  that  which  is  in  opposition  to  it }  The  case  is  made 
still  stronger  by  the  fact  that  we  have  here  not  only  Btoi,  but 

luya.7jov  deov. 

Even  if  we  do  not  regard  the  Pastoral  Epistles  as  written 
by  Paul,  and  confine  our  attention  to  them  only,  we  reach 
the  same  result.  Observe  how  clearly  God,  the  Father,  is 
distinguished  from  Christ  in  i  Tim.  i.  i,  2 ;  ii.  3-5  ;  v.  21  ;  vi. 


*  The  passages  in  the  writings  of  Paol  in  which  the  title  Oi6^  has  ever  been  supposed  to  be 
IpTen  to  Christ  are  very  few,  and  are  all  cases  of  very  doubtful  construction  or  doubtful  reading. 
Alford  finds  it  given  to  him  only  in  Rom.  ix.  5 ;  but  here,  as  is  well  known,  many  of  the  most 
eminent  modem  scholars,  make  the  last  part  of  the  verse  a  doxology  to  God,  the  Father.  So,  for 
example,  Winer,  Fritzsche,  Meyer,  De  Wette,  Ewald;  Tischendorf,  Kuenen  and  Cobet,  Butt- 
mamn,  Hahn  (ed.  1861);  Professor  Jowett,  Profeisor  J.  H.  Godwin,  Professor  Lewis  Campbell 
of  the  University  of  St.  Andrew*s,  the  Rev.  Dr.  B.  H.  Kennedy,  Regius  Professor  of  Gr«ek  in 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  and  Dr.  Hort.  Of  the  other  passages,  Eph.  v.  $  and  a  Thess.  i.  12 
have  already  been  considered.  In  i  Tim.  iii.  16  there  is  now  a  general  agreement  among  critical 
scholars  that  6^  hpavepC^T]  and  not  Bebc  eoai'efXjSrf  is  the  true  reading.  In  Col.  ii.  a,  the 
only  remainmg  passage,  the  text  is  unceruin ;  but  if  we  adopt  the  reading  rot;  uvfrrrjpiov  rob 
Oeoi'  Xfuarov,  the  most  probable  construction  is  that  which  regards  Xpifrrov  a»  in  apposition 
with  tntrrrjpiov,  which  is  confirmed  by  Col.  i.  37.  This  is  the  view  of  Bishop  EUicott,  Bishop 
Lightfoot,  Wieseler  (on  Gal.  i.  1),  and  Westcott  and  Hort.  Others,  as  Meyer,  Huther,  and 
Kldpper,  translate  "  the  mystery  of  the  God  of  Christ*'  (comp.  Eoh.  i.  3,  17,  etc).  Steiger  ukes 
XpiOTOv  as  in  apposition  with  roh  fifni\  s^od  thus  finds  Christ  here  called  God ;  but  to  justify 
his  interpretation  the  Greek  should  rather  be  Xpiaroi'  rov  thov  (comp.  De  Wette). 

The  habitual,  and  I  believe  uniform^  usage  of  Paul  corresptonds  with  his  language  i  Cor. 
Tin.  6. 

Here  and  elsewhere  I  intentionally  pass  by  the  question  whether  Paul's  view  of  the  nature  of 
Christ  and  his  relation  to  th*  Father  w  m  d  h  ive  alio  ved  him  to  designate  Christ  as  6  Ufyac  ^f OC 
xoi  our^p  Tjuotv.  This  would  lead  to  a  long  discussion  of  many  passages.  My  argument  rests 
00  the  undisputed  facts  respecti  ig  h:s  habitual  use  of  language. 


44^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

13-16;  2  Tim.  i.  2,  8,  9;  iv.  i  ;  Tit.  i.  I,  3  (comp.  for  the 
Kaf  iTTiraynv  I  Tim.  i.  I,  Rom.  xvi.  26),  4;  iii.  4-6.  Observe, 
particularly,  that  the  expression  "  God  our  Saviour "  is  ap- 
plied solely  to  the  Father,  who  is  distinguished  from  Christ 
as  our  Saviour ;  God  being  the  primal  source  of  salvation, 
and  Christ  the  medium  of  communication,  agreeably  to  the 

language  of    Paul,  2  Cor.  v.  18,  ra  6e  Trdvra  sk  tov  deov,  rov  Kara/J/A^av^ 

7oqf)ua^eavrCiALa\piaTov\  comp.  I  Cor.  viii.  6.  See  I  Tim.  i.  I ; 
ii.  3-S  ;  iv.  lo ;  Tit.  i.  1-4 ;  iii.  4-6 ;  compare  also  Jude 
25.  Such  being  the  marked  distinction  between  Oeoq  and 
Xp  trrof  in  other  passages  of  these  Pastoral  Epistles,  should 
we  not  adopt  the  construction  which  recognizes  the  same 
here } 

An  examination  of  the  context  will  confirm  the  conclu- 
sion at  which  we  have  arrived.  I  have  already  shown  that 
the  title  "  God  our  Saviour  '*  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles  belongs 
exclusively  to  the  Father.  This  is  generally  admitted  ;  for 
example,  by  Bloomfield,  Alford,  and  Ellicott.  Now  the  con- 
nection of  ver.  10,  in  which  this  expression  occurs,  with  ver. 
1 1  is  obviously  such,  that  if  Beov  denotes  the  Father  in  the 
former  it  must  in  the  latter.  Regarding  it  then  as  settled 
that^e^rin  ver.  11  denotes  the  Father  (and  I  am  not  aware 
that  it  has  ever  been  disputed),*  is  it  not  harsh  to  suppose 
that  the '>'"■  in  ver.  13,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sentence, 
denotes  a  different  subject  from  the  dtnh  \n  ver.  11,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  same  sentence  ^  It  appears  especially 
harsh,  when  we  n  )tice  the  beautiful  correspondence  of 
't-;oin'fmv\n  vcr.  1 3  with  the  i-toav,i  of  ver.  ii.  This  corre- 
spondence can  hardly  have  been  undesigned.  As  the  first 
advent  of  Christ  was  an  appearing  or  visible  manifestation 
of  the  grace  of  God,  who  sent  him,  so  his  second  advent 
will  be  an  appearing  of  the  glory  of  God,  as  well  as  of  Christ. 

To  sum  up :  the  reasons  which  are  urged  for  giving  this 
verbally  ambiguous  passage  the  construction  which  makes 
**the  great  God"  a  designation  of  Christ,  are  seen,  when 
examined,  to  have  little  or  no  weight  ;  on  the  other  hand, 

•  If  it  shoud  be  questioned,  all  doubt  will  probably  be  removed  by  a  comparison  of  the  vene 
with  Tiu  "li.  3-7  and  2  Tim.  i.  8.  o. 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF   TITUS   II.    13  449 

the  construction  adopted  in  the  common  English  version, 
and  preferred  by  the  American  Revisers,  is  favored,  if  not 
required,  by  the  context  (comparing  ver.  13  with  ver.  11); 
it  perfectly  suits  the  references  to  the  second  advent  in 
other  parts  of  the  New  Testament ;  and  it  is  imperatively 
demanded  by  a  regard  to  Paul's  use  of  language y  unless  we 
arbitrarily  assume  here  a  single  exception  to  a  usage  of 
which  we  have  more  than  five  hundred  examples. 

I  might  add,  though  I  would  not  lay  much  stress  on  the 
fact,  that  the  principal  ancient  versions,  the  Old  Latin,  the 
Vulgate,  the  Peshito  and  Harclean  Syriac,  the  Coptic,  and 
the  Arabic,  appear  to  have  given  the  passage  the  construc- 
tion which  makes  God  and  Christ  distinct  subjects.  The 
Aethiopic  seems  to  be  the  only  exception.  Perhaps,  how- 
ever, the  construction  in  the  Latin  versions  should  be  re- 
garded as  somewhat  ambiguous. 

Among  the  modern  scholars  who  have  agreed  with  all  the 
old  English  versions  (Tyndale,  Coverdale,  Cranmer,  the  Ge- 
nevan, the  Bishops'  Bible,  the  Rhemish,  and  the  Authorized) 
in  preferring  this  construction  are  Erasmus,  Calvin,  Luther, 
Grotius,  LeClerc,  Wetstein,  Moldenhawcr,  Michaelis,  Benson, 
Macknight,  Archbishop  Newcome,  Roscnmiillcr,  Hcinrichs, 
Schott,  Bretschneider,  Neandcr  {Planting  and  Training  of 
the  Christian  Churchy  Robinson's  revised  trans.,  p.  468, 
note  t)>  De  Wette  (and  so  Moller  in  the  3d  ed.  of  De 
Wette,  1867),  Meyer  (on  Rom.  ix.  5),  Fritzsche  {Ep.  ad 
Rom.  ii.  265  ff.),  Grimm,  Baumgarten-Crusius  {N,  T,  Gr, 
ed.  Schott,  1839),  Krehl,  H.  F.  T.  L.  Ernesti  {Voin  Ur- 
sprtmge  dcr  Siindcy  p.  235  f.),  Schumann  {Christus,  1852, 
ii.  580,  note),  Messncr  {Die  Lchre  dcr  Apostcl,  1856,  p.  236 
f.),  Huther,  Ewald,  Holtzmann  (in  Bunsen's  Bibckverk,  and 
with  more  hesitation  in  his  Die  Pastoralbriefe^  1880),  Bey- 
schlag  {Christol.  des  N.  7!,  i865,  p.  212,  note),  Rothe  {Dog- 
niatik,  II.  i.  (1870),  p.  no,  note  3),  Conybcare  and  Howson, 
Alford,  Fairbairn,  with  some  hesitation  {The  Pastoral  Epis- 
tles, Edin.  1874,  pp.  55,  282-285),  Davidson,  Prof.  Lewis 
Campbell  (in  the  Contcmp,  Rev,  for  Aug.,  1876),  Immer 
{TheoL  d.  N  7".,  1877,  p.  393),  W.  F.  Gess  {Christi  Person 


45©  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

U9ul  Werk,  Abth.  II.  (1878),  p.  330),  in  opposition  to  the 
view  expressed  in  his  earlier  work,  Die  Lehre  von  der  Person 
Christi  (1856),  p.  88  f.,  Reuss  {Lcs  Epttres  Pauliniennes, 
Paris,  1878,  ii.  345),  Farrar  {Life  and  Work  of  St  Paul,  ii. 
536,  cf.  p.  615,  note  i) ;  and  so  the  grammarians  Winer  and 
T.  S.  Green  (comp.  liis  Twofold  N.  T,).  In  the  case  of  one 
or  two  recent  writers,  as  Pfleiderer  and  Weizsacker,  who 
have  adopted  the  other  construction,  there  is  reason  to 
regard  them  as  influenced  by  their  view  of  the  non-Pauline 
authorship  of  the  Epistle,  disposing  them  to  find  in  its 
Christology  a  doctrine  different  from  that  of  Paul. 

Very  many  others,  as  Heydenreich,  Flatt,  Tholuck  {Comm, 
sum  Brief  an  die  Romer,  5te  Ausg.,  1856,  p.  482),  C  F. 
Schmid  {Bibt  TheoL  des  N,  7".,  2te  Aufl.,  p.  540),  Luthardt, 
leave  the  matter  undecided.  Even  Bloomfield,  in  the  Ad- 
denda to  his  last  work  {Critical  An  flotations ,  Additional  and 
Supplementary^  on  the  N,  7!,  London,  i860,  p.  352),  after  re- 
tracting the  version  given  in  his  ninth  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament,  candidly  says :  "  I  am  ready  to  admit  that  the 
mode  of  interpreting  maintained  by  Huther  and  Al[ford] 
completely  satisfies  all  the  grammatical  requirements  of  the 
sentence  ;  that  it  is  both  structurally  and  contextually  quite 
as  probable  as  the  other,  and  perhaps  more  agreeable  to  the 
Apostle's  way  of  writing." 

The  view  of  Lange  {Christlichc  Dogmatik,Yi€\^^h,  185 1, 
ii.  161  f.),  Van  Hengel  {Interp.  Ep.  Pauli  ad  Romanos,  ii. 
358,  note),  and  Schenkel  {D.is  Christusbild  der  Apostel,  1879, 
p.  357),  that  'itmv^piGTnv  is  here  in  apposition  to  m<5o>>f,  the 
words  which  precede  (-"»^  i^n'-  ^toc-  kuI  mjr.  i}uC)r)  being  referred  to 
the  Father,*  has  so  little  to  command  it  that  it  may  be 
passed  over  without  discussion. 


*  The  punctuation  in  the  margin  in  Westcott  and  Hort's  iVT.  T.  in  Greek  is  alto  intended  to 
represent  this  view. 


ox   THE   CONSTRUCTIOK    OF   TITUS   II.    I3  451 

NOTE  A.    (See  p.  440.) 
On  the  Omission  of  the  Article  before  aurtjpo^  ifiQv, 

Middleton's  rule  is  as  follows :  "  When  two  or  more  attributives 
joined  by  a  copulative  or  copulatives  are  assumed  of  [assumed  to  belong 
to]  the  same  person  or  thing,  before  the  first  attributive  the  article  is 
inserted;  before  the  remaining  ones  it  is  omitted.'*  (Doctrine  of  the 
Greek  Article^  Chap.  III.  Sect.  IV.  §  2,  p.  44,  Am.  edition.)  If  the 
article  is  not  inserted  before  the  second  of  the  two  assumable  attribu- 
tives thus  connected,  he  maintains  that  both  must  be  understood  as 
describing  the  same  subject. 

By  attributives  he  understands  adjectives,  participles,  and  nouns 
which  are  "  significant  of  character^  relation^  or  dignity, ^^ 

He  admits  that  the  rule  is  not  always  applicable  to  plurals  (p.  49) ; 
and,  again,  where  the  attributives  "are  in  their  nature  plainly  incompat- 
ible.'* "  We  cannot  wonder,"  he  says, "  if  in  such  instances  the  principle 
of  the  rule  has  been  sacrificed  to  negligence,  or  even  to  studied  brevity. 
. . .  The  second  article  should  in  strictness  be  expressed ;  but  in  such 
cases  the  writers  knew  that  it  might  be  safely  understood  "  (pp.  51,  52). 

The /r/«ri^/f  which  covers  all  the  cases  coming  under  Middleton's 
rule,  so  far  as  that  rule  bears  on  the  present  question,  is,  I  believe,  sim- 
ply this :  The  definite  article  is  inserted  before  the  second  attributive 
when  it  is  felt  to  be  needed  to  distinguish  different  subjects ;  but  when 
the  two  terms  connected  by  a  copulative  are  shown  by  any  circumstance 
to  denote  distinct  subjects,  then  the  article  may  be  omitted,  for  the  ex- 
cellent reason  that  it  is  not  needed.* 

Middleton's  rule,  with  its  exceptions,  applies  to  the  English  language 
as  well  as  to  the  Greek.  Webster  (Wm.)  remarks  in  his  Syntax  and 
Synonyms  of  the  Greek  Testament  :  — 

"In  English,  the  Secretary  and  Treasurer  means  one  person ;  the 
Secretary  and  the  Treasurer  mean  two  persons.  In  speaking  of  horses, 
the  black  and  white  means  the  piebald,  but  the  black  and  the  white 
mean  two  different  horses."    (pp.  35,  36.) 

But  this  rule  is  very  often  broken  when  such  formal  precision  of  ex- 
pression is  not  felt  to  be  necessary.  If  I  should  say,  **  I  saw  the  Presi- 
dent and  Treasurer  of  the  Boston  and  Albany  Railroad  yesterday,"  no 
one,  probably,  would  doubt  that  I  spoke  of  two  different  persons,  or 
(unless  perhaps  Mr.  G.  Washington  Moon)  would  imagine  that  I  was 
violating  the  laws  of  the  English  language.  The  fact  that  the  two  offices 
referred  to  are  generally  or  always  in  such  corporations  held  by  different 
persons  would  prevent  any  doubt  as  to  the  meaning.    Again,  the  remark 

•  See  the  remarks  (by  Andrews  Norton)  in  the  Appendix  to  the  American  edition  of  Win- 
Stanley's  Vindicatien  tf  Certain  Passages  in  the  Common  £nf.  yersicn  0/  the  N.  7".,  p.  45  ff. ; 
or  Norton's  SiaUmetU  0/ Reasons t  etc.,  2d  ed.  (xK56)«  pp.  199-20J. 


452  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

that  "  Mr.  A.  drove  out  to-day  with  his  black  and  white  horses  "  would 
be  perfectly  correct  English  and  perfectly  unambiguous  if  addressed  to 
one  who  knew  that  Mr.  A.  had  only  four  horses,  two  of  them  black  and 
the  other  two  white. 

Take  an  example  from  the  New  Testament.  In  Matt.  xxi.  12  we 
read  that  Jesus  '*cast  out  all  those  that  were  selling  and  buying  in  the 
temple,"  ro\%  Tru/ovvrac  *"**  dyopa^ovrac.  No  one  can  reasonably  suppose 
that  the  same  persons  are  here  described  as  both  selling  and  buying. 
In  Mark  the  two  classes  are  made  distinct  by  the  insertion  of  roi'c  before 
ayof)n:^ovTag -J  here  it  is  safely  left  to  the  intelligence  of  the  reader  to 
distinguish  them. 

In  the  case  before  us,  the  omission  of  the  article  before  au-ijpo^  seems 
to  me  to  present  no  difficulty, —  not  because  aurf/poc  is  made  sufficiendy 
definite  by  the  addition  of  ^fiav  (Winer),  for,  since  God  as  well  as  Christ 
is  often  called  "  our  Saviour,"  v  *5^>«  '^^  /lejd'Aov  Oeoh  kgI  oarfjpoq  v.wur, 
standing  alone^  would  most  naturally  be  understood  of  one  subject, 
namely,  God,  the  Father ;  but  the  addition  of  Tt^tou  Xpiarov  to  ODrfipo^ 
t)}iC)'>  changes  the  case  entirely,  restricting  the  aarf/fx)^  rj/iCtv  to  a  person  or 
being  who,  according  to  Paul's  habitual  use  of  language^  is  distinguished 
from  the  person  or  being  whom  he  designates  as  o  ^fof,  so  that  there  was 
no  need  of  the  repetition  of  the  article  to  prevent  ambiguity.  So  in 
2  Thess.  i.  12,  the  expression  Kara  r;)v  x^i^^"^  ^<>^  ^f<>^  W^^  '^'^  Kvpiov  would 
naturally  be  understood  of  one  subject,  and  the  article  would  be  required 
before  Kvpiuv  if  two  were  intended;  but  the  simple  addition  of  'Iffooi* 
Xi>rf77>w  to  Kvpiov  makes  the  reference  to  the  two  distinct  subjects  clear 
without  the  insertion  of  the  article. 

But  the  omission  of  the  article  before  the  second  of  two  subjects 
connected  by  k"-'  is  not  without  effect.  Its  absence  naturally  leads  us  to 
conceive  of  them  as  united  in  some  common  relation,  while  the  repeti- 
tion of  the  article  would  present  them  to  the  mind  as  distinct  objects 
of  thought.  The  difference  between  the  two  cases  is  like  the  difference 
between  the  expressions  "the  kingdom  of  Christ  and  God  "  and '•  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  and  of  God "  in  English.  The  former  expression 
would  denote  one  kingdom,  belonging  in  some  sense  to  both ;  the  latter 
would  ])ermit  the  supposition  that  two  distinct  kingdoms  were  referred 
to,  though  it  would  not  require  this  interpretation.  The  repetition  of 
the  preposition,  however,  as  of  the  article,  brings  the  subjects  sepa- 
rately before  the  mind.  In  the  present  case,  the  omission  of  the  article 
before  m.»r;;/)or,  conjoining  the  word  closely  with  f^^"t\  may  indicate  that 
the  glory  spoken  of  belongs  in  one  aspect  to  God  and  in  another  to 
Christ  (comp.  Eph.  v.  5);  or  that  the  glory  of  God  and  the  glory  of 
Christ  are  displayed  in  conjunction  (comp.  2  Thess.  i.  12^  Kara  ri/v  x^fx^ 

roi  ihiih  i/uC)V  Kill   KVj)ii)v  'I.  X.  ;    Luke  ix.  26). 

There  may  be  still  another  reason  for  the  omission  of  the  article 

here  before '^  •»''"'■'  v''"^''.  or,  perhips   I   should  say,  another  effect  of  its 


ON   THE   CONSTRUCTION   OF   TITUS    II.    1 3  453 

absence.  It  is  a  recognized  principle  that  the  omission  of  the  article 
before  an  appellative  which  designates  a  person  tends  to  fix  the  atten- 
tion on  the  quality  or  character  or  peculiar  relation  expressed  by  the 
appellative,  while  the  insertion  of  the  article  tends  to  throw  into  the 
shade  the  inherent  meaning  of  the  term,  and  to  give  it  the  force  of  a 
simple  proper  name.  For  example,  in  Heb.  i.  2  h'  ru  vt<ft  would  simply 
mean  "in  {or  by)  the  Son,"  or  "his  Son";  but  the  omission  of  the 
article  (^v  vie)  emphasizes  the  significance  of  the  term  vide, — "  by  one 
who  is  a  »SV7«,"  and  in  virtue  of  what  that  designation  expresses  is  far 
above  all  "  the  prophets."  (Comp.  T.  S.  Green,  Gram,  of  the  N.  T.y 
2d  ed.,  pp.  47  f.,  38  f.)  So  here  the  meaning  may  be,  "  the  appearing  of 
the  glory  of  the  great  God  and  a  Saviour  oi  us,"  one  who  is  our  Saviour^ 
"Jesus  Christ" — essentially  equivalent  to  "of  the  great  God  and  Jesus 
Christ  as  our  Saviour  "  (comp.  Acts  xiii.  23);  the  idea  suggested  being 
that  the  salvation  or  deliverance  of  Christians  will  be  consummated  at 
the  second  advent,  when  Christ  "shall  appear,  to  them  that  wait  for 
him,  unto  salvation^  Comp.  Phil.  iii.  20,  21,  "  For  our  citizenship  is 
in  heaven,  from  whence  also  we  wait  for  a  Saviour,  the   Lord  Jesus 

Christ,  f^  ov  Koi  aurf)f}a  cnreKdexofii^^d  Kvpiov  'h/aohv  Xfuarov,  who  shall  change 
the  body  of  our  humiliation,"  etc. ;  Rom.  viii.  23,  24,  xiii.  1 1 ;  i  Thess. 
V.  8,  9 ;  Heb.  ix.  28 ;  i  Pet.  i.  5.  The  position  of  auTfjpo^  ^jnuv  before 
*lrfaov  XpiffTov,  as  well  as  the  absence  of  the  article,  favors  this  view ; 
comp.  Acts  xiii.  23 ;  Phil,  iii  20,  and  contrast  Tit.  i.  4. 

The  points  which  I  would  make,  then,  are  that  the  insertion  of  the 
article  before  ourr/poc  was  not  needed  here  to  show  that  the  word  desig- 
nates a  subject  distinct  from  rob  fieyd/Mv  $eov ;  and  that  its  absence  serves 
to  bring  out  the  thoughts  that,  in  the  event  referred  to,  the  glory  of  God 
and  that  of  Christ  are  displayed  together^  and  that  Christ  then  appears 
as  Saviour^  in  the  sense  that  the  salvation  of  Christians,  including  what 
St.  Paul  calls  "  the  redemption  of  the  body,"  is  then  made  complete. 
These  are  conceptions  which  accord  with  the  view  which  the  Apostle 
has  elsewhere  presented  of  the  second  advent. 

But  as  many  English  writers  still  assume  that  the  construction  of 
Tit.  ii.  13  and  similar  passages  has  been  settled  by  Bishop  Middleton, 
I  will  quote  in  conclusion  a  few  sentences,  by  way  of  caution,  from  one 
of  the  highest  authorities  on  the  grammar  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
Alexander  Buttmann.     He  says  :  — 

"  It  will  probably  never  be  possible,  either  in  reference  to  profane 
literature  or  to  the  N.  T.,  to  bring  down  to  rigid  rules  which  have 
no  exception,  the  inquiry  when  with  several  substantives  connected 
by  conjunctions  the  article  is  repeated,  and  when  it  is  not  .  .  .  From 
this  fact  alone  it  follows,  that  in  view  of  the  subjective  and  arbitrary 
treatment  of  the  article  on  the  part  of  individual  writers  (of.  §  124,  2) 
it  is  very  hazardous  in  particular  cases  to  draw  important  inferences 
affecting  the  sense  or  even  of  a  doctrinal  nature,  from  the  single  cir- 


454  CRITICAL  ESSAYS 

cumstance  of  the  use  or  omission  of  the  article;  see  e^.  Tit  ii.  13; 
Jude  4;  2  Pet.  i.  i  and  the  expositors  of  these  passages.'*  {Gram,  of  the 
N.  T,  Greeks  §  125,  14;  p.  97,  Thayer's  trans.) 

NOTE   B.    (Sec  p.  441  «.•) 
Tke  Use  of  kTrupdveia  and  Kindred  Terms  with  Reference  to  God, 
It  has  already  been  observed  that  the  expression  used  in  Tit.  ii.  13 

is  not  iTTif^vuav  roif  fi€yd?x)v  deoh,  but  kTTujMveiav  rfjq  i^d^tfg  Toi  fieyd?jov  Seov, 
and  that  the  reference  of  the  title  "  the  great  God  "  to  the  Father  accords 
perfectly  with  the  representation  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament  that 
/he  glory  of  God,  the  Father,  as  well  as  of  Christ,  will  be  displayed  at 
the  second  advent.  This  reference,  therefore,  presents  no  difficulty. 
But  the  weakness  of  the  argument  against  it  may  be  still  further  illus- 
trated by  the  use  of  the  term  ^Tf^vfm  and  kindred  expressions  in  Jose- 
phus  and  other  Jewish  writings.  It  will  be  seen  that  any  extraordinary 
manifestation  of  divine  power,  whether  exerted  directly  or  through  an 
intermediate  agent,  is  spoken  of  as  an  exf^dvcm  of  God. 

1.  For  example,  the  parting  of  the  waters  of  the  Red  Sea  is  described 
as  "the  appearing"  or  ''manifestation  of  God."  Mwua^f  6h  opciv  rf/v 
ETTu^tdvetav  tov  fteov,  k.  r.  X.     (Joseph.  Ant.  ii.  1 6.  §  2.) 

2.  Speaking  of  the  journey  through  the  wilderness,  Josephus  says: 
"The  cloud  was  present,  and,  standing  over  the  tabernacle,  signified 
the  appearing  of  Gody'*  rr/v  kmpdveiav  tov  deov.    (Ant.  iii.  14.  §  4.) 

3.  Josephus    uses    both    V  ^npovcia  tov  fimw    and    V  e-iQdveia    [tov  Oeov'^ 

in  reference  to  a  miraculous  shower  of  rain  (Ant.  xviii.  8.  (al.  10)  §  6). 
So  a  violent  thunder  storm,  which  deterred  the  army  of  Xerxes  from 
attacking  Delphi,  is  described  by  Diodorus  Siculus  as  7  tuv  ^kov  tTit.a- 
i-eta  (Bid/.  Hist.  xi.  14).  Comp.  Joseph.  Ant.  xv.  ir.  (al.  14)  §  7,  where 
//  fuoni'tta  7oi>  tk,,r  is  used  in  a  similar  way.  Observe  also  how,  in 
Herod's  speech  (./;//.  xv.  5.  (al.  6)  §  3),  angels  are  spoken  of  as  bringing 
God  ^i<:  iiiui'ii'iinv  to  men. 

4.  In  reference  to  the  miraculous  guidance  of  Abraham's  servant 
when  sent  to  procure  Rebecca  as  a  wife  for  Isaac,  the  marriage  is  said 
to  have  been  brought  about  »tm  ^'fm^  l-Tioaveiar,  where  we  might  say, 
**by  a  divine  interposition."     (Joseph.  Ant.  i.  16.  §  3.) 

5.  After  giving  an  account  of  the  deliverance  of  Elisha  from  the 
troops  sent  by  Ben-Hadad  to  arrest  him,  which  were  struck  with  blind- 
ness, Josephus  says  that  the  king  "marvelled  at  the  strange  event,  and 
the  appearing  (or  manifestation)  and  power  of  the  God  of  the  Israelites 
(tjjv  tov  tifrjv  TOV  'lrTjifUj//7('.)i'  '^-tijiivnav  kui  Arraun)^  and  at  the  prophet  with 
whom  the  Deity  was  so  evidently  present  for  help."  (Ant.  ix.  4.  §  4.) 
Elijah  had  prayed  that  God  would  ^'manifest  (ruodviaa')  his  power  and 

presence,'^  -nnnvrrtav.     [Ibid.  §  3.) 

6.  In  Josephus,  Ant.  v.  8.  §^  2,  3,  the  appearance  of  an  angei  sent  by 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION  OF  TITUS   II.    13  45$ 

God  is  described  as  "a  sight  of  God,"  «  ^  *y*«Jf  -ou  %tob  .  ..rhv  Qthv 

7.  In  2  Mace.  iii.  24,  in  reference  to  the  horse  with  the  terrible  riHer, 
and  the  angels  that  scourged  Heliodorus,  we  read,  o  rCtv  Trarefxjv  [al. 

irvci'ftdrwr]  Kvpioq  koX  tclotk  i^ovGta^  dwdar^  €m<;>dveiav  fieyd}.i]v  (TroirfGev, 
and  in  ver.  30,  tov  rravroKpdropo^  kmoavivro^  Kvpiov,  **  the  Almighty 
Lord  having  appeared^''  and  farther  on,  ver.  34,  Heliodorus  is  spoken 
of  as  having  been  "  scourged  by  him^'*  'v^"  air  oh,  i.€,  the  Lord,  according 
to  the  common  text,  retained  by  Grimm  and  Keil.  But  here  for  i-'  avrov 
Fritzsche  reads  i^  oipavov,  which  looks  like  a  gloss  (comp.  ii.  21,  rac  i^ 

ovpavov  ycvofitvaq  k-zioavtiaq), 

8.  The  sending  of  a  good  angel  is  described  as  an  i'Lodvtia  rov  dew, 
2  Mace.  XV.  27,  comp.  w.  22,  23.  Observe  also  that  in  2  Mace.  xv.  34 
and  3  Mace.  v.  35  rov  k-rioavrj  Kvpiov  or  dtdv  does  not  mean  "  the  glorious 
Lord  {or  God) "  as  it  has  often  been  misunderstood,  but  irnoavii^  desig- 
nates God  as  one  who  manifests  his  power  in  the  deliverance  of  his 
people,  a  present  help  in  time  of  need,  "the  interposing  God"  (Bissell). 
Compare  the  note  of  Valesius  (V'alois)  on  Eusebius,  HisL  EccL  ii.  6.  §  2. 

9  See  also  2  Mace.  xii.  22  ik  r^q  rov  -trdvra  toopCiVTo^  emoavelac  yevofiivov 
ex*  avToi-q;  comp.  2  Macc.  xi.  8,  lo,  1 3. 

10.  ''They  made  application  to  him  who  .  . .  always  helpeth  his  por- 
tion [his  people]  ^fr*  crrzoavcmc, "  2  Macc.  xiv.  15. 

11.  In  3  Macc.  v. 8,  we  are  told  that  the  Jews  " besought  the  Almighty 
Lord  to  rescue  them  from  imminent  death  f^^rd  u€}a/.ouepoix  emoaveiac,'* 
and  again,  ver.  51,  "to  take  pity  on  them  /Jifrd  fTfpavrmf."  The  answer 
to  the  prayer  is  represented  as  made  by  the  intervention  of  angels  (vi.  18). 
In  eh.  i.  9,  God  is  spoken  of  as  having  glorified  Jerusalem  ev  kmoaveia 

fie^a/jorrperru. 

12.  In  the  Additions  to  Esther,  Text  B,  vii.  6  (Fritzsche,  Libr.  Apoc, 
K  71  p.  71X  the  sun  and  light  in  Mordecai's  dream  are  said  to  represent 
the  l^toavla  Tov  fteov,  ** appearing"  {or  manifestation)  *'of  God"  in  the 
deliverance  of  the  Jews. 

13.  In  the  so-called  Second  Epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Cor- 
inthians, c.  12,  §  I,  we  read:  "Let  us  therefore  wait  hourly  [or  betimes, 
Lig/t//.]  for  the  kingdom  of  God  in  love  and  righteousness,  because  we 
know  not  the  day  0/  the  appearing  of  God^  r^f  i-xioavEiaq  rov  Ocoh.^^  The 
roh  Otfn\  employed  thus  absolutely,  must,  I  think,  refer  to  the  Father, 
according  to  the  writer^s  use  of  language.  This  consideration  does  not 
seem  to  me  invalidated  by  e.  i,  §  i,  or  by  the  use  of  i-todveia  in  reference 
to  Christ,  e.  1 7 ;  but  others  may  think  differently. 

The  use  of  the  term  (moi'iveca  in  the  later  Greek  classical  writers 
corresponds  with  its  use  as  illustrated  above.  Casaubon  has  a  learned 
note  on  the  word  in  his  Exercit.  ad  Annates  Eccles.  Baronianas^  11.  xi., 
Ann.  I.,  Num.  36  (p.  185,  London,  1614),  in  which  he  says :  "  Graeci  scr-p- 
tores  krrtodvEiav  appellant  apparition :m   numinis  quoquo  tandem  moiio 


45^  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

deus  aliquti  su.ic  praesentinc  sij^num  dedisse  crederetur^'*  (Comp.  his 
note  on  Aihenaeus,  xii.  ir.  al.  60.)  Wesselinij  in  his  note  on  Diodonis 
Siculus,  i.  25,  repeats  this,  and  adds  other  illustrations  from  Diodorus, 
namely:  iii.  62;  iv.  82  [v.  62?];  xi.  14;  and  xiv.  69  (a  striking  example). 
See  also  the  story  of  the  vestal  virgin  in  Dion.  Hal.  Ant,  Rom.  ii.  68 
(cf.  69),  and  of  Servius  Tullius,  ibid.^  iv.  2.  Other  examples  are  given 
by  Eisner,  Obss.  Sacr,  on  2  Pet.  i.  16,  and  by  the  writers  to  whom  he 
refers.  But  it  is  not  worth  while  to  pursue  this  part  of  the  subject 
further  here.  One  who  wishes  to  do  so  will  find  much  interesting 
matter  in  the  notes  of  the  very  learned  Ezechiel  Spanheim  on  Calli- 
machus,  Hymn,  in  Apoll.  13,  and  in  Pallad.  loi,  and  in  his  Disserta- 
Hones  de  Prcestantia  et  Usu  Numismatum  antiquorum^  ed.  nova,  vol.  L 
(London,  1706),  Diss,  vii.,  p.  425  sqq. 

I  will  only  add  in  conclusion :  If  Paul  could  speak  of  the  first  advent 
of  Christ  as  an  f  T/poi^em  of  the  grace  of  God  (see  i^eoavrf.  Tit.  ii.  1 1  ;  iii.  4), 
can  we,  in  view  of  all  that  has  been  said,  regard  it  as  in  the  least  degree 
strange  or  unnatural  that  he  should  speak  of  his  second  advent  as  an 
emcitdveia  of  the  glory  of  God  ? 

NOTE  C.    (See  p.  444.) 
On  the  Expression^  "roh  fityolov  Oeov. 

There  is  no  other  passage  in  the  New  Testament  in  which  this 
expression  occurs,  the  reading  of  the  '* received  text"  in  Rev.  xix.  17 
havini;  very  slender  support.  Hut  the  epithet  *' great"  is  so  often  applied 
to  God  in  the  Old  Testament  and  later  Jewish  writings,  and  is  so  appro- 
priate in  connection  with  the  display  of  the  divine  power  and  glory  in 
the  event  referred  to,  that  it  is  very  wonderful  that  the  use  of  the  word 
here  should  be  regarded  as  an  argument  for  the  reference  of  the  f^oc  to 
Christ  on  the  ground  that  *'  God  the  Father  did  not  uccui  the  exalting 
and  laudatory  epithet  I'^yi':,"  as  Usteri  says  {Paulin.  Lckrbegriff,  5te 
Aufl.,  p.  326).  It  mi:^ht  be  enough  to  answer,  with  Fritzsche,  **  At  ego 
putaveram,  Deum  quum  sit  magrius^  jure  etiam  magnum  appe  1 1  a  ri*'' 
{Ep.  ad  Ro/n.  ii.  268).  But  the  following  references  will  show  how  nat- 
urally Paul  miglit  apply  this  designation  to  the  Father:  Deut.  vi-.  21 
(Sept.  and  Heb.),  x.  i  7  ;  2  Chron.  ii.  5  (4) ;  Neh.  i.  5,  vii.  6,  ix.  32 ;  Vs.  Ixxvii. 
13,  Ixxxvi.  10;  Jer.  .xxxii.  18,  19;  Dan.  ii.  45,  ix.  4;  Psalt.  Sal.  ii.  33; 
3  Mace.  vii.  2.  Comp.  o  nh.mnH:  ihur,  3  Mace.  i.  16,  iii.  11,  v.  25,  vii.  22; 
"the  great  Lord,'*  Kcclus.  xxxix.  6,  xlvi.  5;  2  Mace.  v.  20,  xii.  15.  So 
very  often  in  the  Sibylline  Oracles.  I  have  noted  thirty-one  examples 
in  the  Third  Book  alone,  the  principal  part  of  which  was  the  production 
of  a  Jewish  writer  in  the  second  century  before  Christ. 

Though  all  will  a<;ree  that  God,  the  Father,  does  not  "need"  exalt- 
ing epithets,  such  cpitiicts  are  applied  to  him  freely  by  the  Apostle  Paul 


ON   THE  CONSTRUCTION   OF  TITUS   II.    1 3  457 

and  other  writers  of  the  New  Testament.  For  example,  he  is  called  by 
Paul  "  the  incorruptible  God,"  **  the  living  God,"  "  the  eternal  God," 
"the  only  wise  God,"  "the  only  God,"  "  the  invisible  God,"  "the  living 
and  true  God,"  "  the  blessed  God  " ;  and,  since  there  is  no  other  place 
in  which  the  Apostle  has  unequivocally  designated  Christ  as  Oeo^,  much 
less  6e6^  with  a  high  epithet,  it  certainly  seems  most  natural  to  suppose 
that  6  fiiyac  ^c<5f  here  designates  the  Father.  The  Bishop  of  London 
(in  the  "Speaker's  Commentary")  appeals  to  i  John  v.  20,  where  he 
assumes  that  Christ  is  designated  as  "  the  true  God."  But  he  must 
be  aware  that  this  depends  on  the  reference  of  the  pronoun  oitoc,  and 
that  many  of  the  best  expositors  refer  this  to  the  leading  subject  of  the 
preceding  sentence, —  nzmelVf  rdv  ah/6tv6v ;  so,  /.j^.,  Erasmus,  Grotius, 
Wetstein,  Michaelis,  LUcke,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Neander,  Huther,  Diister- 
dieck,  Gerlach,  Briickner,  Ewald,  Holtzmann,  Braune,  Haupt,  Rothe, 
C.  F.  Schmid,  Gess,  Reuss,  Alford,  Farrar,  Westcott,  and  Sinclair  (in 
EUicott's  iV.  T,  Comm.)\  and  so  the  grammarians  Alt,  Winer,  Wilke, 
Buttmann,  and  Schirlitz;  comp.  also  John  xvii.  3.  So  doubtful  a  pas- 
sage, and  that  not  in  the  writings  of  Paul,  but  John,  can  hardly  serve 
to  render  it  probable  that  Paul  has  here  applied  the  designation  b  fUyag 
de6i  to  Christ  rather  than  to  God,  the  Father. 


XIX. 
I.  JOHN  V.   7  AND   LUTHER'S  GERMAN  BIBLE. 

[From  the  Christian  InUlUgtnctr  for  May  15,  1879.] 

In  my  reply  to  Dr.  Todd  {Christian  Intelligencer  for  April 
24),  I  pointed  out  the  futility  of  his  objection  to  President 
Woolsey's  statement  that  i  John  v.  7  was  "  a  passage  which 
Luther  would  not  express  in  his  translation/' — a  statement 
which,  in  the  face  of  the  plain  fact  that  Luther  did  not 
insert  it  in  any  one  of  the  numerous  editions  of  his  transla- 
tion published  in  his  lifetime,  Dr.  Todd  presumed  to  call  a 
"mistake."  I  will  here  simply  remind  the  reader  that 
Erasmus  introduced  the  passage  into  his  third  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament  in  1522,  and  that  Luther  died  in  1546. 
It  has  been  contended,  however,  by  some  writers,  that,  at 
least  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  the  great  Reformer 
changed  his  mind,  and  received  the  text  as  genuine.  (See 
Knitters  Neue  Kntiken,  Braunschw.  1785,  p.  133  ff.)  The 
argument  rests  on  the  fact  that  in  an  exposition  of  the  First 
Epistle  of  John,  written  probably  between  the  years  1543 
and  1545,  Luther  commented  on  the  verse  without  express- 
ing any  doubt  of  its  genuineness.  The  question  whether 
Luther  changed  his  mind  is  not  important  in  itself,  but  is  on 
several  accounts  not  without  interest.  I  will  therefore  state 
the  circumstances  of  the  case. 

There  are  izvo  expositions  by  Luther  of  the  First  Epistle 
of  John,  both  of  which  may  be  found,  translated  from  the 
original  Latin  into  German,  in  vol.  ix.  of  Walch's  edition 
of  Luther's  Sdmintliche  Schriften,  The  first  was  written 
somewhere  between  the  years  1522  and  1524.  (SeeWalch's 
ed.,   ix.    908-1079,    and    Vorrede,    pp.    18,    19.)      In   this, 


I.  JOHN  V.  7  AND  Luther's  German  bible  459 

Luther,  after  quoting  the  passage  of  the  three  heavenly  wit- 
nesses, remarks :  — 

"  These  words  are  not  found  in  the  Greek  Bibles ;  but  it 
seems  as  if  this  verse  had  been  inserted  by  the  Orthodox 
against  the  Arians.  This,  however,  has  not  been  done  even 
fittingly,  for  he  [the  Apostle]  speaks  here  and  there  not  of 
the  witnesses  in  heaven,  but  of  the  witnesses  on  earth/' 
(Col.  1059.) 

We  here  see  that  Luther  felt  not  merely  the  deficiency  of 
the  external  evidence  for  the  passage,  but  its  internal  in- 
congruity. 

The  other  exposition  was  certainly  written  after  1532,  and 
probably  between  1543  and  1545.  (See  Knittel,  ubi  supra^ 
pp.  134,  135.)  It  first  appeared  in  1743,  in  Walch's  edition 
of  Luther,  vol.  ix.  coll.  1080-1251.  In  this  exposition 
Luther  not  unfrequently  remarks  upon  Greek  words,  show- 
ing that  he  had  the  Greek  text  before  him.  He  is  said  to 
have  used  as  a  manual  in  the  later  years  of  his  life  the  edi- 
tion of  the  Greek  Testament  published  at  Basle  in  1540  by 
Thomas  Platter,  which  reproduces  substantially  the  text 
of  the  third  edition  of  Erasmus.  (See  Luther's  Bibeliiber- 
setzung  kritisch  bearbeitct  von  Bindseil  und  Niemeyer,  Theil 
vii.,  Vorrede,  p.  xv.  note  f)  This  edition  contains  i  John  v. 
7,  like  nearly  all  of  the  editions  of  the  sixteenth  century 
published  after  1522.  In  his  remarks  under  i  John  v.  6, 
which  include  the  larger  part  of  what  he  says  about  the 
seventh  verse,  Luther  begins  with  observing  that  "this  pas- 
sage is  certainly  very  difficult  and  obscure."  Speaking  of 
the  three  heavenly  witnesses,  he  rejects  the  supposition  that 
the  apostle  refers  to  their  testimony  at  the  baptism  and  the 
transfiguration  of  Jesus,  because  that  was  a  testimony  borne 
on  earth,  not  **  in  heaven  "  ;  and  then  explains  it  as  given  in 
what  some  later  theologians  would  call  "the  covenant  of 
redemption  "  made  between  the  three  persons  of  the  Trinity. 
Apparently,  however,  not  very  well  satisfied  with  this  ex- 
planation, he  concludes  with  saying,  "  If  this  is  not  the  true 
meaning  of  these  words,  I  confess  that  I  know  no  other." 
(Col.  1225.)     On  the  seventh  verse  itself,  after  quoting  the 


460  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

words,  he  only  says :  "  This  is  the  testimony  which  is  borne 
by  the  three  witnesses,  [which]  is  in  heaven,  and  also  re- 
mains there.  The  order  here  should  be  observ^ed,  namely, 
that  the  witness  which  is  the  last  among  the  witnesses  in 
heaven  is  the  first  among  the  witnesses  on  earth  ;  and  with 
reason."  He  then  proceeds  to  expound  the  eighth  verse. 
In  this  second  exposition,  Luther  could  no  longer  say  that 

1  John  V.  7  was  not  in  the  Greek  Bibles :  it  had  already 
appeared  in  a  large  number  of  editions  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment. Having  it  before  him,  he  gave  such  an  explanation 
of  it  as  he  could.  It  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  he  had 
re-examined  the  subject,  and  convinced  himself  of  the  gen- 
uineness of  the  passage ;  but  only  that  he  did  not  choose  to 
go  into  the  critical  question.  If  he  had  really  found  any 
new  evidence  in  favor  of  the  text,  here  was  the  place  for 
him  to  have  said  so.  That  he  had  not  become  convinced 
of  its  genuineness  appears  from  the  fact  that  he  did  not 
insert  it  in  the  edition  of  his  translation  published  in  1545. 
the  year  before  his  death.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  circum- 
stance that  he  seems  never  to  have  quoted  the  passage  as  a 
proof-text  for  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  though  he  has 
often  treated  of  this  doctrine  in  his  voluminous  writings. 

For  example,  in  his  Anslcgitug  dcr  Ictzten    Worte  Davids, 

2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7,  §§  65-96  (Walch,  iii.  2835-59),  he  sets 
forth  the  doctrine  at  length,  quoting  as  proof-texts  Ps.  xxxiii. 
6;  Matt,  xxviii.  19;  Luke  iii.  22;  John  v.  17,  x.  30,  33,  and 
other  passages,  but  ignoring  i  John  v.  7.  This  treatise  was 
written  in  1543.  See  also,  for  other  discussions  of  the  Trin- 
ity by  Luther,  his  works  as  edited  by  Walch,  x.  1215-30; 
xi.  1548-55;  xii.  852-69;  xiii.  1508-29,  2624-39.  Neither 
here  nor  anywhere  else  have  I  been  able  to  find  the  pas- 
saij:e  quoted  by  Luther,  though  it  was  interpolated  into 
his  Catechism  by  Lyser  in  1600.  (Rickli,  Johaunis  erster 
Brief,  Anhang,  p.  40.)  It  is  omitted  in  his  Auslegung  der 
Epistel  [\  John  v.  4-12]  ajfi  Sountage  nacli  Osterii.  (Walch, 
xii.  698,  710.) 

In    view  of   all    these   facts,  the   judgment    of    Michaelis 
seems  reasonable.     He  remarks:  — 


I.   JOHN    V.    7    AND   LUTHER*S   GERMAN    BIBLE  46 1 

"  As  to  the  circumstance  that  Luther  in  his  later  lecture 
explained  i  John  v.  7,  after  he  had  read  it  from  the  Greek 
Testament,  without  entering  into  any  critical  inquiry  into 
its  authority,  it  shows  nothing  more  than  that  Luther  dis- 
tinguished exegetical  from  critical  lectures,  and  that  in 
explaining  the  Greek  Testament  he  interpreted  what  he  and 
.his  hearers  had  before  them.  That  he  received  it  as  genu- 
ine is  an  inference  which  we  are  not  authorized  to  make.** 
{Introd.  to  the  N.  71,  trans,  by  Marsh,  2d  ed.,  iv.  440  f.) 

Bengel  takes  the  same  view.  He  says  :  "  It  is  clear  that 
the  passage  was  omitted  by  Luther  not  accidentally,  but 
deliberately;  nay,  his  colleague  Bugenhagen,  with  solemn 
adjuration,  warned  all  persons  against  ever  inserting  it.** 
{Apparatus  criticiis  ad  N.  71,  ed.  2da,  1763,  p.  459.)  Luther's 
own  warning,  prefixed  to  editions  of  his  translation  of  the 
New  Testament  from  1530  onward,  ought  to  have  been  suffi- 
cient.    H  is  words  are  as  follows  :  — 

"  Martin  Luther.  I  beg  all  my  friends  and  enemies, 
my  masters,  printers  and  readers,  to  let  this  Testament  be 
mine.  If  they  find  it  faulty,  let  them  make  one  of  their  own 
for  themselves.  I  know  well  what  I  make  ;  I  see  well  what 
others  make.  But  this  Testament  shall  be  Luther's  German 
Testament.  For  of  playing  the  master  and  the  critic  [or  **of 
conceited  correcting  and  criticising,"  meisterns  und  kliigclns] 
there  is  nowadays  neither  measure  nor  end.  And  let  every 
man  be  warned  against  other  copies.  For  I  have  had  full 
experience  how  carelessly  and  falsely  others  reprint  what  I 
have  printed.**  (See  Luther's  Bibelubersetzimg  von  Bindseil 
und  Niemeyer,  Theil  vi.  p.  15.  Compare  also  the  Warming 
prefixed  to  Luther's  Bible  of  1541.     Ibid.,  Theil  vii.  p.  21  f.) 

The  warning  of  Luther  and  the  protest  of  Bugenhagen 
(occasioned  by  the  interpolation  of  i  John  v.  7  in  an  Evan- 
gelieu'  und  Epistclbuch  printed  at  Wittenberg  in  1549)  were 
not  without  effect,  for  at  least  one  generation.  The  first 
edition  of  Luther's  German  Bible  which  contains  i  John 
V.  7  appears  to  have  been  one  printed  at  Frankfurt-am -Main 
in  1582,  4to.  Panzer  and  Monckeberg  are  wrong  in  saying 
that  the  verse  was  inserted  in  a  Hamburg  edition  in   1574. 


462  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

(See  Huther,  Krit,  ex  eg,  Handb,  iiber  die  drei  Brief e  des 
Ap.  JohanneSy  3te  Aufl.,  1868,  p.  222,  note.)  It  is  found  in 
none  of  the  numerous  editions  printed  at  Wittenberg  before 
1596.  In  the  Swiss-German  version  (not  published  under 
Luther's  name)  printed  by  Froschover  at  Zurich  in  1529,  it 
was  inserted  in  smaller  type,  and  so  in  the  edition  of  1531 ; 
in  nearly  all  the  later  editions  from  1534  to  1589  (that  of 
1 561  is  said  by  Ebrard  to  be  an  exception),  in  brackets  ;  in 
1597  without  brackets,  at  which  time  it  was  also  introduced 
as  a  proof-text  into  the  Zurich  Catechism.  The  Basle  edi- 
tion by  Byrlinger  in  1552  is  said  to  have  it  without  brackets. 
It  was  still  omitted  in  Meissner's  Wittenberg  edition  of 
1607,  and  in  a  quarto  edition  printed  at  Wittenberg  in  1620; 
also,  in  Hamburg  editions  of  1596,  1619,  and  1620.  Since 
this  last  date  the  interpolation  has  appeared  in  the  number- 
less editions  of  Luther's  German  Bible  without  mark  of 
doubt,  except  that  it  has  been  bracketed  in  the  recent 
aut/ton::ed '' Tevxstd  edition'*  of  his  version  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament (Halle,  Canstein'sche  Bibelanstalt,  1871),  with  the 
following  note:  "The  bracketed  words  are  wanting  in 
Luther's  translation,  and  were  not  added  till  later."  It 
should  be  understood  that  the  words  aiif  Erdcii,  **  on  earth," 
in  vxrse  8,  are  not  included  in  the  brackets.  They  were 
inserted  by  Luther  in  the  ^xo,  editions  of  his  German  Bible 
printed  at  Wittenberg  from  1541  to  1545  inclusive;  but  this 
very  fact  shows  that  his  attention  was  directed  to  the  pas- 
sa:;"e,  and  that  the  omission  of  the  three  heavenly  witnesses 
was  intentional. 

( Perhaps  I  may  be  pardoned  for  turning  aside  a  moment 
to  correct  two  errors  which  hav^e  been  repeated  from  Rickli 
(1828)  by  a  large  number  of  respectable  scholars,  as  De 
Wette,  Tischendorf  in  his  editions  of  1841,  1849,  1859,  and 
1869-72,  Bertheau  in  his  edition  of  Liicke  on  the  Epistles 
of  John  (1856),  Davidson,  Braune  in  Lange's  Commentary, 
etc.  They  all  speak  of  Robert  Stephens  as  receiving  the 
passage  in  his  editions  of  1546-69,  and  Beza  in  his  editions 
of  1565-76.  They  should  have  said '*  Robert  Stephens /At- 
elder  in  his  editions  of  1546-51,  and  Robert  Stephens  the 


L  JOSS   V.    7    AJTD   LUTHER'S   GERMAN    BIBLE  463 

younger  vn  iiis  edition  of  1569"  (the  great  Robert  died  ten 
yc2U"S  before) ;  also,  "Beza  in  his  editions  1565-98."  Beza 
published  no  edition  in  1576-:  the  one  of  that  date  erro- 
neously ascribed  to  him  by  sev'eral  writers  was  edited  by 
Henry  Stephens.) 

We  may  obsen'e,  finally,  that  the  other  early  Reformers 
and  friends  of  Luther  generally'  rejected  the  passage;  so 
Zwingli,  Bullinger,  CEcolampadius,  Bugenhagen  (Rickli,  ubi 
supra,  pp.  35,  36^  So,  also,  according  to  Kettner  {Historia 
dicti  Johaiifui .  .  .  i  John  v.  7,  etc.,  1713,  cap.  13),  Melanch- 
thon,  Cruciger  (or  Creutziger),  Justus  Jonas,  Forster,  Auro- 
gallus.  (See  Semler,  Hist.  11.  krit.  Sjinmlwi^en  iibcr  i  John 
V.  7,  I.  24S.)  Bugenhagen,  as  we  have  seen,  was  especially 
strenuous  against  it;  see  his  Exfpsitio  Jofiar,  1550,  cited 
by  Rickli,  p.  39.  It  was  also  omitted  in  the  celebrated 
Latin  version  of  the  Bible  by  Leo  Judae,  Pellicanus,  Peter 
Cholin,  Rudolph  Gualther,  and  others,  printed  at  Zurich  in 
1543,  foL,  and  commonly  called  the  Zurich  Bible  or  Versio 
Tigurina.  A  marginal  note  explains  the  reasons  for  its 
rejection.  The  passage  was  received,  though  with  hesita- 
tion, by  Calvin,  and  without  hesitation  by  Beza.  Both  of 
them,  however,  explain  "  these  three  are  one  "  as  relating 
not  to  unity  of  essence,  but  agreement  in  testimony. 

To  trace  the  history  of  this  gross  corruption  of  the  text 
in  modern  Translations,  Catechisms,  and  Confessions  of 
Faith,  especially  in  the  Greek  Church  since  the  sLvteenth 
centur}',  and  in  modern  editions  of  some  ancient  versions,  as 
the  Peshito  Syriac,  Armenian,  and  Slavonic,  might  be  inter- 
esting and  instructive,  psychologically  as  well  as  critically  ; 
but  there  is  no  room  for  it  here. 


XX. 


ON  THE  DIVISION   OF  THE  GREEK   NEW 
TESTAMENT   INTO   VERSES. 

[From  the  First  Part  of  the  ProUgonuna  to  Tischendorf  •  Bdiiio  Octava  critica  mai9r.'\ 

The  history  of  the  division  of  the  Bible  into  our  present 
verses  is  somewhat  obscure,  and  many  erroneous  statements 
are  current  respecting  it.  For  example,  Tischendorf  (in 
Herzog's  Rcal-Eucyk.  ii.  174,  p.  422,  2d  ed.)  and  Reuss  {Gesch, 
d.  heiligefi  Schriftcn  N.  71,  5te  Ausg.,  1874,  §387),  after  Jahn, 
Bertholdt,  and  others,  represent  it  as  first  introduced  by 
Robert  Sfephens  (Estienne)  in  bis  edition  of  the  Vulgate  in 
1548;  De  Wette  {Eitil,  in  d.  A,  T.  p.  112,  7te  Ausg.,  1852) 
and  Keil  {EiiiL,  2te  Aufl.,  1859,  P«  S^^)  say  1558.  But  no 
edition  of  the  Vulgate  was  prmted  by  Robert  Stephens  in 
cither  of  those  years.  Others  erroneously  assign  1545, 
others  still  1557,  as  the  date  of  the  Latin  Bible  first  divided 
into  verses.  The  best  account  of  the  matter  that  I  know 
of  is  given  by  Dr.  William  Wright,  art.  ''Verse"  in  Kitto*s 
Cyclopcrdia  of  Bibl.  Literature  (London,  1845) ;  in  the  third 
edition  (1870)  this  article  is  somewhat  carelessly  abridged. 
On  some  points  I  have  supplemented  his  statements. 

The  main  facts  are  as  follows.  The  nuvibering  of  the 
Masoretic  verses  in  the  Old  Testament  is  supposed  to  have 
been  first  made  by  Rabbi  Isaac  Nathan,  for  convenience  of 
reference  in  his  Hebrew  Concordance,  completed  A.D.  1448, 
and  first  printed  at  Venice  in  1524.*  The  Quincuplcx  Psal- 
ter.uviy  printed  by  Henry  Stephens  the  elder  at  Paris  in 
1509,  and  edited  by  Jacobus  Faber  Stapulensis  (Jacques  Le 
Fcvre  d'Estaples),  is  the  first  edition  of  any  part  of  the  Old 


*  The  dates    1445  and   1523  are  sometimes  inacciiratelv  jxiven.     These  errors  are  corrected 
by  liindseil,  Concord.  Homer.  Specimen,  Halis,  1867,  Svo,  Pro'ej^om.  p.  xvi.,  and  p.  xviij.,  note. 


VER-E  DIVISION^    :X    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT  465 

Testament  in  which  the  Mi*;»re:ic  verses  are  numbered  by 
Arabic  h::ures.  The  first  ei:::on  *A  the  whulc  Bible  divided 
into  verses  is  the  Latin  tnr.sb::  n  bv  Sanctes  Pa.rninus, 
printed  at  Lyons  in  i^zS.  Bur  in  the  Apocrypha  and  the 
New  Testament  his  kV:\i<[ .>n  w:l>  v^ry  different  from  ours, 
the  verses  bein^  twice  or  three  rim.s  as  Ion:;;  and  it  seems 
to  have  been  followed  in  r.  i  -^ther  edition. 

The  first  edition  of  the  New  Testament  divided  into  our 
present  verses  was  printed  by  Robert  Stephens  at  Geneva 
in  155 1,  in  2  vols.  i6mo.  the  Greek  text  f>ccupying  the 
centre  of  the  page,  with  the  Latin  version  of  Erasmus  on 
one  side  and  the  Vulgate  on  the  <»ther.  His  son  Henry 
tells  us  that  a  large  part  of  this  verse-ciivision  was  made 
"inter  equitandura/*  while  the  author  was  on  a  j<mrney  from 
Paris  to  Lyons.  It  was  preliminary  to  his  construction  of 
a  Greek  Concordance  of  the  New  Testament,  which  was 
completed  by  Henr}'  Stephens  and  published  in  1594.  (See 
Henry  Stephens's  preface  to  this  Concordance.)  Another 
reason  given  by  Robert  Stephens  for  the  division  into  sepa- 
rated verses  was,  ''quxlhac  ratione  vtraque  translatio  posset 
omnino  e  regione  Gneco  conte.xtui  respondere"  (Pref.  to 
N.  T.,  1551).  The  first  edition  of  the  whole  Bible  divided 
into  our  present  verses  was  Robert  Stephens's  edition  of 
the  Vulgate,  Geneva,  1555  ("vrii.  Idvs  Aprilis").  8vo,  the 
division  being  made  for  his  Latin  Concordance,  issued  the 
same  year.  This  division  also  appears  in  the  splendid  edi- 
tion of  the  Vulgate,  accompanied  in  the  Old  Testament  by 
the  version  of  Pagninus  with  the  notes  ascribed  to  Vatable, 
and  in  the  New  Testament  by  that  of  Beza  with  his  annota- 
tions, which  was  printed  in  three  folio  volumes  by  Robert 
Stephens  at  Geneva  in  1557.  This  is  the  eighth  and  last 
edition  of  the  Latin  Bible  printed  by  Robert  Stephens.* 
The  first  French  New  Testament  divided  into  verses  was 
that  printed  by  Robert  Stephens  in  1552,  in  2  vols,  small 
8vo,  containing  the  French  version  of  Olivetan  revised  by 


*Sec  LeLooK,  Bibi.  Sacra,  ed.  Mas^  iii.  191  ff. ;  and  for  a  very  full  de5CTipcion,  Knock, 
Hut.<rit.  HmckrickUm  von  der  Bramnxxmigixzlum  Bidelsamimiumg,  Guelferb.  1754,  I  pp. 
876  89'* 


466  .  CRITICAL    ESSAYS 

Calvin,  aad  the  Latin  version  o^  Erasmus,  in  parallel  col- 
umns ;  the  first  French  Bible  so  divided  appears  to  be  the 
edition  of  the  Genevan  version  printed  by  Robert  Stephens 
at  Geneva,  1553,  in  folio.*     The  first  Italian  version,  so  far 
as  I  know,  which  contains  the  verse-divisions  of  Stephens 
was  that  which  was  made  by  the  martyr  John  Louis  Paschale, 
and  issued  without  plice,  but  perhaps  at  Geneva,  in  the  year 
iSSSt     The  first  Dutch  translation  which  has  these  verses 
was  published  at  Emden  in   1556,  8vo,  by  Gell.  Ctematius ; 
the  Dutch  Bible  issued  at  Emden  in  1560,  4to,  is  so  divided.  J 
The  first  English  New  Testament  divided  into  verses  was 
the  version  of  William  Whittingham,  printed  at  Geneva  in 
^557  J  the  first  English  Bible  so  divided  was  the  Genevan 
version,  completed  in  1560,  in  which  the  translation  of  the 
New  Testament  differs  widely  from  that  of  1557.     Beza  fol- 
lowed Stephens's  division  into  verses,  with  some  variations, 
in  the  first  edition  of  his  Latin  translation  of  the  Greek  Tes- 
tament, published  at  Geneva  in  1557  (this  is  the  date  at  the 
end  of  the  volume ;  the  title-page  is  dated  1556),  already  re- 
ferred to  as  the  second  volume  of  Robert  Stephens's  Latin 
Bible  of  that  year.     In  his  first  edition  of  the  Greek  New 
Testament  accompanied  with  his  Latin  version  and  notes, 
Geneva,  1565,  foL,  and  in  his  numerous  subsequent  editions, 
Beza  deviated  much  more  frequently  from  the  verse-divisions 
of  Robert  Stephens  ;  and  his  editions  had   great  influence 
in  giving  currency  to  the   use  of  the  division    into  verses, 
which  soon  became  general.     His  variations  from  the  divi- 
sion of  Stephens  were  largely  followed  by  later  editors,  espe- 
cially the  Elzevirs,  who  also  introduced  others  of  their  own. 
Others  still  will  be  found  in  the  early  modern  translations. 

The  variations  of  later  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament 
from  that  of  Robert  Stephens  in  respect  to  the  division  into 


*See  the  account  of  these  editions  in  Baumgarten's  Xachric/Uen  von  tnerkw.  Bikfurn, 
Halle,  1752,  ii.  377  ff.,  379  ff- 

t"  Est  mihi  N,  T.  Gallico-Italicum.  cditum  a.  1555  ap.  Giovan  Luigi  Paschale,  quod  est  dis- 
tinctum  hodierna  distinctione  versuuni."  Leu«len.  rhilol.  Hebr.-Gr.,  Utrecht,  1670,  Diss,  iii., 
§  12,  p.  21.     Paschale  was  burned  at  Rome  in  1560  for  protestantism. 

tSee  Isaac  LeLong,  Boek-Zcutl  der  Seder duyt.  Bybels,  Amst.  1731,  p.  716;  cf.  p.  708  seq., 
711  seq.,  667  seq. 


rsi:!S5 


Terse!*-  ire  t»:»:  tjXji,  ?•:   zlt  *:?   -  utt  iwirt.  rj  sjij  :«:  rrrc 

r^nZT  :c  StsrtbiZi?  i-  frdn-rc  :c  :«5:    vr.i:'r  ii*  ihi*  rt^s-t  "ir^t 
to  be  rs&riici  i:?  iri*  jEU-iiiiri  fr  »n  ^^zr  i^  *£*  c  ?.b:«:;LJ- 

rt  '•*z.:    :c  iTTissiisi::  11    fLrrsrin::  t^frrj:-!^  "fiiifLzLr  :■: 


the  ETr^irr  ±:::rj:r  :r  :-;rr   ^i^  ±riiZ  :c  tit  Zlz.tT.r5  firiiei 


LIST  OF   EDITIONS  AND  TRANSLATIONS   EXAMINED, 

IN    CHRONOUHilCAL    OKDKK,    WITH    THE    AUBREVIATIONS    USED. 


A  =    4. 

1>  -  37- 

Al  -  25. 

Elz  "    7. 

B'»7         2. 

F--    9. 

B«i  and  B         3. 

G  -  16. 

Be  -^  12. 

Gc 

and  Gen  -  32,  33 

Bi  =  15. 

II  -  22. 

BI  =  24. 

IIS  -    5. 

Bp  -  34. 

J  =  38. 

Br  -  39. 

K  —  17. 

Alphabetical  Key  to  the  List. 

L  -  21.  T  =  28. 

Lu  =  35.  Th  -  23. 

M  -^  10.  Tn  —  19. 

Mas  =11.  Tr  -^  27. 

Mt  =14.  V  =  36. 

Sch  =  18.  W  =--  13. 

Scr  =  29.  Wd  =-  26. 

St  =    I.  We  -    6. 

Sz  =  20.  WH  =  30. 


Cur  =-    8. 


1.  St:  Rob.  Stephanus  (Estienne),  N.  T.  Or.  et  Lat.  1551;  Biblia,  1555,  8vo. 

Where  they  differ,  St-',  St«. 

2.  B'^' :  Theo.  Bcza  (de  Bezc).  N.  T.  Lat.  1557  (litle-page  1556),  fol. 

3.  B^'':  T.  Be/a,  N.  T.  Gr.  ct  Lit.,  fol.,  1565,  15S2,  1588  (in  many  copies  15S9), 

159S;  8vo,  1565.  I5r>;,  15S0,  1590. 
(!'.)     Where  these  eilitions  dilTcr,  I  have  noted  it;  where  all  the  editions 
of  J>e/a  agree,  incliuliivj;  tlic  Latin  of   1557,  '*  B  "  alone  is  used. 

4.  A  :  The  Greek  N.  T.  in  the   Antwerp  Polyglott,  Tom.  v.  (1571),  also  Tom. 

vi.  (157-M,  fol. 

5.  IIS:   II.  Slephaniis  (l^stie   ne).  N.  T.  (ir.  1576. 

6.  We:  l)ivin»\!  Script,  omnia  Gr.     Francofurti,  ap.  Andr.  Wechcli  herede"-", 

15';7,  fol. 

7.  HI/:   I'"lzevir    (ICl/.evier)   eds.   of   1624.   n)33,    1641,   1C56,   1662,    1670,   KjjS. 

Where  they  differ,  tlu-  dale  i-»  given. 
S.     (.'ur:  S.  Curcelheus  (luienni  de  Courcelle.s),  N.  T.  Gr.  165S.     (Other  cds., 

i()75,  i6vS5,  1699.) 
9.     I":  J.  Fell,  Oxon    1675. 

10.  M:  J.  Mill,  Oxon.  1707.  fol.;  also  ed.  L.  Kustcr,  Amst.  and  Leipzig  (als) 

Rotterdam),  17  10,  fol. 

11.  Mas:  (;.  von  Mistricht  (**G.  D.  T.  M.  D."),  ed.  alt.,  1735.     (^^^  ^'^l*  T'l) 

12.  Ik-:  J.  A.  Bengel,  1734,  4t(). 

13.  W:  J.J.  Wctstein,  i75[-52,  fol. 

14.  Mt:  ('.  F.  Matthaei,  N.  T.  (ir.  ct  Lat.  17S2-SS;  N.  T.  Gr.  1S03-07. 

Where  they  differ,  Mt',  ^^t-. 

15.  Bi :  A.  Birch,  Quatuor  Evan:elia,  17S8,  .|to. 

16.  (J:  J.  J.  Grie^bach,  ed.  2  Ja,  1796-1806  (ed.  maior) ;  Lips.  1.805  T^'^o'*!   (<^d. 

minor);    Vol.   L,  ed.  tert.  cur.   D.   Schulz,    1S27.     Where  they  differ, 
(Jtuai^  G""»,  G-". 


VERSE-DIVISIONS    IN    THE   NEW   TESTAMENT  469 

17.  K:  G.  C.  Knapp,  ed.  2da,  1813;  4ta  (ed.  Thilo  et  Roediger),  1829.    (Other 

cds.,  1797,  1824,  1840.) 

18.  Sch:  H.  A.  Schott,  Gr.  et  Lat.  ed.  3tia,  1825;  4th  ed.,  by  Baumgarten- 

Crusius,  1839  (Sch®).     (Earlier  eds.,  1S05.  181 1.) 

19.  Tn :  J.  A.  H.  Tittmann,  ed.  ster.  1828,  i6mo.     (Other  eds.,  1820,  i6mo ; 

1824,  1831,  Svo.) 

20.  Sz :  J.  M.  A.  Scholz,  1830-36,  4to. 

21.  L:  C.  Lachmann,  ed.  ster.  1831  (ed.  minor;  also  dated  1837,  1846);  ed. 

maior,  Gr.  et  Lat.  1842-50. 

22.  H:  A.  Hahn,  1840,  12110;  1S4T,  in  separated  verses,  i6mn.    (Reprinted 

New  York,  1842,  ster.  ed.)  Post  Lachm.  et  Tisch.  denuo  diligenter 
recognovit,  1861.     Where  the  eds.  differ,  H*^  H^^. 

23.  Th:  C.  G.  W.  Theile,  1844;  ed.  ster.   undecima,   cur.  Gebhardt,   1875. 

Where  they  differ,  Th«,  Th"6. 

24.  Bl :  S.  T.  Bloomficld,  Greek  Test,  with  English  notes,  9th  ed.,  1855.     (ist 

ed.,  1832.) 

25.  Al :  H.  Alford,  Vols.  I.,  II.,  6th  ed.,  1868-71 ;  Vol.  III.,  5th  ed..  Vol.  IV.. 

4ih  ed.,  1871.    (ist  ed.,  1849-61.) 

26.  Wd :  C.  Wordsworth,  Greek  Testament  with  English  notes ;  Gospels,  5th 

ed.,  1866;  Acts,  4th  ed.,  1864;  Paul,  Epp.,  4th  ed.,  1866;  Gen.  Epp. 
and  Rev.,  3d  ed.,  1864.     (ist  ed.,  1856-60.) 

27.  Tr :  S.  P.  Tregelles,  Gr.  and  Lat.,  Parts  I.-VL,  1857-72,  4to.     (Part  VII. 

Prolegomena  and  Addenda,  1879.) 

28.  T:  (L.  F.)  C.  von  Tischendorf,   1869-72;   also   the   earlier  critical  eds., 

1S41,  1849,  ^^S9f  ^"d  ^^^  manual  eds.  published  in  1873  ^Y  Tauchnitz, 
Brockhaus,  and  Mendelssohn  (ed.  acad.).     Where  they  differ,  Ti*^,  etc. 

29.  Scr:  F.  H.  (A.)  Scrivener,  N.  T.  tcxids  Stephanici  A.D.  1550.     Ed.  auct. 

et  emend.    Cantab.  1877. 

30.  WH :  B.  F.  Westcott  and  F.  J.  A.  Hort.     The  N.  T.  in  the  original  Greek. 

The  text  revised,  etc.  Cantab,  and  Lond.  1881.  These  editors  now 
agree  uniformly  with  Stephens  in  the  verse-divisions.  The  deviations 
in  a  few  of  the  earlier  copies  have  since  been  corrected. 

TRANSLATIONS. 

31.  St*^  and  B^^ :  See  Nos.  1  and  2  above. 

32.  Ge:  English  N.  T.  (by  W.  Whittingham),  Geneva,  1557.     (Bagster's  fac- 

simile reprint,  Lond.  1S42.) 

33.  Gen:  Genevan  English  version  of  the  Bible,  156©.    "Ge"  stands  for  both 

"  Gc  "  and  "  Gen  "  when  they  agree,  as  they  generally  do. 

34.  Bp:  The  Bishops*  Bible,  so  called,  156S.     (I  have  used  the  second  edition, 

Lond.  1572,  fol.) 

35.  Lu:  The  German  version  of   Luther.     Goezius  was  unable  to  find  any 

older  edition  divided  into  verses  than  the  one  published  by  Feyer- 
abend,  Franc,  on  the  Main,  15S2,  8vo.  I  have  followed  the  divisions 
in  the  edition  of  Bindseil  and  Niemeyer,  1854-55. 

36.  V :  Biblia  sacra  Vulgatae  editionis,  etc.,  Romae,  1 592,  fol. 

37.  D :  La  Bibbia ;  cio^,  i  libri  del  Vecchio  e  del  Nvovo  Test,  traslatati  da 

Gio.  Diodati,  1607,  fol. 


470  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

38.  J :  King  James's  English  Bible  (" authorized  version"),  161 1,  fol.  (I  have 
used  the  "  Exact  Reprint,"  Oxford,  1833,  410.) 

•39.  Br:  II  Nvovo  Testamento  di  Jcsv  Christo  nostro  Signore,  Latino  & 
volgare,  diligentemente  tradotto  dal  testo  Greco,  &  conferito  con  molte 
altre  traduttioni  volgari  &  Latine,  le  traduttioni  corrispodenti  V  vna  k 
I*  altra,  &  partite  per  versetti.  In  Lyone,  appresso  Gaillel.  Rouillio. 
MDLVIII.  i6mo.  pp.  559,  besides  i  blank  leaf,  and  "Tavola 
che  insegna  a  trovar  1*  Epistole  &  gli  Evangeli  delle  Domeniche,  e 
feste  deir  Anno,  secondo  1 1  con-uetudine  della  chiesa  Romana,**  pp.  7, 
and  I  blank  leaf.  Fol.  325  gi  es  a  special  title  embracing  the  Epp. 
of  Paul,  the  Cath.  Epp.,  and  the  Apoc 

I  have  examined  fifty-one  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament  and  nine 
translations. 

(  )  denotes  that  the  beginning  of  the  verse  in  the  edition  in  question  is 
uncertain,  the  verses  being  distinguished  only  by  the  number  in  the 
margin.  This  uncertainty  is  frequent  in  the  editions  of  Schott,  Scriv- 
ener, and  Westcott  and  Hort ;  and  usually  in  such  cases  I  have  made 
no  reference  to  them. 

n.  signifies  that  an  ambiguity  in  the  text  is  sometimes  removed  by  the  note. 

VARIATIONS   IN  RESPECT  TO  THE  VERSE-DIVISION. 

N.B.—  I  give  first  (from  St.  1551)  the  words  placed  in  different  Terses  in  different  editions, 
occasionally  noting  various  readings. 

Matt.  ii.  I,  2     A^>ovref, 

ver.  2,  St  B  A  HS  We  Elz^*  M  Bi   L  Al  Tr  T  (exc.  T«)  Scr;  Ge 

Br  Bp  V  D  J. 
ver.  I,  Elz«  ^\  *',  e-',  7),  78  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G  (G™i°)  K  Sch  Tn 
Sz  T^i  H  Th  Bl  Wd;  Lu. 

—  v.  4,  5     'MuKapioL  (A  TTti'dul'i'Ttg  .  .  .  fi  Maw  ol  Trpaelg,  k.  t.  ?.. 

These  verses  are  transposed  by  U«»t  (contra  V^^)  Tr  T  (exc.  T*^) 
St^  and  V.  WH"'»n>'  mark  the  transposition  H  h  "as  having  a 
claim  to  be  at  least  provisionally  associated  with  the  true  text." 
L  retains  the  former  mimbering  of  the  verses. 

—  ix.  23,  24     Ai}t7  ai'Toii'  [/.  v.  *'^f /f»'], 

ver.  24,  St  B  A  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt  Gmin  K  Tn  T^i 

H  Th  Al  Tr;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  D  J. 
ver.  23,  M  Bi  G'"*^  Sch  L  Bl  Wd  T  (exc.  T«)  ;  V. 

—  XV.  5,  6     Kal  oi'  urj  riui/aij  ruv  rraripa  airov  ij  t//v  firfipa  avrov '     (Various  read- 

ings.) 
ver.  6,  St  A  We  Al  Tr ;  Ge  Br  Bp  V  Lu  J. 
ver.  5,   B  HS   Elz   Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  L 

H  Th  Bl  Wd  T  Scr ;  D. 

—  xxi.  I,  2     \f}(jji>  airoiCf 

ver.  I,  Elz*\  ■'i. 

ver.  2,  A/l the  nst.     (Br) 

•[This  edition  was  collated  by  Dr.  Abbot  subsequently  (March,  i83i);  hence  its  unchrono- 
logical  position  and  numbering.     The  c<>py  us-  d  belongs  to  Dr.  Isaac  H.  Hall.] 


VERSE-DIVISIONS   IN   THE  NEW   TESTAMENT  47 1 

Matt.  xxi.  25,  26    Eav  ciTTutitj,  ef  ovpavov  '  kpei  4f^iv,  diari  ovv  ovk  kTriarehaare  avrift ; 
ver.  26,  T ;  V. 
ver.  25,  A//  the  rest,    (Br) 

—  xxiii.  13,  14     Ot'at  6k  vfiiv  . .  .on  KXeiere . , ,  ^*  Oval  vfxlv . . .  on  Kareffdiere  . . . 

So  St  B  HS  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  Wt««  Th  (but  brackets  ver.  14);  Ge 

Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  J. 
w.  13,  14,  are  transposed  by  A  We  M  W^^^g  Mt  Bi  G  (but  G»  ver. 

14)  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  H  Bl  Wd  Scr.    Of  these,  G  K  Sz   H  reUin 

the  former  numbering. 
ver.  14  is  omitted  by  G^  L  Al  Tr  T  WH.    Of  these,  L  Al  Tr  WH 

(but  not  T)  number  ver.  13  as  14. 
^xxviii.  8,  9     iif  c5e  cTropevovro  a-!Tayyei?xu  roig  fmd^Taig  avrob, 
ver.  8,  St«i  B^^^  A  Tr  n. ;  Br  Lu. 
ver.  9.  B<»  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  6i  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz 

H  Th  BI  Al  n.  Wd  T  n.  Scr;  Ge  Bp  J.    The  clause  is  omitted 

by  St»  G«  L  Al  Tr  T  WH;  V  D;  bracketed  by  Bl. 
Mark  iii.  19,  20     Kal  ipxovrai  [/.  v.  epxerai]  Etg  oIkov  • 

ver.  20,  St  A  Elz^.  ^'\  ">.  ^s  Cur  F  Mas  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  H 

Th  Bl  Wd  Tr  T^^cMz  \vH;   Br  Lu  V  D. 
ver.  19,  B  HS  We  Elz«    ^w,  *i   M  W  Be  L  Al  T   (exc.  T«*"ch78). 

Ge  Bp  J. 

—  vi.  27,  28     0  6e  [/.  V.  Kn/]  aTre/Muv  aTreKe<^?u(jev  avrbv  kv  ry  <fn)?jaKy. 

ver.  27,  St  B67  A  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  V  Lu  J. 
ver.  28,  B»  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  M^s  Be  W  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn 
Sz  L  H  Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T  Scr;  D. 

—  ziii.  8,  9    ^PX^^  uAivLjv  Tairra. 

ver.  8.  St  B"  A  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 

ver.  9,  B«6  HS  We  E'z  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn 

Sz  L  H  Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T;  D. 
Luke  iv.  18,  19     Kf/pv^at    [Krfpv^ai]   aixf^-^Toi^   cu^aiv,    koX    rwfkolq    avd^T^Lv^ 

aTToarei/Mi  TEHpavtjiuvovg  kv  ck^^Igel^ 
ver.  18,  Stsi  B  HS  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt2  G  K  Bl  Wd  Tr  Scr 

WH;  Ge  Bp  Lu  J. 
ver.  19,  St»  A  We  M  Mti  Bi  Sch  Tn  Sz  L  H  Th  Al  T;  Br  V  D. 

—  vi.  17,  18     Oi  rjWov  QKovacu  avrov,  Kai  ictdf/x'ai  clttu  t(jv  v6auv  avrCtv' 

ver.  18,  St  A  Tr  WH;  Br  Lu  V. 

ver.  17,  B  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn 
Sz  L  H  Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T  Scr;  Ge  Bp  D  J. 

—  vii.  18,  19     Kal  7rpo<7Ka/.ec(ifi£voc  ()vo  r/ydf  rwy  uafffnTov  avrov  6  'lodwff^, 

ver.  18,  St"  B  HS  Elz  Cur  Be  Tr  WH;  Lu. 

ver.  19,  St«  A  We  F  M  Mas  W  Mt  Bi  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  L  H  Th 
Bl  Al  Wd  T  Scr;  Ge  Br  Bp  V  D  J. 

—  X.  21,  22     Kai  arpat^lg  irpbg  rnv^  uaBijraq,  etrre, 

ver.  21,  St«  We  Cur  F  Mas  W  Bi  Mt*  K  n.  Bl  Wd  Tr  n. 

ver.  22,  M  Mti  G^^  n.  Sch  n.  Sz  L  H  Th  [Al]  T  Scr ;  Gen  J«»^. 

Omitted  ^  Stfi6  B  A  HS  Elz  Be  G  Sch  Tn  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp 

Lu  V  D  J. 

—  xiv.  3,  4     Ot  6f:  r/ai'XfKTav. 

ver.  4,  St  B  A  HS  We  Elz®,  «  Be  K  Tn  H  Th  Al  Tr ;  Ge 
Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  J. 


i 


47t  CUnCAL  B8AY8 

yer.  3,  Eli»,  «  ^,  »  Cor  F  If  Mm  ICt  Bi  C^  Sdi  Si  M  Wd  T. 
Lake  xhr.  34,  35    KaXbv  rd  iAof . . .  '*0^  etc  7^  . . . 

Els  (ill  edi^ons)  unite  ^leee  two  Irenes,  thus  dividing  die  chspter  into 
thirtyfoor  Ycwes  only, 

—  jdsL  4i»  4S    A^>«iP, 

Ter.  4S»  SfA  B  A  HS  We  Els  Cor  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt*  K  Tn  H  Th 

Bl  Al  Wd  Tr;  Ge  Bp  La  D  J. 
Ter.4i,  Si«  M  Mt^  Bi  G»^  Sch  L  Ss  T;  Br  V, 
•i—SodL  66, 67    Xtywnf,  SI  o^  d  Xptar^;  diri  [/.  v.  ^irdv]  iftip, 

•  ver.  67,  St  B  A  HS  We  ^s  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Q^  Q^  Uffi  K  Tn 
Ss  H«>  Th  Bl  Wd  tV  Sor  WH;  so  Br  Ge  La  D;  bat  Bp  J 
^'ssying,  ^Art  thoot"  etc. 
▼er.  66b  M  Mt*  Bi  b^  Sch  L  Ifn  Al  T;  V« 
^  JodT.  45.  46    Koi  elTrev  avroSf, 

ver.  4S.  St«  o«*  Tr  WH. 

▼er.  46b  Ali  tki  mt^  end  St^  In  the  Lst,  Br  (WH). 
John  t  389  39     Ti  CvretTf ;  02  d^  tlmw  o^,  Pa/9^,  (d  Al^eitu  ^p^typnud^ieww, 

▼er.  38,  St  B«  A  We  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  La  V  D  J. 
▼er.  39,  B^  Elz  amd  aU  tki  rat,  making  Ti  l^f/Hln  .  . .  ^chvic  m  verse 
by  itself,  so  that  vv.  39-51  St «-  ▼▼.  40-52  Ets,  etc. 

—  !▼.  35, 36    i^9.    T  WH  connect  Mp  with  ver.  36b  reading  4dy  6  depiiuv 

K.T,X.    So  Tr«"«f . 
— '  isc  II,  12    AireXB^v  ^  [/.  v,  ohi\  Koi  w^^^ctvof  ia4pXefa, 

▼er.  12,  £l2^  Be. 

▼er.  II,  All tJki rest,    Br. 
Acts  ii.  10,  II     lov6aioi  re  nal  rrfjoo^TiVTOt, 

ver.  II,  St  A  We  Tr;  Br  Lu  V  D. 

ver.  10,  A/ltAe  rest.     (Tn)  (WH) 

—  —  47,  iii,  I     ^TTi'oavTo  61  Jlirpo^  k.  r.  A. 

L  Al  Tr  T",  72  {not  T«,  *»)  WH  (and  so  St»  V)  join  km-roavrb  to 
ii.  47,  omitting  ry  tKKXrfaia,  and  reading  in  iii.  i  Hhpo^  de  kqI 
"liidwrig  K.  T.  A.    L  T*i  WH  however  retain  the  old  numbering. 

—  iii.  19**20     Onu^  av  FaBuol  Kaipol  dvailw^ea>g  and  it/^uttov  rov  Kvoiov, 

ver.  20,  St  A  We  G'^  K  Sch  Th  Tr  WH ;  Br  Lu  V. 
ver.  19,  All  the  rest, 

—  V.  8,  9     H  Jc  cIte,  Noi,  ToaovTov. 

ver.  9,  Elz  («),  88,  «. 

ver.  8,  ^//M^  resL    Br  (WH) 

—  —  39,  40     ETTtiaHt/Gcw  de  avriji • 

ver.  39,  St  A  G^  Sch  Sz  Tr  WH;  Br  V. 
ver.  40,  All  the  rest,     (WH) 

—  xi.  25,  26    Kal  tvpijv  avT^  r/yayev  airrdv  eig  'Xvti6x£iclv. 

ver.  26,  St  B67  A  We  Tr  Scr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  J. 
ver.  25,  B^  HS  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sr  L  H 
Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T ;  V  D. 

—  xiii.  32,  33     On  ravrf/v  6  Qebg  UTreTr/J/puKe  Tolg  riKvoic  avruv  i)fnv,  ava(rrf,an: 

'Ij/oovv, 
ver.  33,  St  B^'  A  We  G"»i»  K  Sch  Tn  H*i  Th  Tr  WH ;  Ge  Br  Bp 
Lu  V  D  J. 


VKRSE-DIVISIONS   IN   THE  NEW   TESTAMEXT  473 

Tcr-  32,  B«  HS  Elx  Car  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G»^  Si  L  Ha  Bl  Al 
Wd  T  ^kx. 
Acts  liiL  38, 39     Koi  a-rb  rrar'tti'  w*-  o»«  ^tiT/*yr*  fr  rii  i><ij«j  Mur:^^  ^iKai4jttipHu^ 
vcr.  3S.  St  B^  A  Wc  G«»^  K  Tr  WH;   Gc  Br  La  V. 
ver.  39,  B«*  HS  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mms  Be  W  Mt  G»«i  Sdi  Tn  Si  L  H 
Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T  Sct;   Gen  Bp  D  J. 

—  xviiL  12,  13     A*:o;rff, 

Tcr.  12,  Ez'*,  *^. 

Tcr.  13.  All  tJu  rest.    Br. 

—  TIT-  40,  41     coi    ;a/?  vuvdweiofuv  .  .  .  TatT^.      col  rmoo  rirws'  dr^Aityn^  -npv 

Tcr.  40  icno  ip  .  .  .  V«/J7ff/a: .  St  B«^. «  ^  »  »  B»i«» «  \v^  HS  We 
Elz  Cur  F  Mas  W  Mt  G"^  K  Sch  Tn  Si  H  Th  T;   Lu  V, 

ver.  41  begins  wlih  the  words  Ka\  rai-ra  in  A^*^  M  Be  Mi^  G»»  L  Bl 
Al  Wd  Tr  Scr  WH;   Gc  Bp  J. 

—  xxiv.  2,  3     no/././;^  e'ipffiT/^  rt'}  ^-di'oi'^rc  ^^  ^^'  «"  KaTop^uudruv  [/.  r.  cUopdlfaMui^ 

rur]  ;. .  jv^.£«  j-ur  ry  f/h'f/  rotTw  <5m  n^f  0^  rrfHn'ola^^ 

ver.  2,  St  B**  Tr  WH;  Gc  Br  Bp  V  J. 

▼cr.  3,  All  the  rest. 
^  —  18,  19     Ta-ff  6'i  [Ell  om  <?/]  ard  n^f  'Aa/of  'loixJoZo*, 

ver.  19.  St  B^"  A  We  G'^  Sch ;  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  ( WH). 

ver.  18,  A  I  the  rest.  (WH)  In  St^i,  «  (not  so  Br)  and  B*^  ver.  19 
is  numbered  19,  20  or  "  19  et  20";  hence  vv.  21-28  St  =  20-27 
Elz,  etc  This  double  numbering  of  ver.  19  appears  to  have 
arisen  from  an  interpolation  here  in  many  copies  of  the  Latin 
Vu'gate.  In  St^  the  following  (marked  as  wanting  in  the  Greek) 
is  inserted  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  19:  "Et  apprehenderunt  me, 
clamantes,  &  dicentes,  T<rfle  inimicum  nostril "  The  same  inter- 
polation is  found  in  the  Siztine  edition  of  the  Vulgate  (1590),  but 
not  in  the  Clementine  (1592). 

In  Ge  G^n  ver.  18  is  divided  inro  two,  ver.  19  beginning  "  Neither  with 
m  Ititude,"  j»o  that  w.  20-28  Gc  etc  =  19-27  J. 
Rom.  i.  29,  30     i'lthfttcra^^ 

ver.  29,  St  B^'  A  Al  Tr ;   Gc  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 

ver.  30,  All  the  rest.     ( W  H) 

—  V      to,  21     «t'  t/.-i^i  • 

ver.  20,  St  Bi7  A  We  M  Mt  G  Sch  Sz  L  H   Th«   Al   Tr  T  WH; 

Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J.    But  G  Sch  Sz  H  Th'*  Al  Tr  place  a  comma 

after  i'/-idi,  and  L  Th**  T  WH  have  no  po'nt. 
ver.  21,  B^  HS  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  K  Tn  Bl  Wd  Scr;  D. 

—  ix.  II,  12     oifK  i^  fpyt^v,  o''^'  ifi  Toi'  Ko/.ovvro^, 

ver.  12.  St  A  Tr;   Br  Lu  V. 

ver.  II,  All  the  rest.     (Sch.  begins  ver.  12  with  'Ori  6  fui^uv.)     (WH) 

1  Cor.  vii.  33,  34     fisutfufrrai  7  )i»i'/)  Kal  7  rraptilivo^.     (Various  readings.) 

ver.  23,   St^i   WH;   Lu.— St»  A  Sz  Tr  Br  V  D  include  fuuipitrrat 

alone  in  ver.  33. 
ver.  34,  All  the  rest. 

2  Cor.  i,  6,  7      Kat  ;/  l/.'xiq  r/itijv  3F$aia  v-zep  iuuv ' 

ver.  7,   St  A  We  G^^^  Sch  Sz  WH;   Ge  Br  Lu  V  J. 


474  CRITICAL   ESSAYS 

ver.  6,  All  the  rest, 
2  Cor.  ii.  10,  1 1     \va  fi^  ir/^oveKTrfOofiev  imb  rov  earava ' 

ver  II,  St  B«  A  M  Mt^  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  L  H  Th  Bl   Al   Wd  Tr 

T  Scr  \VH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 
ver.  10,  B«  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt^;  D.    Gc  (not  Gen) 

begins  ch.  ii.  with  i.  23,  numbering  i.  23,  24,  as  ii.  i,  2,  and  iL  1-17 

as  ii.  3-19. 

—  —  12,  13     Oi'K  kax^ii^o.  aveaiv  rtft  nveifmrl  fwv,  r^t  fifj  evptiv  fie  Tirov  top  ddfX^dv 

flOV 

ver.  13,  St  B67  A  M  L  Tr  T  Scr  WH  ;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 
ver.  12,  B^  HS  We  Eiz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  H 
Th  Bl  Al  Wd;  D. 

—  v.  14,  15    KpivavToc  Toirro,  on  el   c/f   vrr^p   irdvTuv    anWavev,  ipa  oi   travrcc 

a:re:6avov. 
ver.  14,  St  B"  A  We  G™'"  K  Sch  Tn  H  Th  Tr  WH;   Ge  Br  Bp 

Lu  V  J. 
ver.  15,  B«6  HS  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G"-*  Sz  L  Bl  Al  Wd 

T  Scr;  D. 

—  viii.  13,  14     Ev  T<^  viw  Kcupif)  TO  vfifjv  TTepiaaevua,  eig  to  eKelvcjv  wrrepfj/ia, 

ver.  14,  St  A  Tr  WH;  Br  Lu  V.— B^^  G°»*  Sch  Sz,  and  Ge  Bp  J, 
include  also  in  ver.  14  the  words  o/A'  e^  ladT/rrog^  which  precede 
the  above. 

ver.  13,  B^  HS  We  Elz  T  and  all  the  rest. 

—  X.  4,  5     AjoyLGuoi-^  Kadaipovvre^, 

ver.  4.  St  A  Sch  Tr;  Br  V. 
ver.  5.  A//  the  rest,     ( W  H  ) 
Luther  begins  cap.  xi.  with  x.  17. 

—  xi.  8,  9     Ka/   TTopfji'  rr/)or   vuhc  kciI   iarFpr/6el^^  ov  KaTevdpKijaa  ov6ev6^  ' 

ver.  9,  St  B-   A  We  Wd  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  J. 
ver.  8.   B'"^  HS  Elz  T  and  all  the  rest. 
Gal.  ii.  19,  20     XfnGToj  avitnTuifUjuai. 

ver.  19,  St  BS-  A  G""'^  K  Tn  Th  Tr;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V.— Mt2  includes 

also  ia  ver.  19  the  words  that  follow:  C*^  ^<,  ovkiti  tjtj,  ^^  de  kv  e^iol 

Xpinrin:. 
ver.  20,  B'-^  HS  We  Elz  T^  and  all  the  rest  \  J  (WH) 

—  V.  22,  23      7:i>auT//r,    i),^jHiTtta' 

ver.  23.  St  B^'  A  M  G""»  Sch  Sz  L  H  Th  Al  Tr  T  Scr  WH;   Ge 

Br  Bp  V  J. 
ver.  22,  B'-^  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G™°  K  Tn  Bl  Wdj 

Lu  D. 

Eph.  i.  10,  1 1     iJ'  nvTC). 

ver.  10,  St  B5'  A  We  M  G™"^'  Sch  Sz  L  H   Bl  Al  Wd  Tr  T  Scr; 

Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 
ver.  II,  B^  HS  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Be  W  Mt  K  Tn  Th;  D  (WH). 

—  ii.  14,  15     Tf/i'  ix^tiMW  h>  t7j  GciJKi   avTo'v' 

ver.  14,   St  A  Bi^>^  Tr  WH;  Br  Lu  V. 
ver.  1 5,  A/l  the  rest. 

—  iii.  17,  18     h'  I'r/iiTti  t /)/">/ sUWM'o/,  Kal  ref^tiie/.ioutvot. 

ver.  17,  St  B^7  A  Sch  Th  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 


VERSE-DIVISIONS   IN  THE   NEW  TESTAMENT  475 

ver.  18,  B«»  HS  We  Elz  T  and  all  the  rest. 
Phil.  i.  16,  17     Oi  fikv  k§  epiffeiac  , .  .  rolg  deofiol^  fiov.    i^  02  6k  k^  ay&wrfc  .  .  .  Ke'tfMi. 

G  K  Sch  Tn  Sz  L  H  Th  Al  Wd  Tr  T  WH  (and  so  St»  V)  trans^ 
pose  w.  16  and  17,  with  the  exception  of  oi  //ev  and  ol  6i,  reading 
oi  fi€v  i^  aydirtf^,  k.  r.  A.  17  qI  6k  cf  kpideiac,  k,  t.  A.  Of  these,  G 
K  V^  H  Th**  WH  retain  the  old  numbering. 

—  ii.  7,  8     Kal  axVfiCLTi  evpeOel^  <j^  hvdpunoq: 

ver.  7,  St  B67  A  G«^  Sch  Sz  Tr  T  (exc.*i)  WH ;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D. 
ver.  8,  B»  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  G«i»  K  Tn  L  H 
T*i  Th  Bl  Al  Wd  Scr ;  J. 

—  iii.  13, 14    Iv  6k^  ra  fikv  dirioa  eTri?xiv6av6fievo^,  rolg  6k  IfiirpoaBev  eireKTeivdfievo^f 

ver.  13,  St  B67  A  Bl  Wd  Tr  Scr  WH ;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 

ver.  14,  B<»  HS  We  Elz  T  and  all  the  rest. 
Col.  i.  21,  22     Nwi  6k  aTTOKaTijXTia^ev  [I,  v,  airoKaTff/i?.dyffTeJ 

ver.  22,  St  A  We  Tr  WH ;  Br  Lu  V  D. 

ver.  21 J  All  the  rest, 
I  Thess.  i.  2,  3    a6ia/M7rTug 

ver.  2,  St  A  Bl  Al  Wd  Tr  WH ;  Lu  V.  But  St^i  A  Tr  WH  con- 
nect the  word  with  fivrfuovevovrec. 

ver.  3,  B  HS  We  Elz  T  and  all  the  rest.  Br  Lat.  ver.  2,  Ital.  ver.  3. 
But  Ge  connects  the  word  with  what  precedes. 

—  ii.  6,  7     ^wdfuvoi  kv  fSdpei  eivai  ug  Xpiaroh  d:T<xrro?x)L ' 

ver.  7,  St  B57  A  G^  Sch  Sz  Tr  WH ;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V. 
ver.  6,  All  the  rest. 

—  ^  II,  12     IlapaKa?ijOvvTeg  vfidq  Kal  napafii^jvfievoi, 

ver.  12,  St  B5T  A  Tr  WH ;   V.     So  Br  in  the  Lat.,  but  in  the  Ital. 

eitortato  is  put  in  ver.  11.  4  . 

ver.  1 1,  A/lthe  rest,    Bl  Wd,  with  Ge  Bp  J,  also  include  Kal  fiapTvpdfJievoi 

in  ver.  11. 
Ge  includes  ''as  a  father  his  children "  in  ver.  11. 
Philem.  11,  12    0*'  ovfTf/z^a  • 

ver.  12.  St  B«7,66,M  w  «  A  G""*  Sch  Sz  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  V  D  J. 
ver.  II,  B^in  06^67^8)^9)  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  W  Mt  K  Tn 

L  H  Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T;   Lu. 

—  23,  24     Md/jKof, 

ver.  24,  St  B  A  HS  We  (see  below)  M  Be  Mt^  G»^  K  Sch  Sz  L 

H  Th  Al  Tr  T;   Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  J. 
ver.  23,  Elz  Cur  F  Mas  Bl  Wd.— Elz**  W  G^^^  Mt2  Tn  Scr  WH 

are  doubtful. 
We  unites  vv.  18,  19,  so  that  We  w.  19-22  =  St  vv.  20-23.     We 

also  unites  vv.  24,  25,  numbered  as  ver.  23. 
Heb.  i.  I,  2     Ett*  kaxdrtjv  [/.  v.  eaxdrov]  ruv  tjfiepijv  rovruv  €?A}.ijaev  rjfiiv  h  vi^, 
ver.  2,  St  B57  A  G™"^  Sch  Sz  Tr  Scr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D  J. 
ver.  I,  B«  HS  We  Elz  Cur  F  M  Mas  Be  Mt  O^"  K  Sch  Tn  L  H 

Th  Bl  Al  Wd  T. 

—  iii.  9,  10    TeaaapdKnvra  Itij 

ver.  10,  St  A  Tr  WH ;  Br  V. 
ver.  9,  All  the  rest. 
— vii.  20,  21     oi  fikv  yap  x^Pk  dpKUfwaiac  e'lclv  'upeig  yeyovdreg  ' 


476  catmcAL  issays 

ver.  90b  St  B»r  A  We  If  Mt^  G>^  Sdi  Ss  L  !!«  Al  TV  T  WH; 

G#  Br  Bp  Ijtt  V  D. 
T«r.  8i»  B«  HS  Ek  Ciir  F  Mm  Be  W  Mt*  G«»  K  Tn  H«i  Th  Bl 

Wd  Scr;  J. 

ver.  as,  St  B^  A  We  G«it  SdiTaStHAlTrScr;GeBrBpLa 
V  D  J  (WH). 

Ter.  sjp  B»  HS  £32  Cor  F  If  Mm  Be  W  ICt  G«i>  K  L  Tk  Bl 
WdT. 
-— ziL  aa,  23    irai>9v/<^»ei 

Ter.  as,  St  B^  A  We  Tr;  Ge  ^  Bp  Lq  V. 

i/tt.  t^  i^  nS  Wbt  T  mtd  sffiHg  rgtt    BntBeGKLH^^TIiBlAl 

T  omit  the  comma  after  &yyiXu»^  nhidi  they  Join  viUi  wamryifpu, 
AX  indiides  ml  /nptAffiif,  iyyikw  mvtfyhpfi  in  ver.  23. 
I  Pet  iL  7, 8    Kal  Wof  wpomtdfifmnc,  ml  wirfM  pmMXov' 

ver.8,  St  Bn  A  G"»t  Sch  Tn  Sa  H  Tr  ScrWH;Ge  Br  Bp  LaVJ. 

▼er.  7«  B«  HS  We  EUc  Cur  F  M  Mat  Be  W  Mt  K  L  Th  vBl  Al 
Wd  Tij  D. 
^ilL  IS  16    Merd  wp^itrnroc  koI  fdpoif, 

rer,  16^  St  B**  A  Tr;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lq  V. 

▼er.  15,  Aii  tke  rnt,    W^  alio  includes  in  ver.  15  gwetffg»»  <lovr«c 

I  Jolm  iL  I3p  14    Tp&f^o  [/.  v.  It^m^]  i^,  inic^,  hn  iyvdntn  t^  mripa, 

vtr.  14,  St  B», «,«.«,«  A  We  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  V  D. 

▼er.  13,  B«««*»  «,«  »  w  HS  Ela  T  amlaimUrut. 
Rev.  ii.  27,  28    Oc  'c^T^  eU^^  irapd  rod  irarpdc  m^v* 

▼e^.  28,  St  BW  A  G"-*  Sch  Sr  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V. 

ver.  27,  B<«  HS  We  E'z  G"**"  T  and  aJl  the  rest. 

—  xvii.  9,  10    KoX  f3nGt?^i^  iTTTO,  elmv. 

ver.  9,  St  B"  A  Sch  Tr  WH;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  D. 
ver.  10,  A//  the  rest. 

—  xviii.  16,  17     Or£  [ua  upa  ijpTffiC^  6  roaovro^  TrAovrof. 

ver.  17,  St  B67  A  We  G"-*  Sch  Sz  Tr;  Ge  Br  Bp  Lu  V  J. 
ver.  16,  B«  HS  Elz  G«»in  T  and  all  the  rest.    (WH) 


These,  I  believe,  are  all  the  instances  in  which  Elz  1633  or  T  (ed.  8)  differ 
in  the  verse-division  from  St  1551.  There  are  still  other  places  in  which  either 
some  editions  of  the  Greek  N.  T.  (as  that  of  Mill),  or  some  of  the  early  modem 
translations  (Ge  Bp  Lu  J),  or  the  Clementine  Vulgate,  differ  from  these  three. 

In  the  subjoined  instances,  the  full-faced  numerals  mark  the  verse  to  which 
the  editions  or  translations  named  transfer  the  given  words  or  phrases  from 
the  verse  in  which  they  stand  in  St  Elz  T. 

Matt  10,2.8  'IaKw/3of  6  tov  2^l3e6aiov,  koi  'loxiw^f  6  aSeX^g  airrov  • 
M  V;  — 20,4.5  ^*  ^^  dirfABov.  Scr,  Ge  Bp  lac;  — 22,41.42  Xtyuv,  M  G™*. 
Mark  9,1-50  =  8,39.9,1-49  Lu  V;  — 12,14.15  dijfuv  ^  fi^  Sdfiev;  Ge  Bp  J. 
Luke  1,73.74  rov  Soifvai  t/filv  Ge  J;  —  9,42  =  42.48  (Et  increpavit)  V,  and 
43.44  =  44  V;  — 16,22.23  ev  tC)  ady  (om.  Knl)  V  (et  sepultus  est  in  inferno); 
—  i7»35-36  =  35  V,  37  =  36.37  V.    John  4»18.I4  of  <J'  dv  my  e«  rov  v<5arof  ov 


VERSE-DIVISIONS   IN   THE   NEW   TESTAMENT  477 

iyci  66(rii  avr^,  oit  fifl  dc^jGr)  [  /.  v,  -ati\  t\q  rhv  aiuva*  V; — 6,51  =  51.52 
(si  quis  etc.)  V  and  52-71  =  53-72  V;  — 11,34.35  A^yowr/v  avrt^i-  Kvpte,  ipxov 
ml  i(h.  M  Mti ;— 56.57  =  56  V;  — 13.8O.31  "^  ^^  vv^  ore  e^f/Jde.  We  M 
Be  Mt  Th  Scr. 

Acts  7,55-56  =  55  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  but  not  so  edd.  Rom.  1592,  i86x 
(Vercellone) ;  57-60  =  56-59  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  but  not  edd.  Rom.  1592, 
1861 ;  —  7»60«8,I  lavAo^  Ae  r/v  awevdoKtJv  ry  avatploei  avrov.  V;  —  8,7  =7.8 
(multi  autcm)  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  and  8.9  =  9  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  but  not  so  edd. 
Rom.  1592,  1861;  — 8,19«20  rXtrpof  Ae  sitte  Tzpbq  ouroy,  V;  —  9,28.29  Ka*  [1.  v. 
oni.  Kai\  nappjfoiai^duevo^  kv  r<p  bvofiari  tov  Kvpiov  ^lijaov  [1.  v.  om.  *lTfanv]  B 
HS  Be  Scr,  Ge  Bp  J;  —  13.8O.31  V  (qui  visus  est  per  dies  multos  his);  — 
14,6.7  =  6  V,  and  8-28  =  7-27  V;— 16,37.88  V  (et  ipsi  nos  eiiciant);  — 
24,12.18  o^'"e  '"»rd  rf/v  tt6mv     V.      ' 

ROM  1,9.10  ndvTOTe  M  tuv  irpoaevxi^v  fwv  J; — 3,25.26  €v  ry  avoxy  tov 
Oeov^  Lu  J.  2  Co  13,12  =  12.18  {aairdi^ovTat,  k.tX)  Bp  J,  and  13  =  14  Bp  J. 
Phil  4,21.22  'Aarza^ovrai  vfidg  ol  avv  tfioX  ddeX<ltoi.  St*^  V.  I  Thess  4.II.12 
=  II  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  and  13-18  =  12-17  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  but  not 
edd.  Rom.  1592,  1861.  2  Thess  2.10.11  =  10  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  and  12- 
17  =  11-16  V  edd.  Van  Ess,  T,  but  not  edd.  Rom.  159/,  1861.  i  Tim  6,21 
=  21.22  ('H  xciP'^,  «.  r.  ?..)  G"^  Sch  Sz  H  Al  Tr  T*'\^  and  N.  T.  triglott 
1854.  B57, «  8i^  88^  08  number  the  subscription  to  i  Tim  as  6,22.  3  John 
14.15=  14  Ge  Bp  V  J.    Rev  12,18.13,1=  13,1  Lu  J. 

Luther  begins  MJt  9  with  9,2 ;  1  Con  with  11, 2 ;  2  Co  2  with  1,23  (so  Ge^**^); 
2  Co  II  with  10,17;  Ga/6  with  5,25;  Co/  4  with  4,2;  //gd  5  with  4,14;  J^ev  li 
with  11,3;  12  with  11,15;  13  with  12,18  (so  J). 

This  list  is  incomplete,  but  to  enter  into  further  details  would  be  here  out 
of  place. 


I 


I.    INDEX  OF   NAMES,  TOPICS,   AND   GREEK  WORDS. 


Abbot,  Ezra:  traits  illustrated,  184; 

criticised,  249,  4M-416,  43S»  437- 
Abbreviations  in  MSS.,  140  sq.,  312. 

(See  Manuscripts,) 
Accolti,  Francesco  (Aretinus),  299. 
Acts,  Book  of:  162,  168,  177,  210  so., 

217,  218,  220,  299;  apocryphal,  158, 

410. 
Adamantius,  445. 

Additions  to  Biblical  Text,  205,  239. 
Adimantus  the  Manichaean,  264,  26S, 

278. 
Advocates*  Library,  Catalogue  of,  187. 
iEon-Christ,  390,  433. 
i^schylus,  oldest  MS.  of,  211. 
iEthiopic  Version,  181,  212,  221,  228, 

230,  231,  248,  252,  275,  276,  289,  305 

sq.,  310,  326-330,  357,  449. 
**  Alcimus,"  303.     (See  i^ro/tv.) 
Alcuin,  243,  245-247,  265,  278,  280. 
Aldine  edition  of  15 18,  210. 
Alexander   of    Alexandria,   258,   269, 

277,  281. 
Alford,  Henry,  115,  119,  122,  132,  133, 

179.  233,  242,  273,  274,  282,  294,  295, 

30^.  313.  314.  3i7-3i9»34Q,  3Si»  352, 

362,  365-  370.  396,439.  440,445.  447- 

450,  457,  469. 
Alternate  Readings  in  ancient  authors, 

278. 
Ambrose  of  Milan,  263,  264,  278,  303, 

308 ;  Pseudo-Ambrosius,  394. 
Ambrosiastcr,  i.e.  Hilary  the  Deacon 

(q.v.),  394. 
Amnion,  C.  F.,  399. 
Ammunian  Sections,  154.     (See  Eust' 

bian  Sections,) 
Amphilochius  of  Iconium,   287,   302, 

329.  392. 
Ancyra  Synod,  243,  247,  254,  28a 

Anderson,  Christopher,  176. 

Antonius  "  Melissa,"  300. 

Antwerp  Polyglott,  327,  468. 

Apocryphal  New  Testament :  1 58, 160, 

169;  Gospels,   158,    168,   169,   410; 

Acts,    158,  410;    Revelations,   168, 

169,  410. 
Apostolic  Constitutions,  115,  125,  130, 

267,  297,  315,  323-325.  354,  366,  388, 

409,410. 


Apostolic  Fathers,  127,  129,  325.   (See 

Fathers  of  the  Church.) 
Arabic  Version :  of  the  rolyglott,  309, 

449;  Erpenian,  310,  329. 
Arator  not  Alcimus,  303. 
Arians,  267,  283,  285,  313  sq.,  325  sq., 

Zl'^^  387,  405,  426,  459. 
Armenian  Ver.-ion,  181,  212,  221,  228, 
230,  231,  252.  276,  288,  296,  312, 321, 

357,  403. 
Artemonius,  L.  M.,  i,€.  Samuel  Crell, 

398. 
Article,  the  Greek,  use  of,  451  sq. 
Asterisks  in  MSS.,  236. 
Athanasian  Creed,  153  sq.,  284,  381. 
Athanasius,   230,   243,   248,   259,  260, 

279,  281,  2S2,  29S,  306,  310,  314,  325, 

326,  ;^70,  383,  388,  395. 
Augustine,  264,  278,  28«,  302,  303,  304, 

331.  370,  388,  394,  445. 
Avia  deiy  of  Anna,  323. 
hyi'iAog  of  the  Son,  392. 
airiu,  1 13-136. 

avdpuTTog,  contracted  in  MSS.,  148, 149. 
aTTo  after  airicj,  128,  129. 
a^i6u),  132. 
avTo^eor.  394. 

Babrius,  115,  124,  126,  130,  132. 

Barnabas,  Epistle  of,  115, 125,  127, 129, 
130,  132,  160;  Acs  of,  410. 

Barstow,  Z.  S.,  396. 

Basil  of  Caesarea,  228,  234,  261,  265 
sq.,  277,  280,  306,  310,  384,  395. 

Basil  of  Seleucia,  231,  247,  280. 

Bauer,  G.  L.,  399. 

Baumgarten-Crusius,  Ludwig  Fried- 
rich  Otto,  132,   134,  370,  398,  399, 

439,  449.  469- 
Baumganen,  S.  J.,  391. 

Baumlein,  W.,  273. 

Beatitudes,  how  written  in  Cod.  Vat, 

143.  145- 
Beausobre  and  Lenfant,  134,  297,  366. 

Becker's  Charikles,  137. 

Beda,  30S  309. 

Beet,  John  Agar,  340,  346,  354,  404. 

Belsham,  Thomas,  398. 

Belsheim,  J.,  296. 

Bengel,  J.  A.,  126,  132,  133,  188,  213, 


480 


CRITICAL  ESSAYS 


218,  222,  233,  240,  283,  307,  317, 396. 

461,  468. 
Benner,  396. 
Benson,  George,  449. 
Berlin  Academy,  173. 
Bernard,  Edward,  124. 
Bemhardt's  Gothic  Version  (f  .v.),  203. 
Bertheau's  edition  of  Lucke  (f  .v ),  4/M, 
Bertholdt*8  Einleitung,  188,  376,  464. 
Bethesda  (Bethzatha),  the    angel  at, 

198.  237. 

Beyschiag,  Willibald,  403,  449. 

Beza,  Theodore,  289, 396^  409 ;  his  edi- 
tions of  the  N.T,  210^  217,234,461, 
463.  465.  466.  468. 

Bible,  English:  early  versions,  289; 
Whittingham's,  466;  Bishops',  449^ 
46^ ;  Geneva,  359, 449. 465. 466, 4^ ; 
King  James*s,  217,  227,  469;  Blay- 
ney*s  edition,  223  sq.;  "Exact  Re- 
print," 221,  224,  470;  misprints  in 
editions  of,  213,  224,  466;  Tischen- 
dorf*8  edition  of  the  N.  T^  170  sq. ; 
Greek  text  underlying  the  N.  T.,  204 
8q.,209sq.,  217  sq. ;  committee  for 
revision  of,  183,  213,  272,  273,  etc, 
see  Retniion;  German,  165, 382, 449, 
458-463.  469;  Greek,  140  sqq.,  459, 
400;  Latin,  464.  (See  New  Testa- 
meni,  Dutch^  German^  Latin  Ver- 
H<msy  Old  Latin^  Vulgate.) 

Birch,  A.,  193.  296,  408,  468. 

Birks,  T.  R.,  200. 

Bleek,  Fried  rich,  132,  329,  439. 

Bloomficld,  S.  T.,  124,   133,   135,   179, 

295.  439.  448,  450.  469. 
Bockeler,  Otto,  139. 

Boderie,  Le  Fevre  de  la,  327. 

Bodleian  Library,  159,  186,  327,  393. 

Hoehme,  C.  J.,  401. 

Braune,  Karl,  115,  132,  439,  457,  462. 

Breathings,   the   Greek,  confusion    in 

use  of.  289. 

Breslau  University,  1 57. 

Bretschneider,  Karl  Gottlieb,  124,  132, 

135*  372,401,405.409.449- 
Breviarium  Fidei,  the,  309,  395. 

'British   and    Foreign    Bible   Society, 

Library   of,    179,   220;    ed.   of    Ae- 

thiopic,  330. 
British    Museum:    Tischendorf,    159, 

161 ;  Tregelles.  181 ;  catalogue,  187  ; 

its    MSS.  specially  examined,   326, 

327.  329.  330,  408. 
Brown,  David,  294. 
Bruckner,  B.  B.,  273,  457, 
Brunei  de  Presle,  147  sq. 
Bryennios's  Clement,  324. 
Bucer  (Butzer)  on  Rom.  ix.  5,  400. 
Bueenhagen,  John,  (Pomeranus),  461, 

463. 
Bull,  Bp.,  371. 


Ballinger,  Heinrich  463. 

Bonsen,  C.  C.  J.,  324,  591;  his  Ana- 
lecta  Ante-Nicaena,  253 ;  his  Bibd- 
werk,  274,  294,  3 19^  321,  403. 

Burgon.  J.  W.,  140-1 54*  '79^  I97»  228, 
238.  387-389, 392,  395.  397, 406, 407, 

432- 
Burtoo,  Edward,  301,  X2i,  322,  325, 

3»6b  39o»  39if  427. 4». 

Buttman's   (Alex.)    N.  T.  Grammar, 

290»  364*  410. 440^  447»  453.  454. 457- 
Bmtmannn's  (Ph.)  Greek  Testament, 

^189-196.  319. 405. 
P^P^,  137. 

CiVLESTINE  I.,  pope,  307,  308. 

Caesarius,  262,  280,  3M. 

Calvm,  John,  337,  396,  42i»  A^  449^ 

463,  466. 
Campbell,  George,  1 18. 
Campbell,  Lewis,  404f  422,  447,  449. 
Casseli's  Bible  Dictionary,  182. 
Cassian,  308,  300,  395. 
Cassiodorus,  308* 
Catena  of  Andrea*,  ipo^  301. 
Catholic  Eoistles,  MSS.  of,  211,  217, 

220;  Cod.  A  and  Cod.  Sin.  in,  311. 
Cave,  William,  252,  262,  276^  300^  302, 

3891  394.  427. 
Caylus,  Count  de,  139. 

Chariton,  lie  130. 

Cheyne,  T.  K.,  376. 

Cholin,  Peter,  463. 

Christ :  the  t^ame  in  MSS.,  205, 112  sq., 
31 5 ;  appellations,  259,  266.  267,  280; 
sonship,  260,  346,  348;  Paul's  lan- 
guage concerning,  319,  365,  367,369, 
374;  Arian  view  of,  285;  Sodnian 
views  of,  378;  blood  of,  324;  king- 
dom of,  446;  force  of  the  article 
with,  386,  414.     (SeeyJr^wf,  y£on,) 

Chrysostom,  135,  162,  228,  231,  261, 
267,  269,  281.  282,  287,  298,  375,  578, 
384,  387,  445;  Pseudo-Chrys.,  300. 

"Church  of  God,"  "Church  of  the 
Lord,"  294,  312,  315,  317,  330. 

Cicero,  114,  119,  120,  127. 

Clarke,  Samuel,  324,  400. 

Clau-en,  H.  N.,  319,  403. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  228,  243,  247, 
2C2,  251,  268,  269,  276,  279,  281,  282, 
287.  288,  323,  444. 

Clement  of  Rome,  127,  129,  161,  171, 
228,  323-325.  349»  354»  362,  410,434, 
446,  447,  455- 

Cobet,  C.  G.,  349  sq.,  422,  428.  (See 
Grcfk  New  Testament,) 

Codex  (cf.  Manuscripts) :  — 

Cod.  Aleph,   140-154,    1 59-161,    163, 

164.  166-170,  179,  i8t,  182,  200,  201, 

211,  219.  222.  223,  225,  228.  230,  231, 

23S,  240,  241,  249,  251,  268,  274,  275, 


wmarn 


i«a 


INDEX   OF    NAMES,    TOPICS,    AND   GREEK   WORDS 


481 


283,  2S9.  290,  305;  agreement  of 
with  B  in  questionable  readings, 
310,  311,  315,  316,  323,  346,  407,408, 
432,  475.  (Sc  Cod.  FrideriiO-Au^s- 
ianushtXovn,) 

Cud.  Alexandrinus  (A).  128, 129, 146, 
161.  16'',  170,  182,  1S9,  194,211,  224, 

250,  268,  27?,  283,  290,  295,  305,  311, 
346,  357,  4o6-40ii,  432,  430- 

Cod.  Amiatinus,  date  of,  165,  177. 

Cod.  Augiensis  (F),  163,  174,  177, 
182,  218,  291,  316.  346,  407. 

Cod.  B  (Vaticanus),  140-154,  160, 
161,  163,  167,  1C8,  170.  178,  180^ 
182,  189;  collations  of,  193  sq.,  200, 
21 1, 222,  223,  225,  228,  230,  231,  238, 
240,  241, 249,  250,  251,  268,  274,  275, 
283,  280,  291,  295,  305,  307 ;  agree- 
mei.t  of  with  Aleph  in  question  ble 
readings,  310,  3i».3'5»  3A  323*  346. 
407,  408,  432,  435- 

Cod.  B  of  in*  Apocalypse,  160,  161. 

Cod.  Bezae  (D  or  Cantabrigiensis), 
I49»  163,  182,  210,  211,  217,  218,  228, 
230,  231,  236,  238,  240.  275,  289,  290, 
295*  296,  305,  309,  311,  316,  346. 

C'  d.  Hobbieiisis,  160. 

Cod.  Brixianus,  228,  22^ 

Cod.  C  (Cod.  Ephiaemi,  the  Parisian 
palimpsest).  142,  146,  157,  160,  167, 
200,  211,  229,  231, 238.  240,  249,  250, 

251,  268,  274.  275,  288, 295.  309,  31 1, 
316,  346,407,408,432. 

Cod.  Chisianus,  167. 

Cod.   Claromonfanus,  157,  160,  177, 

178,  182,  210,  212,  407. 
Cod.  A,  151,  240,  250,  268,  275,  283, 

280. 

Coci.  E,  145,  177,  211,  229,  250,  268, 

274,  275,  288,  295,  296,  305.  311.  316. 
Cod.  E  of  the    Acts    (Cod.    Laudi- 

anus),  145,  162,  296. 
Cod.  F  (K  od.  Boreeli),  160,  250,  268, 

274,  2S8,  292. 
Cod.  t,  see  Cod.  Brixianus. 
Cod.  Friderico- Augustan  us,  141.  159, 

160,  167.     (See  Cod.  Aiephy^iiovt.) 
Cod.  P'uldepsis,  165. 
Cod.  G,  151,  177,  26S,  274,  2S8,  316, 

346,  .J07. 

Cod.  r,  177, 274. 275, 288. 

Cod  H  ot  the  Gospels,  250,  268,  274, 

27;,  28  S  291.  292. 
Cod.  H  of  the  Acts,  177,  309,  316. 
Cod.  H  of  the  Epistles,  212. 
Cod.  I,  177,  250. 
Cod.  K  of  the  Gospels,  157,  177,  250, 

26S,  274,  288. 
Cod.  K  of  the  Epistles,  316,  346,  407. 
Cod.  L  of  the  Gospels,  151,  157,  160, 

200,  210,  217,  228,  230,231,  240,  249, 

250,  268,  274,  275,  283,  289,  291. 


Cod.  L  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  177, 

309.  3»<J»  346,  407,  408,  432- 
Cod.  A,  177,  250,  268,  274,  275,  288, 

289. 
Cod.  M,  157,  177,  250,  268,  274,  288. 
Cod.  Marchalianus,  162. 
Cod.  N,  160,  212. 
Cod.  P  (P.  rfiiianus),   162,  212,  275, 

289,  291.  309,  316. 

Cod.  n,  274, 275, 288. 

Cod.  Q,  162,  210,  211. 

Cod.  R,  162,  177,  178.  212 

Cod.  Ros^anensis,  221,  238. 

Cod.  S,  250.  268,  274,  288. 

Cod.  Sarravianu*!  of  the  Octateuch, 

162. 
Cod.  Sinaiticus,  see   Cod.  Aleph  and 

Cod.  Friderico- Attgtistanus. 
Cod.  T,  200,  211,  228,  275. 
Cod  6,  160. 

Cod.  U,  177,  2  w,  268,  274,  275,  288. 
Cod.  V,  250,  268,  274,  275. 
Cod.  Vaticanus,  s<»e  Cod.  B. 
Cod.  W*,  160;  WS  162. 
Cod.  X,  177,  250,  268,  275.  289. 
Cod.  Y,  160. 
Cod.  Z  (the  Dublin  palimpsest),  177, 

178,  212,  230,  231,  238,  240. 
Cod.  Zacynthius,  141,  163,   178,  220, 
230. 
Cod.  1,  250,  268,  289. 
Cod.  8S  (*>.  Acts  13,  Pauline  Epp. 
17),  178,  230,  249,  250,  268,  274,  275, 
283,  292,  296. 
Cod.  69,  250,  268,  283,  287,  289,  291. 
Cod.  234   (Acts   57,  Paul  72),   292. 
(See  Manuscripts^  Criticism^  Lection- 
arieSf  etc.) 
Colenso,  Bp.  J.  W.,  403. 
Communicatio  Idiomatum,  315. 
Compluttnsian  Polvglott,  210,  217. 
Concordances,  Bib  ical,  465,  467.  (See 
Englishman's,  Nathan^    Trommius^ 
Youngs  etc.) 
Constaniine  the  Grea%  142,  269. 
Conybeare  (W.  J  )  and  Howson  (J.  S.), 

132.  385.  439»  449 
Cook,  Canon,  411.  432. 

Coptic  Version,  212,221,  252,268,269, 
275,  276,  296,  357,  449-  (^ee  Egyp- 
tian  Verstons.) 

Copyists,  140-150,  151,  161,205,222, 
227,  229.     (See  Manuscripts.) 

Coquerel,  Athanase,  403. 

Councils:  Antioch,  388;  Carthage, 
304;  Chalcedon,  3S1 ;  Constantino- 
ple^. 377.  381 ;  Diamper,  329;  Ephe- 
sus,  308,  381;  Lateran,  32'3;   Nice, 

300,  371.  377»  381.  382*  388.    (See 

Synod.) 
Cowpcr.  B.  Harris,  171. 
Cozza,  Father,  181,  408. 


482 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


Cramer's  Catenx,  262,  266.  26S,  29S, 

295.  299.  307.  392.  393- 
Crell,  John,  ^76,  397,  409. 

Crell,  Samuel,  **L.  M.  Artemonias,** 

398. 
Cremer,  Hermann,  425,  445. 

Criticism,  New  Testament:  opinions 
in  England,  179 ;  scholars  there,  213 ; 
aids  in,  217  sq.;  pnnciples  of  and 
their  apulicatiun,  222  sq.,  239  sq., 
323.  (Cf.  Glosses^  Manuscripts^  Pcue- 
Of^aphy,  etc.) 

Crombie,  42S. 

Cro-bv,  Howard,  135. 

Crowfoot,  276. 

Cruciger  (Creutziger),  Kaspar,  463. 

Ctematiu^,  Gell.,  466. 

Curcellaeus  (Courcelles,  £tienne  de), 
400,  468. 

Cureton,  W.,  321,  322;  Curetonian 
Syriac  Version,  212,  221,  228,  231, 
236, 252,  268,  269,  276. 

Cyprian,  228,  238,  304,  394. 

Cyril  of  Alexandria,  228,  230,  243, 
245,  247,  254,  260,  262,  265,  266,  268, 
276,  277,  281,  287,  288,  292,  293,306, 
31  ^  323.  34 5»  346.  370,  384,  387,  392, 
414;  Pseudo-C>  ril,  261,  268,  277, 
300. 

Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  260,  277,  279,  387. 

/cat:  contracted  in  MSS.,  149;  article 
omitted  after,  452. 

Kara  and  fitrd  confounded  in  MSS., 
42S;  Kara  ^foj-,  42S ;  Kura  Tzvtiun, 
34>S;  mra  o6f)K(i,  332-350,  3S4,   390, 

392.  393- 

KipKHj,  136,  37S  sq.;  distinguished 
from  (-in,r,  425  sq, ;  in  Paul's  quota- 
tions, 426;  K>  fxot;  and  o  Ki'f)iog,  439; 
Kijunr  rCjf  Kifjiuv,  429.     (See  Lord.) 

Xdfur,  362. 

XpiCTog  and  6  i/^f^rd*;,  351,  378,  386, 
414. 

ATf  {Xl'((^'<^^),  149- 

Daille,  Jean,  240. 
Daniel,  Book  of,  162,  167,  182. 
Darby,  John  Nelson,  297,  366. 
Davidson,  Samuel,   179,  182,   186,  233, 

273,    294,    295,   307,   308,  310,    319, 

366,  404,  449,  462. 
De  la  Rue,  247,  265,  278,  279,  2S6,  287, 

301,  310.  389,  4  28,  448. 
Delitzsch,  Franz,  172. 
Demosthenes,  432. 
D  t'  Rossi,  214. 
DiTUS,    320   sqq.,    372,    378,    394,   400. 

(Ste  (hog.) 
Devil,  286-293 /<2Jj-/w. 
De  Wette,  W.  M.  L.,  132,    133,  188, 

233.  273»  '95' 319.  35'.  352.370,398, 

399.  402,  4  5,  409,  439,  447.449»  457. 

462.  464. 


Didot,  Firmin,  157. 

Didvmus,  248,  254,  268,  276,  281,  2S8, 

289,  29S. 
Dillmann's  Aethiop.  Lexicon,  306. 
Dindorf,  William,  124,  173,  3pS,  390. 
Diodati,  John  (Gio.),  469. 
Diodorus  of  Antioch  and  Tarsus,  392, 

393. 
Diognetus,  Epistle  to,  127,  129. 
Dion  Cassius,  172. 
Dionysius   of    Alexandria,   3S8,   428; 

Pseudo-Di  nysius,  388. 
DionyAiu^of  Halicarnassus,  456. 
D'osco  id»s,  152. 
**  Dittography,*^    436.       (See   Hamao- 

Uleuion. ' 
Doctrtna  Orientaiis,  253. 
Doctrine,     Christian,    its    disclosure 

progressive,  374  sq. 
Doddridge,  Philip,  398. 
Doederlein,  J.  C,  297,  366. 
Doederlein*s  (Ludwig)     Latin    S3mo- 

nyms,  119,  127. 
Donaldson,  Jamts,  324. 
Dorner,  Isaac  August,  324,  39S. 
Doxolo^ies,    351,   354,   355,   308   sq.; 

Rabbinical   use   o%    302,  303,  380, 

384.  397.  405.  406.  410.  417.  437- 
Drumm  aid,  James,  254,  266,  273,  278, 

282. 
Drusius,  Johsmnes,  426. 
Dublin  Pa'impsest,  see  CW.  Z. 
Ducaeus,  (Fronton  le  Due).  300. 
Du  Pin  (Dupin),  Louis  Ellies,  310. 
Dureau  de  la  Malle,  139. 
Diisterdieck,  Friedricii,  1 14,   119,   457. 
Dutch  Translation,  170,  184,  274,  294, 

404,466.     {See  Bi'd/e.) 
Dwight,  Timothy,  332,  339,  340,    342, 

343.  350»  359.  361.  396,  406,  421,  422. 
Acu'tid,  contracted  in  MSS.,  149. 
deouat,  123,  125,  1 32  sq. 
(5/a  in  reference  to  Christ,  369. 
do^a  in  doxologies,  362. 

Eadie,  John,  132,  370,  439. 
Ebioniics,  374. 

Ebrard,  Johann  Heinrich  August,  462. 
Eckermann,  J.  C.  R.,  401,  405. 
Egyi^tian  Versions,  212,  276.  (See 
Coptic,  Mcmphitic^  Stthidic,  Thebaic) 
Eichhorn,  Johann  Gottfried,  1S8,  296. 
Ekker,  324. 
Ellicott,  Bp.  Charles  John,  124,   132, 

3i9»  35^'  439»  44°,  442-445.  447.  448, 

457- 
Eisner,  Jakob,  456. 

Ely  Lectures,  362,  777,  385. 

Elzevir  Editions,  189,  190,  192,  466  sq. 

EncvciQivX'dia  Britannica,  137. 

Englishman's    Concordance    (Greek; 

Hebrew).  177,  461;. 

Ephraen\  th-  Syrian,  328,  329. 


INDEX   OF    NAMES,    TOPICS,    AND   GREEK   WORDS 


483 


Epiphanius.  231.  242,  243, 247, 2^3-255, 

267.  268,  276,  277,  279,  280,  281,  288, 

306,  384,  391,  393. 
Erasmus:   his  critical  apparatus,  217, 

340,  353.  366,  397-400,  409,  427,  449. 

45'.  45'*.    459.    465.    466;    his  fdi- 

tioas,   2(o,  217,  218,  234,  289;   his 

Paraphrase,  297. 
Erisuco,  see  Miniscnlchi-Erizzo, 
Emesti,  H.  F.  T.  L.,  400,  449. 
Ernesti,  J.  A.,  370. 
Ersch  and  Gru^er's  Cyclopaedia,  138. 
Esdras,  Book^  of,  147. 
Estienne,  see  Stephens. 
Estius  (Van  Est),  Gulielmus,  396. 
Esther,  Book  of,  167,  352. 
Eternal  Generation,  267. 
"Eucherius,"  see  Euthcrius. 
EuIogiu>,  395. 

Eunomius  247,  256,  257,  267,  277. 
Euripides,  172,  211. 
"Eusebian  Sections,"  141.     (See  Am- 

monian  Sections.) 
Eusebius,  142,  151,  177,  228,  230,  243, 

246,  247,  255.  25S,  259,  265,  268,  269, 

277-279.  281,  282.  284,  302,  370,  390, 

395'  4''8. 
Eustathius,  259,  268,  269,  277,  287,  301, 

^  329.  395-     , 
Euthaliu^,  296,  300. 

Eutherius  ot  Tyana,  301,  329. 

Euthymius  (Zigabenus  or  Zygadenus), 

135,  260,  262,  268,  277.  287. 
Evangelistaries,  220, 288.     (See  Mantis 

scripts.) 
Evangelium    Palatinum,    160.       (See 

Latin   Versions.) 
Ewald,  Heinrich,  132,  133,  273,  294, 

3*2,  319.  376,  422,  439,  447, 449,  457. 
"Exact  Reprint,*'  see  Bible,  English. 
Excerpta  Theodoti,  243,  253,  269. 
Exodus,  Book  of,  147. 
"Expo-^itor,  The,"3ss,  396. 
Ezra.  Book  of,  147. 
£^v  in  a  passage  in  Suidas,  124. 
«*>,  355.  410,  423. 
fi///:    force    of,    383;    dvm  im^    351; 

iGTiv  in  doxologies,  355,  410,  423; 

iari^  in  doxologies,  355, 409,  410,  423. 
fi' in  reference  to  Christ,  369;  kvvK^, 

453- 
fT/<kiv«a,  441,  446,  454-456. 

epuTdu,  I 13-136. 

iaravpujftr]  contracted  in  Cod.  Sin.,  149. 

ivayye?J(^e(TBat  in  Paulas  quotations,  426. 

ev7j)yi]fikvo^i  position  of  in  d  >xologies, 

3^1,   358,  436;    distinguished  from 

tv}A)y7)T6c,  409  sq. 
et'P.oy^rof :  position  of  in  doxologies, 

151, 380, 384, 3S5,  391 ;  distinguished 

from    evAoyj/uivoi;    409,    410,    436; 


senses  of,  437  sq. ;   o  ev2/}yifT6^  esp. 
u«ed  of  God,  362. 
tvxapiOTcj,  362. 

Faber  Stapulensis,  J.  (Jacques  Le 

Fevre  d'Etaplc*).  464,  465. 
Fabricius,  J.  A.,  187,  253,  267,  391. 
Facundus,  Hermi^nensis,  302,  2^- 
Fairbaira,  Patrick,  449. 
"  Faith  "  in  Heb.  x.  23,  A.  V.,  226. 
Farrar,  Canon,  352,  355.  396,  450,  457. 
Fatherhood  of  God  (^.v.),   271,   371, 

372.  374- 

Fathers  of  the  Church,  170,  276,  297- 
305,  313,  329;  as  interpreters  of 
Scripture,  248,  251,  255,  3S7,  393, 
445;  thf-ir  theo  ogical  language,  315, 
322,  323,  320-^26,  352,  371,  375,  383, 
386,  401.  (See  Apostolic,  Greek, 
Latin.) 

Faustinus,  264,  278. 

Faustus  R»-jensis,  308. 

Fell,  John,  468. 

Ferrandus,  247,  267,  308.  395. 

Ferrar,  Prof.  W.  H.,  275. 

Ferrari,  Ambrose,  265,  278. 

Field,  Frederick,  298. 

Finetti,  299,  307. 

Flacius  lUyricus,  421. 

Flatt.  337,  396,  398,  439,  450. 

Fleury,  Claude,  324. 

Forsier,  463. 

Franz's  El  em.  Epigr.  Graec,  289,  290. 

Fratres  Poloni,  396. 

Frederick  AuErustu-'  II.  of  Saxony,  159. 

Fritzsche,  C.  F.  A.,  352,  354,  355,  358, 
362,  376,  402,  409,  422,  437,  447, 449. 

456- 
Fritz>che,  O.  F.,  16S,  319,  356,  455. 
Fronto  Ducaeus    (Due,  Fronton  le), 

300. 
Fulgentius,  243,  247,  257,  278,  279,  308, 

309,  39  s :  Pseudo-Fulgentius,  310. 
Funk,  F.X.,  324. 

Gage,  William  L.,  170. 

Gallandi,  Andrew,  his  Bibliotheca  re- 
ferred to,  257,  259,  260,  262,  264, 
277,  288,  -x^i,  302. 

Garnier,  Julien,  his  edition  of  Basil, 
266,  280,  310. 

Gaudentius,  247,  267,  280. 

Gebhardt,  Oscar  von,  166,  324,  325, 
469. 

Gelasiu<»  of  Cyzicus,  301,  395. 

G  nnadius  387. 

Greoffrey  of  Monmouth,  186. 

Georgian  Version,  288,  289,  309,  357. 

Georgius  Trapezuntius,  256. 

German  Versions,  see  Bible,  Luther, 
SwisSs  etc. 

Germanus,  277. 


484 

Geseniu*,  Wilhelm,  176,  iS:,  376. 

Oe«,  W.  t\  JJ5,  37i,  383,  3S3,  385, 
449.  45"^  4S7- 

Girford,  Edward  Hamilton,  337,  338, 
J47.  J6l.  396,  406.  411,  41*.  414.  41s. 
434-4J'i- 

CigJl  Litrorum,  296. 

Gmiliurg,  Chrisliaii  D.,  376. 

Cloag.  P.ton  J  ,  294. 

Glikklcr,  Cunrad.  401. 

Glosiei,  aift  235,  i?^. 

Gnoilicism,  321.  445;  GiiDSiics,  iheir 
views  of  Gud,  390.  433. 

Goailby,  Roljert,  39a. 

Godi  wirtd  nf,  20s.  367-169, 400;  only- 
begoiien  fg.v.),  241-285;  church  of, 
^4i  3071  jii.  3-7;  " flesh  of ,"" Imdy 
of,"  522.  3; 5,  326;  "blood  of,"  314, 
3io-'3;6.323i  3u(fcring,3is,32o,32z, 
323,3:;;  ■■de.thof,"(;c.,3i2;  over- 
"•liilS.  353.  35+:  rank.  366;  name, 
374.  37a.  jSo.  40i.  (See  C*ritr, 
D,iti,Jtsui,  Lord.   Unigtnitus  Diui, 

Hl.if,  .l,.,..r.) 

God  the  Son,  267,  2S2.     (See  Chrin.) 
Godei,  v.,  133.  273,  382. 396,  414- 
Godwin,  John  II.,  319,  404,  447. 
Gooding,  Alfred.  405. 
Gospels:    Apucrj-|ihnl  (^.r.) ;  Tischen- 
dorf's  Itirmony  uf,  lOO;  date,  169; 
in  the  New  Revii-ion.  2ts-i40;  par- 
allel passages,  231;,  236,  23S;  quota- 
tions in,  330,  23 1. 
Gothic  Version,  editions  of,  135.  203. 


Gregory  Nutia 

163,  ^67-^69, 277;  =5s  2si;  pj  j.^ 

Gregory  of  N>-ssa,  241.  247,  ^jj-rj:. 

i&i,  276,  277,  279.  2&0.  329.  370.  3!'4. 

395- 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  301. 
Gricsbach,  John   James;   ,%  a  crilic, 

179,200;  hi,  Greek  Tesla-oent.  rS^ 

19;.  i\i,  2/3.   318.  2J2,  233.  24..  i^ 
^  333.  J05.  TO7.  30S.  46S. 
Grimm.  C.  X-.  Willibald,  396,  400,  455; 

his  Lexicon.  124,  351.  356,  36S,  384. 

4=9,  437- 
Groismann.  C.  G.  L..  15S,  (72. 
Gfotiui.  Hugo,  132,  134,  3S9,  370.  397. 

4S7.  449.4S7■ 
Gut]cher,  Rudolph,  463. 
Gucricke,  H.  E.  F„  i83,  14S. 
Guhl  and  Koner,  137—130. 
Guiioi,  F.  P.  G.,  :s7. 
Gutbier,  Aegidius.  327. 

Hahn.  August,  39S,   405,  469;  his 

Greek  New  Testament,  190,  447. 
Hahn,  G.  U,  405. 
Haldane,  Robert,  405. 


Greek  fathers,  241,  244-246,  257,  267, 
sCkS,  277,  :S6.  2S7. 3<^>-  3'3.  3M.  39'. 
31J5.    (Ste  Fathtrs,  A[vstalic,  L,Uin.\ 

Greek  Ni.-w  Te^tnmenl :  Kutimann's 
\,q.v.),  1S9  s(i<i.i  Hahn's  (./.:-.),  190; 
Stier  and  Theile's,  190;  Theilu's, 
190;  ItagMcr's  "  I.irgc-I'rini,"  igi  ; 
Grieab.ie  I's  (^.:'.),  190,  204  siiq.,  .Sji  ; 
Tischendorf's  (-/.:■.)  work,  iljo-174  ; 
"Catholic  editiim."  157  :  O.  v.  Gcb- 
hardl's  \,q.v.\,  166;  criticism,  t75; 
El^ievir,  rS9,  i'>i.  195;  editions 
of,  161;,  176,  177.  1^5.  210  sq.,  ?77, 
3S4,  4'W,  46';;  principles.  179; 
G.  D.  T.  M.  IJ.'s  edition,  1.S4.  18?. 
rS7i  WcMc.iU  :.nd  Ho.t's  (./..'.). 
197-20;;  Kuenen  :ind  CobcCs  (y.i'.t, 
291.  ,ii'f.  350.  ■\°i-  447;  Green's 
T«..fuia  New  Testament,  273;  umi>- 
si..n.  31,;  ver-es.  464-467;  "  Kf 
cciveil  Te.'it."  165,  i6fi,  J76,  177.  1.S9, 
19-:.  T95,  197.  21 1  sqi].,  216,  220,  230 
sq.j..  235,  J37.  2')4.    (See  under  the 

Green,  Samuel  G.,  4JO. 

29-l.'3i3.3'"''.  44",  4P.'-153- 


c  H.,  184  sqq., 

K.  L.  F..  i^i: 


Har 


.  162. 


Harless,  G.  C.  A.  von,  132,  400. 
Hirmsen,  Krn.st.  396. 
Harnick.  Ad..l',  315. 
Harlo',  J.  (ed.  of  Cyprian),  304. 
Harvard  College  Library,  162.  184,40s. 
Harvcv,  Wigan,  435. 
H..i.(>t.  Erich,  457. 
Haym.).  445. 

Heiriie,  Thomas,  his  edition  of  Cod. 
Uudiaiius  {q.v.\,  162. 

ITS^'k;^.  356  357 ;  MSS, 


15? 

Di.  Tregeiles'said 

s  m 

Hdirev; 

slu'i 

V,    176;    Hebrew 

Teic 

of  the 

Kl;v 

Hel.rL 
Hefel 

wsEpisiletoihe. 
447.     (See    Indtx 

S9. 

■fiiffl 

'r|.vo„,3... 

hen.  i-.  A,.  390. 

chs,  J,  11.,  370,  449. 

Helio 

orus^455- 

HvlU 

^^"^■i 

!ciil>erg,    Ernst   W 

ilhelm,    273, 

\- 

i».  .r.,  '-T- 

160 

s,  ns,  125,  127.   1 

^9. 

30.  '3=. 

\\>^-!Z. 

e'>  Encyclopxdia,  j 

76.  464. 

INDEX   OF    NAMES,   TOPICS,    AND  CREEK   WORDS 


485 


Hcyse,  Theodor,  172. 

Hilary  (Hilarius),  243,  247,  24S,  263, 

264',  268,  276.  277,  282,  384.  394,  395. 
Hilary,   the   Deacon,  277,  302.     (bee 

Ambrosiaster.) 
Hilgenfeld,  Adolf,  115,  130,  165,  169, 

188,  324,  356,  396. 
Hippolytus,   25S,   26S,    269,   277,  282, 

32 1 »  323.  324*  378,  383*  390.  39 1 »  4^8, 
444. 

Uirt,  J.  F.,  396. 

Hitzig,  Ferdinand,  376. 

Hodge.  Charles,  337.  342,  396,  421. 

Hoeppc,  H.,  see  MiilUr. 

Hoeschel,  David,  265,  278. 

Hofmann,  J.  C.  K.  von,  378,  382,  396. 

Holsten,  C,  404. 

Holtzmann,  H.  J.,  273,  274,  294,  319, 

403,  449.  457. 
Holy  Spirit:   the  "Helper,"  133  sq. ; 

deity  of,  42S,  429. 
Holznausen,  F.  A.,  439. 
Homoeoieleuton,   205.   206,   223,   229, 

234,  436- 

Home's  Introduction,  180,  182,  241  ff. ; 
Biblical  Bibliography,  185,  186. 

Hort,  F.  J.  A.,  154,  174,-  179,  197-203 
^"^"S^  233,  272,  276,  294,  295,  319,  353, 
366,  405,  422,  447,  469.     (See  West- 
cot  t.) 

Huct,  Pierre  Daniel.  265,  278,  279,  287. 

Hug,  Johann  Leonhard,  188,  327. 

Hugenholtz,  H.  J.  de  Haan,  135. 

Humb)idt,  Alexander  von,  180. 

Humphry,  William  G.,  326. 

Hupfeld,  Hermann,  123. 

Huther's  Commentaries,  132,  319,  364, 
402,  447,  449,  450,  4^7,  462. 

Hyperide^,  Babington  s,  143. 

Ibas.  302. 

Idacius  (Idatius)  Clarus,  264,  268. 

Ignatius,  279,  321.  322,  324,  390,  396, 
444;  Ignacian  Writings,  127,  129, 
131,  132,  267,  279.  2S7,  321,  390,  396. 

Immer,  Prof.  A.,  449. 

Indicative,  the,  in  doxologies,  355,  409. 

Irenaus.  243,  247,  254,  257,  258,  268, 
269,  277,  279,  28 1,  D^i,  296,  297,  313, 

7>'^\  324.  349.  Z^l^  390.  39 1 » 433. 434* 

435- 
IrmJ^ch's  Herod  an,  428. 

Isidorus   (Isidore)   ot    Pelusium,  247, 

279»  300»  Z^l- 
Isocrates,  432. 

*ltpovaa/JipL^  abbreviated  in  MSS.,  147 

sqq. 

Jva,  123,  128,  130,  131. 

laa,  368. 

'lapaif/^  abbreviated  in  MSS.,  148, 149. 

Jackson,  John,  of  Leicester,  398,  40a 


Jackson,  S.  M.,  408. 

Jackson,  William,  440,  444. 

Jacobitz  and  Seiier's  Greek  Lexicon, 

M7- 
Jacobson's  Patres  Apostolicty  XTj^  325. 
Jahn,  Johann,  464. 
Jansenistb,  Trcgelies  on  the,  182. 

{atho,  G.  F.,  396. 
eromc,  263,  264,  277,  298,  302,  303, 
308,  313,  395.426. 

Jesus:  h'.s  pray«  r,  114;  traditional 
payings  ascribed  to,  236;  to  confess 
him  as  the  Christ,  376.  (See  Christy 
God^  Mt'SSiaAy  Umr^  sipior.) 

Jews:  Greek-speaking,  116;  unbeliev- 
ing and  Christian,  333;  Messiai  ic 
hopes  of,  353,  355;  altitude  towards 
doctrine  ot  the  Trinity,  374,  37  q; 
privileges,  413,  415-422;  Gnostic 
view  of  their  God,  433. 

John,  Acts  of,  410. 

John  H.,  pope,  308,  309. 

John  of  Damascus,  231,  262,  26S,  277, 
388. 

John  the  Evangelist,  121-123, 132,  280, 
377;  his  Gospel:  logos  (i^.z^.),  255; 
paraphrase,  261 ;  Commentaries, 
273*  301  ;  translation,  276;  Origen, 
278;  Chrysostom,  ^06;  proem,  283, 

Jonas,  Justus,  463. 

Jones,  John,  398. 

Josephus,  115,  124,  125,  127,  130,  132, 

354.  454- 
Joshua  :  Book  of,  147,  149  ;  prayer  of, 

124. 

Jowett,  Benjamin,  319,  403,  404,  422, 

447. 
Julian  the  Aposta.e,  243,  260,  266,  26S, 

277.  346.  392. 

{ulianus  Pomerius,  308. 
unilius,  265,  268,  278,  281. 
Junius,  Patri'  ius  see   Kw//f,  Patrick. 
Justi,  L.  J.  C,  399. 
Justin  Mart>r,  164,  230,  352,  375,  428. 

Kahnis,  K.  F.  a.,  382. 

Kave,  Bp.  John,  372. 

Kcble,  John,  435. 

Keil,  J.  K.  F,'233,  455.464- 

Kennedy,  Benjamin  Hall,  335,  362,368, 

yn^  385. 41 1-4  M.  422,423, 428, 433, 

447- 
Kettner,  F.  E.,  463. 

"  King  of  the  Ages,'*  354. 

KirchofTs  Corpus  Inser.  Attic,  290. 

Kitto's  Cyclopaedia,  273,  464,  Jfoumal 

of  Sacred  Literature,  179,  182. 

Klauscn,  If.  N.,  see  Clausen, 

Klce,  lleinrich,  396. 

K I  of  u  tar,  396. 

Klopper,  A.  H.  E.,  447. 


CRITICAL   KSSAVS 


Knapp,  G.  C,  i  56,  190,  370.  469- 

Kniltel,  F.  A.,  .15S,  459. 

Knubel.  Auguai,  376. 

Kofllner,  E  luard,  360,  401. 

Koncr,  see  Guii  ami  Koiur. 

Koppc,  Johann  Benjimin,  396,  399. 

Krebs,/.  T-,  127. 

Krehl.  A.  L.  G.,  Ap2,  405,  44^ 

Kriiger,  K.  W.,  344. 

Kueiien,  see  Grrei  New  TfilamttU. 

Kiihner,  Rafael,  409. 

Kuinoel,  C.  T„ 


«»r, 


Liturgies,  ancient.  238,  354,  35S,  359, 

382.  409' 
Locke,  John,  399,  421. 
Loesner,  C.  F.,  127, 
Logos,  iis.  3S4,  314,315.364.3651  370. 

375-377.391.429.43'-    (SeeCiriU, 
JaMa.  iVord,  'oy^.) 
Lommatzsch's  Origen,  see  Origm. 
Lord:  use  o(  the   word,   =05;  thnitb 
<?.p.)  of,  302,  304,  313,  314  ;   o..e,  378- 

3S0,  3b4  ;  nime,  426.      (Sec  Cirid, 


'a(Ludol.)h)Mil1.  468. 

La  Cava  >tS.,  see  l^uSgatt. 
Lachmann,  C,  15!),  1(14,  139-194,  212, 

213,  j[8,  233,  241.  27^.  294.  =97.  319. 

362.366,405.  V-'-  43*469' 
La  Cioze's  Hisi.  of  Christ,  in  India, 

3^9-   . 
Lactanlius,  315,  323. 
Laemmer'a  Eusebius,  390. 
Lagarde,  P.  A.  de,  16N,  297,  388. 
Lampe,  Fried  rich  Ailolf.  133. 
Lame,  J.  I'.,  115,  273.  294.  361,  396, 

439.  450.  462. 
Laodiceans.  Epislle  to  the,  304.  330. 
Lardner.  Naihaniel.  322. 
Larousse's  Diiiionary,  1S6. 
Latin    Fathers,    2z8,    13T,    241,    244, 

246,  257,  262.  265.  267,  168,376.177, 

281,   2SS.  296.  302,  jHO,  394.   395. 

(Bee  Apettolic  F.ithcri,  Grni.) 
Latin  Versions  165.  252.  277.  297.357. 

395.  463.  4-  J.     (See  BM;  New  lis- 

lameal,  Vuijpite,  Old  Latin.) 
Law,  Edmund,  39.S. 
Lechler,  G.  V,.  294,  405. 
Le  Clerc  J.  (Cieticus,  Joannes),  132, 

134.373.396.-127,449 


Lecii 


2,  407.  ^ 


U  Long.  Isa.i-,  4(16. 
Le  I-ong,  J.  led,  Mssch).  1S8,  465. 
X^  Maoul  and  Oecaisnc's  Botany,  138. 
Lenfani,  Jacques,  see  Beause&re  and 

Lcn/,iHt. 
Lenecnfeld,  155. 
Leo  Jndae.  463. 
Leontiusof  llyianlium,  395. 
Lep'ius  V.  R,,  [73. 
Leironne.  [47. 
I^uKdeii    and    H  haaf's    Peshilo,   see 

Sviac  y.rsions. 
Lirfdon's  Hampton  lectures,  [[7, 
Liddcll  and  Sti.tl's  Lexicon.  137. 
Lightfoot,  Hp.  J.  ».,  irq.  213,272,  276, 

^■■ij.  3"9.  3^4.  3=5.  330.  yio.Aio,  447. 

4iS- 
Lilienthal,  iW..  396. 
Limhnrch,  I'hilip  van,  297,  36C,  396, 
Linn.tiis,  Carl,  1  ^S,  739, 
Lipsius,  K.  A.,  319.  3:2.  3:4.  403- 


457.  402- 

Luke  the  Evangelist,  320;  his  Gosp*!, 
words,  132;  Sinai  ic  MS-  150;  pa- 
limpseat,  i6z;  mutila-ion»,  170; 
842;  verses,  179:  h  mns,z2o;  oj.is- 
•ions,  Z34;  on  '  ei'v  of  Christ,  J46. 

Lumper,  Gotif  lied.  427. 

Lulhardi,  C.  E.,  450. 

Luther's  Gcrnun  Bible,  see  Bible. 

Lykurgos,  173 

Lyser,  Polycarp.  460. 

MUu  distinguished  from  ?j7«,  123. 

y>iya,  i.(}.  m>.ci-u,  IJ3;  distinguisbcd 
from  '/.aJio,  1 23. 

Urn. 6,  37S.  377.  4'2;  as  distin- 
guished from  01  ?jjji)i,  325.  (See 
Lq^.) 

Macarius  -Egyitius,  zSS. 
Maccaljees,  Hooks  of  the,  144.  i6S. 
Macknight,  James.  397.  449. 
Mai.  Angelo,   161,   171.  356,   261,   262. 

266,277,300.304,330,  331. 
Maier.  Adaiberi.396. 
Malan,  S,  C.  276,  2S9. 
Malle,  Dureaude  la  (j .f .). 
Manjey,  Thomas,  171.369,    (See /»*»/# 

0/  Alrxaitdria.) 
Manichaeans,  277,  287,  2S3,  393,  433. 

Irfanuscripls ;  160,  177,  17S,  iSl,  z.o, 
117,  :iS,  222.  292,  3121  marks  of 
antiquity  in.  140  sqq.,  l6oj  chapier- 
di-isi-ms  in.  I4r  sq..  143.  '47,  14S; 
dots  ir.  146,  148;  initial  letters  in. 
146,  t4S;  con'raeii.iiis  in,  14S  aq.; 
chifogra|ihy  of,   152,   153;    punctua- 


INDEX   OF   NAMES,   TOPICS,   AND   GREEK   WORDS 


487 


305;  palimpsest  (^.v.);  on  papyrus, 
147,  161 ;  Herculanean  papvri,  143, 
147,  149,  152,  15^,  21 1 ;  ihe  burdett- 
Coutts,  295;  Egyptian,  269,  275, 
2S1;  Hebrew,  214;  Latin,  316,  331 ; 
Freisinj^  Old  Lat.  fragm,  330 ;  Ori- 
ental, 159,  330;  of  the  Sepr.,  162; 
of    versionn    from   iho   Sept.,   357; 

Syriac  (^.w.)i  159.  S^o*  327.  3^9  i 
cursive,  177,  180,  212,  219-221,  250, 
275,  2S8,  292,  309,  311,  312,  316,346, 
35',  406-408,  432;  u  .cial,  158,  17^, 
177.  218-221,  228-231,  233,  236,  238, 
250,  268,  292,  295.  305.  312,  407, 432. 
(bee  Codex^  Copyists^  Lectionartes^ 
PaUoj^aphy^  Palimpsest^  etc) 

Marcion,  170,  322. 

Marcker,  400. 

Marginal  Notes,  see  Glosses, 

Marius  Mercator,  395. 

Mark's  Gospel:  last  twelve  verses, 
140  ff.,  150-154,  195;  Gothic,  203; 
text  of,  231,  240;  on  deity  of  Christ, 
346. 

Marquardt's  Alterthiimer,  138. 

Marsh's  Michael  is,  1S6,  1S8,  327,  461. 

Martin  I.,  pop»-,  308. 

Mariini,  Antonio,  324,  428. 

Mas^  h,  A.  G.,  see  Le  Long^J. 

Massoretes,  verses,  etc.,  see  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

Massmann,  H.  F.,  135.  (See  Gothic 
Version.) 

Massuet's  Irenaeus  {q.v.)^  435. 

Mastricht,  Gerhard  von,  see  Von  Mas- 
tricht. 

Matthaei,  C.  F.,  218,  222,  262,  766,  279, 
280,  287,  295,  29S,  316,  3S9,  407,  427, 
468. 

Matthew's  Gospel:  genealogy,  145; 
Tregelles,  180;  original  language, 
1S2;  Buttmann,  191,  192,  19^;  MS. 
peculiarities,  231 ;  participles  m,  344; 
on  deity  of  Chri-t,  346. 

Matthies,  C.  S.,  132,  439. 

Maurer,  F.  J.  V.  1).,  123. 

Maximinus  the  Arian,  243,  264,  268, 
27S. 

Max  mus  the  Confessor,  279,  302,  310, 

395- 

McClellanJ".  B.,  197,  273,  276,  328. 

Meier,  F.  C,  439. 

Melanchthon,  463. 

Meletius  322. 

"  Melissa,    see  Antonius. 

Melito,  282,  322,  390,  396. 

Memphitic  Version,  212,  221,  228,  230, 
231,  238,  252,  276.  288,  296,  298,  312, 
324,  330.     (See  Egyptian  Versions.) 

Meander,  172. 

Mende'ss'»hn,  Felix,  156. 

Mcnde.ssohn  the  Publisher,  166. 


Me«»<iah,  332-350,  353,  355,  775;  t>^e 
Jewish  not  ider.titied  witn  Jehovah, 

376, 378, 3S0,  :;>4-3S6. 393. 41^-418, 

426,  434.     (See  Chri  t^  Jesus.) 
Mess  er,  (K.  F.)  Hermann,  398,  449. 
Methodius,  388.  392. 
Meyer,  H.  A.  \V.,  132,  133,  233,  273, 

294,  3i9»  344.  350. 351.  356. 358,  370. 
381,  3S2,  yji,  396,  400,  402, 403.405, 
409,  422.  4;j7,  439,  445,  447f  449.  457- 

Meyi  ick.  Prebendary  F.,  439. 

Michaels,  C.  B.,  188. 

Michaelis,  J.  D.,  186, 188,295.396,  449, 

4J7.  4^- 
Middleion,  T.   F.,  439,  451,  453. 

Mill,  John,  213,  215,  218,  222,  23S,  298, 

468,  476. 
Milligan,  William,  272,  294. 
Milton,  John,  297,  366. 
Miniscalchi-Erizzo,  Count  Francesco, 

163,  289.     (See  [Jerusalem]  Syriac 

Versions.) 
Moldenhawer,  J.  H.  D.,  449. 
Mollc,  E.  W.,  449. 
Monckeberg,  C.,  461. 
Montagu,  Bp.,  259. 
Montfaucon,  Bernard  de,  172,  259,  261, 

264,  265,  277,  279,  2S7,  288,  298-300, 

306,  Zl^,  3S4,  428. 
Monumenta  Sacra  Inedita,  see  Tisch^ 

endorf. 
Moon,  G.  Washington,  451. 
Mordec»i,  455. 
Morel,  sec  i^ronto  Ducaeus. 
Morris,  J.  B  ,  328. 
Morus,  S.  F.  N.,  335,  382. 
Mosiieim,  J.  L.  von,  428. 
Mossman,  T.  W.,  375. 
Moulton's  Winer,  see  Winer. 
Mu  and//  interchanged,  324. 
Muilach's   Modern  Greek  Grammar, 

286. 
Miiller  and  Hoeppe's  edition  of  Mark 

in  Gothic,  203. 
Mural  r,  Eduard  von,  405. 
Muratorian  Canon,  182. 
fiaKapiGTor^  357,  409. 
fMCTa  and  Kara  confounded  in  MSS.,  428. 
/z^r»7/),  contracted  in  MSS.,  148, 149. 
fAOVoy€vr/<;  ^tof,  see  tfe6^. 
fwvoKcj/xj^  (//oj'OKw^.a),  383,  391. 
fwVf  contracted  in  MSS.,  149. 

Nathan,  Rabri  Isaac,  his  Hebrew 

Concord  ince,  464. 
Neand'^r,  J.  A.  W  ,  376,  449,  457. 
Nestorians,  328,  329. 
Nesiorius,  2&,  301,  329.  395. 
Newcome.  Abp.  William,  M4,  449. 
Newman,  Cardinal  J.  H.,  388. 
New     rc-.tame-'t :     words,    114,    121 ; 

common  version,  116;   MSS.,   140, 


488 


CRITICAL  ESSAYS 


141  (  ee  Cod'x);  editi-^nsoC,  iSSsq^ 
160,  162,  163,  16.S,  170,  172,  iSi9» 
190;  Latin,  160,  252,  277.  297,  302, 
3^S  357.  39S  463, 466,  470;  "  Intro- 
doctions'^tu,  174,  iSo,  182, 186, 188, 
202,  273,  275;  Smith's  Dicti<»iar7, 
185 ;  Westcott  and  Hort's,  197-203 ; 
Greek  text  of,  200,  204-214;  New 
Ver&ion,  215-240  (see  A*r^ist'^; 
German,  273,  274;  Dutch,  274,  466 ; 
French,  274,  465;  Rbemish  version. 
449;  verses,  46^  sq.;  Italian,  466; 
Whittinghtrn's,  466.  (See  BMe, 
Gospels^  Greek  N.  T.) 
Nicaei,  377,  381,  382,  3SS ;  its  council, 
see    Councils;  Nicene    creed,  267, 

371  372.381. 
Nicander,  302. 
Nicephorui  Tbeotoki,  435. 
Nicetas  Choniates,  263. 
NIedner,  C.  W.,  157. 
Niemeyer,  H.  A.,  459,  461,  469. 
Noesselt,  J.  A.,  188,  370. 
Noetians,  378,  391. 
Nolte,  259. 
Nonnus  of  PanopoHs,  135,  261,  268, 

27?.  279*  288. 

Norton,  Andrews,  118,  133,  208,322, 
335.  451 ;  his  Statement  of  Reasons, 
242,  244,  247,  24S,  2-2.  364,  370, 372. 

Novatian,  304.  323.  378,  394. 

Noycs,  George  R.,  132,  319,  376,  404. 

CECOLAMPADIUS,  J.,  463. 

CEcumciiius,   Bshop   tf    Tricca,   300, 

y^7^  3'^7,  394,  445- 
Oehler,  Franz,  306,  394. 

Oeh  er,  G.  F.,  376 

Oertel,  10.  F.  C,  396,  399. 

Old  L.iiin  Version,  158,  160,  212,  221, 
228-231,  236,  238,  252,  257,  263,  26S, 
269,  276,  277,  279,  287,  288,  296,  297, 
299,  302-304,  308,  312,  330,  357,  390, 
434,  449.  (See  Latin  J'.r^mns^  Vul- 
gate^  BtbUy  New  Tistavii  nt^  etc.) 

Old  Testament:  MS.S.,  140,  141,  214, 
231,  23S;  stichometry  in,  146,  151; 
Tischendorf,  157;  fragments,  loi ; 
quotations,  200,  201,  230;  expres- 
sions, 425. 

Old  Slavic  Version,  357. 

Olivetan,  Pierre  Robert,  465. 

Olshausen,    Hermann,    132,    273,  360, 

361,  396.  39S,  439- 

Okramare,  llugues,  274,  319,  404,411, 
414. 

Optative,  the,  in  doxologies,  355,  357, 
400. 

"Opus  Imperfectum "  (appended  to 
works  of  Chrysostorn),  267. 

Oratio  Azariae,  356. 

"Oration  again>t  Demosthenes"  (pa- 
pyrus fragm.,  ed.  Harris),  152. 


? 


Origen  (Adamantius),  228,  230.  sjx, 
234.  23S,  243,  246,  247,  254. 2615, 2(58, 
277-279,  281,  282,  2S4,  286-288,  292, 
301, 310,  32(5i  329, 330.  3S7, 3S9,  390. 
395,414,427-431,445. 

Orme's  Memoir,  etc,  331. 

Orsiesios  (Oresicsis),  307. 

**  Orthodoxa  Confes^io,"  307. 

Otto,  J.  C.  T,  322,  390,  396. 

Oudin,  Casimir,  263. 

Ove'beck,  F.  C,  294. 

Ovid,  120. 

Oxford:  \U  libraries,  158,  159^  29^, 
300, 328 ;  univeriity,  173, 328 ;  MSSl, 
295,299. 

h  used  with  a  nom.  particip.  in  the 

N.  T.,  344;  ^  wv.  383  8q-.  392  sq-, 
{97,  422-425*  how  Qiffering  from 
iarij  400 

fmuq,  130,  131. 

6c  rcrrt,  how  diffeiing  from  h  wv,  345, 
40a 

oufMvdg,  contracted  in  MSS.,  149  sq. 

£>v,  6,  344,  etc.,  see  rljui. 

Pacnivus,  Sanctes,  465. 

Pa  ne,  T.  O.,  357. 

Paleogrnphy,  148,  15S,  172,  292.  (See 
Manuscripts^  etc.) 

Palimpsests,  161,  162.  172,  173,  177, 
1 78,  1 82.     (See  Manuscripts^ 

Palm,  F.,  see  Rost  and  Palm, 

Panzer,  Geore  Wolfgang,  461. 

Paper,  see  Papyrus. 

Papc's  Lexicon,  137. 

Papyru  ,  137-139:  papyrus  MS.,  161. 

Paraclete,  259,  278,  3S9. 

Paris:  libraries,  158,217;  Greek  Tes- 
taments publislicd  at,  162,  210; 
MSS.,  300. 

Parlatore  (on  the  Papyrus  plant),  139. 

Paschale,  John  Lewis  (Giovan.  Luigi), 
466. 

Paschasitis  the  Deacon,  308,  309. 

Paschasius  Kadbertus,  see  Radbertus. 

Passow,  Franz,  see  Rost  and  Palm's 
Passow. 

Pastoral  Epistles,  Christology  of,  447, 
448. 

Patripassian  Controversy,  321, 324, 391. 

Patristic  Citations,  see  Fathers^  Greeks 
Latin. 

Paul  the  Apostle:  words.  132;  Tisch- 
endorf s  studies,  155;  on  Son  of 
God,  255;  names  of  Christ,  2^6 ;  his 
u«e  of  language,  317,  318,361-363; 
faith,  332,  333;  sufferings,  y^y,  po- 
sition, 334;  Christology  of,  291,  292, 

361-365-   374.    37"^.   377.    379.    3^0. 
447;  MSS.  of  his  Epistles,  160.  177, 

178,  211,  212,217.  219  220,  296,  312, 

315,316,447.  44^^- 
Paulus  II.  E.  G.,  399.  401. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES,   TOPICS,    AND   GREEK   WORDS 


4S9 


Pauly*d  Real-Encyclopadic,  137. 

Pearson,  John,  371,  426. 

Pelliian    (Kurscaner),    Conrad,    366, 

463. 
Pcnn,  Granville,  297,  366,  367. 

Persic  Version,  228,  231. 

Petavius,  Dion}'sius  (or  Dcnys  Petau), 

253.  255.  310. 
Peter  of  Clugny,  iSo. 
Peter    the    Apostle:    preaching    and 

f  pinions  of,  J74.  375,  377,  379- 
Petermann,  J.  H.,  321. 
Pliciderer,  0:to,  450. 
Philippi,  F.  A.  (on  Romans),  393,  396, 

39S,  409,  421. 
Philo  (of  Alexandria).   127,   158,   171, 

284,  354.  369.  370.  372,  409.  410. 
Philocalia,  the,  278. 
Philodemus,  papyrus  MS.  of,  149,  211. 
i'hoebadius,  246,  264,  26S,  277. 
Photius,    126,  262,  287.  387,  392,  393, 

433- 
Pi  and  mu  confounded  :n  MSS.,  324- 

i^ilaicActs  {q.v.)  of,  410. 

Plato,  1 14,  204,  361,  428,  432. 

Platter,  Thomas,  459. 

Piatt,  Thomas  Pell  his  yEthiopIc  Ver- 
sion, 248,  252,  26S,  276, 306, 310, 33a 

Pliny,  138,  139. 

Ph mouth  l<rcihrcn.  175. 

Po  ock,  Edwird,  426. 

Polycarp,  115.  125,  127,  129,  130,  324. 

Polyglott  Bibles,  see  Antwerp^  Com' 
plutcnsian,  Walton  s^  ttc. 

Pomeranus,  see  Bui^cnhagen. 

Pomtrius,  Julianus,  308. 

Porson,  Richard,  239. 

Porter,  J.  Scott,  179,  233,  294,  30S. 

Postel,  Guiltaume,  327. 

Post-Nicene  Writers,  444.  (See  Fath- 
ers^ etc.) 

Praxap>ostoli,  220,  408.  (See  Manu- 
scripts.) 

Pressense,  Edmond  dc,  186. 

Prcvost,  of  British  Museum,  181. 

Priestley,  Joseph,  375. 

Primasius,  304,  308,  309,  445. 

Proclus,  261,  268,  269,  277,  384. 

Procopius  Gazaeu«,  287. 

Prosper  A  qui  tan  us,  308. 

Proudfit,  J'.hn,  306. 

Proverbs,  Book  of,  255. 

Prudentius,  24^,  246,  247,  28a 

Przipcovius    (Przpkowsky),    Samuel, 

397- 
Psalms,  Book  of,   151,  161,  162,436; 

Ziirich  Psalter,  162. 

Psalms  (Psalter)  of  Solomon,  356. 

Pseudo- Ambrose,  -  Athanasius,  -  Basil, 
and  the  re>t,  see  Ambrose^  Athana- 
sius^ Basil ^  etc. 

Ptolemy,  the  Gnosicy  14S,  2CS. 

:rdTi'pof,  137. 


"rapa,  after  oir/u.  12S,  129. 
TTapOKa'/.tu,  125,  131,  132. 
:rarjip,  contracted  in  MSS.,  148,  149. 
7r/<Tr/f.  in  Paul's  quotations,  436. 
riTiMa,  contracted  in  MSS.,  14S,  149* 
V'fA-rcir,  409. 

QuiNxuPLEX  Psalter,  464,  465. 

Quintilian,  120. 

Quotations  from  the  N.  T.,  212. 

Rabanus  Maurus,  308.  394. 

Rabiper,  J.  K.,  402. 

Racovian  Carec  ism,  397. 

Radbertus  Paschasius,  265. 

Rambaur,  435. 

Rationalism,  1S2. 

•'Recens  ons,"  1561 

Redepenn'ng,  E.  R.,  301,  389,  427. 

Reiche,  J.  G.,  401. 

Reifferschcul,  '^04. 

Reithmayr,  F.  A.,  396. 

Reusch,  v.  U.,  330,  3;ji. 

Reuss,  Eduard  W.  h.,  184,  1S6,  312, 
324,  39S,  400,  450,  457»  464- 

Revelation,  Look  ot :  last  chapters, 
175;  Treg^lles  178;  MSS.  of,  210. 
211,  212,  217,  220. 

Reve  at  on,  the  divine,  progressive, 
376  sq. 

Revision,  the,  235,  272,  324;  its  mar- 
gin. 230;  American  Reviser*,  213, 
214,  274,  286,  294.  331,  365,  366, 449; 
Bri  ish,  1S3,  213,  272,  273.  (See 
B:bU\  Nc7v  Te^tiimeitt.) 

Rickli,  C,  460,  462,  463. 

Riddle,  M.  J<.,  439. 

Riehm,  Eduard  C.  A.,  376. 

Rieu,  of  Bri;ih  Museum,  181. 

Rilliet.  Albert,  274. 

Ritschl,  Albrcchs  378,  39S,  405. 

Robris,  Alexander,  272,  435. 

Robinson,  Edward,  124.  135,409,  449. 

Roensch,  Hermann,  321. 

Romans,  Epistle  10  the:  lectures, 319; 
texts,  332-350;  participles,  344; 
date,  37  5;  Origen,3S9;  catena,  392; 
address,  420.  (See  Index  of  Bibli- 
cal Passat^cs. ) 

Ro  >e?,  C.  J.  H.,  325. 

Rosenniiiilcr,  J.  G.,  133,  188,  449. 

Rossler,  C.  G.,  324,  428. 

Rost  and    Palm's   Passow's   Lexicon, 

^V*  35F-       , 
Rothe,  Richard,  449,  457. 

Routh,  Martin  Joseph,  258,  321,  388, 

390.  39-.  3"/'- 
Riickerr,  L.  Immanuel,  132,  319,  360, 

361,398,402,405,409. 
Rufinus  '  i  Afjuileia,  389,  427,  428. 
Rufi  us  Svru>  (or  Palaeitinensis),  261, 

268.  2;(),  277. 
Ruinari,  Thierry,  409. 


490 


CRITICAL  ESSAYS 


Sabarjesus,  30T,  302, 328,  329. 

Sabas,  Bp.,  428. 

Sabatier,  Pierre,  222,  304,  30S. 

SabeUiua,  26c\  277. 

Safaidic  Version,  212,  221,  296b    (See 

Efyptian  VtrsioHs,) 
Salxnond,  S.  D.  F.,  391. 
Sanday,  W^-  396,  407,  432. 
Sandius  (Sand),  Christoph.,  372. 
Sarravianos  Cudex  (f.v.),  \Su 
Savile,  Sir  Henry,  his  edition  of  Chrys- 

ostom,  261,  298^300, 307. 
SchaaTtt  Syriac   Cexioon.  203.    (See 

Syriac  Vtrnons^ 
Schaff,  P. :  on  Greek  Testament,  197 ; 

Introduction,  202 ;  translation,  273. 
Scheffer,  403. 
Schenkel,  D.,  132,  439,  450. 


Schleiermacher,  F.  K  D.,  370. 
Schleusner,  J.  F.,  his  N.  T.  Lexicon, 
409. 


Schirlitz,  S.  C,  135, 457. 

r,  F.  -  - 

isner,  J. 

Scmichting,  Jonas,  397,  398. 

Schnaid,  C.  F.,  398,  450,  457. 

Schmidt,  T.  £.  L,  188. 

Schmidt,  Woldi  mar  G.,  404. 

Schoettgcn,  C,  135,  362,  376*  397. 

Scholten,  J.  H.,  403. 

Scholz,  J.  M.  A.,  156,218,  303,  307- 
310,  316,  408;  his  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament,  179, 190, 191, 242, 

46^ 

Schotr,  H.  A.,  186,  188,  398,  405,  449, 
469,  470. 

Schrader,  Karl,  401. 

Schultz,  Hermann,  342,  375-378,  382, 
3S6,  393,  396. 

Schulz,  David,  156,  398. 

Schumann,  449. 

Schiit?,  Adolph  von,  289,  290. 

Scriptures,  see  BibU^  Gospels^  New 
Testament^  etc.,  etc. 

Scrivener,  F.  H.,  142,  186,  233,  251, 
273,  276,  294,  296,  305,  308,  316,  365, 
432.  469,  470;  his  "Collation,"  152, 
163,  164,  174,  213,  217,  218,  289-292, 
311;  his  "Introduction,"  180,  197, 
202,  275. 

Sedulius  Scotus  (or  Junior),  303,  445. 

Semler,  Johann  Salomo,  391,  396,  401, 

463- 
Seneca.  Lucius  Annacus,  120. 

Septuagint,  115,  123,  124,  126-129,  132, 

133,  158-160,  162,  168,  228-231,  238, 

29^  Z^l^  35i»  357,  359»  3^0,  4io»  425. 
436-438  ;  Holmes  and  Parsons's  edi- 
tion of,  168;  errors  in  Tischendorf's 
edition  of,  168  n.     (See  Bible^  Trom- 
mt'us.) 
Sharp,  Granville,  his  "  rule,"  439. 
Shepherd  of  Hermas,  see  Ilermas, 
Sibylline  Oracles,  115,  125,  130,  323, 
456. 


Sifanos,  109. 

Silvestre'jt  PahQgrwby  (f.v.)y  14& 

Simon,  Richard,  188. 

Simonides,  Constantioe,  172, 173. 

Sinclair,  W.  M^  457. 

Sinker,  Robert,  1O9. 

Sionita,  Antonins,  327. 

Sirmond,  Jacc^ues,  261,  262,  28a 

Slavonic  Version,  221,  ^09, 463. 

Smiih  and  Hall's  JLatin  Dictionary,  1 19. 

Smith,  G.  Vance,  396,  407,  432. 

Smith,  John  Pye,  375,  376*  398 

S^ith,  Payne,  270^  327. 

Smith's  Bible  Dictionary,  182, 185, 376; 
Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman 
Antiquities,  137. 

Socinians:  intei^reters,  366;  com- 
mentators, 378;  sect,  387,  395,  405  J 
glosses,  397. 

Sodnns,  Faustus,  378,  397. 

Solomon,  see  PsaUer  of.  Wisdom  of. 

Sopbodes,  £.  A.,  115.  123,  124,  2S9, 
323. 

Sophocles,  oldest  MS.  of,  211. 

''Speaker's  Commentary,"  377,  41 1» 

427*  439.  457. 
Spccnlum,  The,  303, 304, 310,  330^  331. 

Spencer,  Herbert^  20i. 

Steiger,  Wilhehn,  447. 

Stengel,  396. 

Stephens,  Henry,  463-467;  his  The- 
sanruf,  115, 134. 

Stephens,  Robert,  the  elder,  190^  210, 
217,  234,  462-466,  468' 470. 

Stephens,  Robert,  the  y  unger,  462, 
463,  468. 

Stephen  the  Martyr,  136;  sermon,  374. 

Stichometrv,  145,  146,  407. 

Stier  (R.)'ana  Theile's  {q.v,)  Poly- 
glot t,  190. 

Stieren,  A.,  349,  435. 

Stobaeus,  300. 

Stolz.  J.  J.,  399. 

Strato,  115,  130. 

Stuart,  Moses,  314,  337,  351,  364,  380^ 

385.  386,  398,  401.  407»  440- 

Suidis,  115,  124-126,  130. 

Swedish  Transliio-',  159,  170. 

Swiss  German  Ver.-ion,  462. 

Symmachus,  124. 

Synagogue  Liturg}',  382s 

Synod  of  Ancyra,  243,  247,  254,  255, 
268;  of  Antioch,  25S,  269,  323;  of 
Diamper,  329.     (See  Councils.) 

Synoptic  Gospels  l^.r.),  374t  376- 

Syriac  Versions,  132,  163,  176,  212, 
281,  289,  305,  310,  321,  323,  324,  326; 
editions  of,  305,  309,  327,  329,  397; 
Leusden  and  Schaafs  Peshi  o,  203; 
Harclean,  212,  221,  229,  231,  252, 
26S,  269,  275,  27b,  287.  296,  305,  309, 
31  =»  3U»  3-^»  3^9*  449;  Jcrusalena, 
163,  212,  221,  230,  252,  268,  269,  27^ 


wtmmm 


INDEX    OF    NAMES,    TOPICS,    AND   GREEK   WORDS 


491 


289;  Peshit>  (Pcshitto),  203,  212, 
221,  228,  230,  231,  252,  26S,  2^  276, 
281,  289.  305, 309, 326-330,  449.  463  i 
Philoxcnian,  212,  22i»  252,  276,  296, 
304»  30S1  3U»  328.  (Sec  Curetonian^ 
etc.) 
Syrian  Fathers,  281 ,  J29.  (See  Fathers.) 
aTavf)68f/,  contractea  in  Cod.  Sin.,  148, 

149. 
arfjKu,  286  sq. 

Tatian,  322. 

Taylor,  John,  of  Norwich,  ^98. 
Tertullian,  228,  238,  246,  263,  268,  269, 
277,  282,  297,  315,  321,  322,  388,394, 

445- 
Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs, 

127.  129,  169,  354. 

Textus  keceptus,  see  GretJk  New 
Testament. 

Thapsensis,  see  Vigilius. 

Thebaic  Version,  212,  221,  230,  231, 
288,  296,  312.  (See  Egyptian  Ver- 
sions^ 

Theile,  K.  G.  W.,  190,  469.  (See 
Stier  and  Theile.) 

Thema  Genethliacum,  148. 

Theodore  of  Heraclea,  135. 

Theodore  of  Mopsue-tia,  135,  261,  268, 

269.  277,  329.  3"0»  393.  395.  409. 
The-  dortt,  132,  261,  268, 269,  277,  280, 

288,  301,  310,  329,  387,  39J,  421, 445. 
Theodorus  Studita,  262,  260,  277,  300, 

387. 
Theodotion,  159. 

Thtodotiia  ofAncyra,  395. 

Theodoius  (the  Valentinian),  253,  268, 
269,  276,  281. 

Theodulus,  394. 

Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  395. 

Theophylact,  132,  135,  262,  268,  277, 
287,  299.  300,  307,  309,  387,  421, 445. 

Thilo,  Johann  Ka'l,  168. 

Tholuck,  F.  A.  G.,  273,  393,  396.  409, 
42 f,  450. 

Thomas  of  Harkel,  296,  304.  (Sec 
Syr  toe  Versions.) 

Thomasius,  Gottfried,  427. 

Thompson,  Joseph  P.,  396. 

Tigurina  Version,  see  Ziirich  Bible. 

Tischendorf,  L.  F.  C.  von :  career,  1 55- 
174;  MonumentaSacralnedita,  ITO, 
167;  relations  with  Tregelles,  175, 
177  ;  his  journeys,  179;  as  editor,  197, 
199;  labors,  2\%  219,  220,  222,  223 ; 
opinions,  251,  207.  296;  the  Fathers, 
276;  erroneous  citations,  277,  278; 
Septuagint,  290;  Sinaitic  and  Vat- 
ican MSB.,  140-1^4,  160,  161,  241 ; 
first  edition  of  (Sreek  Tetament, 
156,  190;  Prolegomena,  IC7,  166; 
minor  editions,  166-168;  critical  ap- 


paratus, iSi ;  edition  of  1854,  189; 
of  1849,  190*  '94;  Seventh  edition, 
242,  24S,  266;  Anecdota,  etc.,  159, 
179,  219;  Noiiiia,  etc,  179,  219,  249, 
250;  Synop-is,  273;  edition  of  1869, 
274;  "Church  ot  God,"  294-296, 
298,  304-312,  314,  316,319,  329-331 ; 
Romans  ix.  5,  352,  357,  361,  362, 
792,  405-408;  Titus  ii.  13,  439,  447; 
John  v.  7,  462 ;  vcrse-divisions,  464- 
467;  in  edi.i<«ns,  469.  (See  Bible^ 
Greek  New   Testatmnt^  Septuagint,) 

Tittmann,  J.  A.  H.,  469. 

Titus  of  Bostra,  243,  247,  260,  26S,  269, 
277,  279,  280. 

Todd,  John  A.,  45S. 

Tregelle«,  Samuel  Prideaux:  Sinaiiic 
Co  ex,  152;  errors  attributed  to, 
154;  Zicynthius  Codex,  163;  career, 
175-183;  discoveries,  194;  labo's, 
174,  213,  219,  220,  222,  233,469;  his 
Greek  New  Testament,  197,  199, 
469;  completion  of,  181 ;  011  **oniy- 
be  otten  God,"  241-272,  274-279, 
284;  on  "  Church  of  God,"  294,  29^ 
300.  304.  307,  316,  317,  329,  330;  on 
Romans  jx.  5,  362,  366,  375;  on 
Titus  li.  13.439- 

Tremelliu^  Eaiinanuel,  327. 

Trench,  R.  C,  1 13-136. 

Trinity:   doctrine,  209,  248,  254,  264, 

277.  324*  374  "q.,  413*  460;  mys-ery, 
376;  glory,   392;   trinitarian  views, 

_374»375.  377. 

Tristram's  (H.  B.)  Natural  History  of 
the  Bible,  138,  139. 

Trommiu-»'»  C  'ncordance  to  the  Septu- 
agint, 127,351. 

Tiibingen  Criucs,  164. 

Turrianus  (Turrien),  Francisco,  297. 

Twelve  Patriarchs,  see  Testaments^  etc. 

Tyndale,  William,  382,  449. 

TO  or  rd  Kara^  etc.,  in  restrictive  phrases, 
349»  4^  sq. ;   r.  6C  ov,  r.  61'  6,  r.  e^ 

«'\  '•  '  9' '"'.  369- 
6e6g:  finvnytvi/q^  241-285;  in  the  pro- 
logue of  John's  Gospel,  375;  thdq 
and  o  fieoi'  in  Philo,  369  sq. ;  in  the 
N.  T.,  384 ;  in  later  writers,  393 ;  use 
of  in  t  e  Fathes,  371  sq.,  386;  by 
the  Gno-tics,  ^90;  Paul's  use  ot, 
348,  363  s-q-.  3^.  377  sq.,  424.  427, 
447;  6  nt}ag  ^tof,  443  sq.,  456  sq.; 
ffedg  To)v  Bttov,  429;  distinguished 
from  Ki'iHor^  425-427. 

U  BALD  I,  UBALDO,  408. 

Ueltgen,  jS8. 

Uhlmann  s  Coptic  Grammar,  324. 

Unigenitus  Deus,  243,  246,  248,  256- 

258,    263-265.    267,     277-279,    282. 

(See  Deus,  God,  etc.) 


492 


CIUTIGAL  ESSAYS 


Unitarian  ControYcny,  426b  432. 
Uranios  P^impsest  Ur.v.),  173. 
Usteri,  Leonhard,  3$^  456. 

Valentimus   and   the   Valentmiam, 

253»  ^7^ 
Valesius  (Henri  de  Valois),  390,  455. 

Van  der  Palm,  207,  366. 

Van  Hcngcl,  W.  A^  274,  319,  349, 

35'.  39^4091 422,  432.  433.  450- 
Van  Hciwerden,  135. 
Van  Maet»Cf  icnt,  Sce  Fen  Mastrieht, 
Vatable  (Guastebl  d),  Franfots,  465. 
Vatican  MS^  see  CmT.  VatUanm, 
Vaug  .an,  C.  T.,  396. 
Verbals  in  -rd^:,  409. 
Vcrcellone,  C^  181,  476. 
Verse-jiviaions  in  the  N.  T.,  470-477. 
Ver-ions  of  the  Bible,  see  jEtkiopic^ 

Arabic^  Armtnian^  etc. 
Victorinui  Afer,   263,  264,  268,  277, 

279.395- 
Vi^iliui  I'hapsensis,  243, 247, 265,  268, 

278,  279,  331. 
Vinke,  H.  L.,  135,  292. 
Virgin  Ma^y,  282. 
Viss  -ring,  403. 

Volheding/fohann  Ernst,  155. 
V  Ikmar,  G ,  169,  319,  404. 
Von  P'alkenstein,  157. 
Von  Mastrieht,  Gerhard,  184-188,  468. 
Voss,  Isaac,  131,  134. 
Vulgate,  the,  119.  157,  158,  160,  165, 

172,  177,  210,  211,  217,   218,  221, 

228,  230,   231,   238,   252,   257,  263. 

268,   269,   276,   279,    288,    303-305, 

30S,  VS^Z^^^  329-  330.  449.  464*  465, 
469,  476.  (See  Lit  in  Versions^  Old 
Latin,  Nro)  Testament^  etc.) 

Wahl,  C.  a.,  127,  132,    135,  324,  351, 

409. 
Wakefield,  Gilbert,  133,  398. 
Walch,  J.  G.,  188,  458-463. 
Walton'-^  Po'yglot,  329. 
Ward,  W.  H.,  299. 
Waterland,  Daniel,  426. 
Wattenbach,  W.,  13S. 
Weber,  Fercl.,  376. 
Webster,  William  (Webster  and  Wil- 

kinson),  115,  123,  124,  126,451. 
Weiss,  li.,  134,  233,  36S,  378,  425,  426. 
Weizsacker,  Car!,  134,  274,  294,  319, 

404,  450. 
Wesseling,  Peter,  4s6. 


Westcott  and  Hort,  154, 174,  I79b  185, 
197-203,213,  214,  233,  270*  294,  205, 

3»9.  353.  354.  365. 375. 383. 3«6.  389. 
390, 395.  396b  405,  407, 439, 447,  450, 
469,  47a     (See  Gruk  New  Tesitt- 

WUMt) 

Wetsuin,  J.  J.,  188,  21^  218,  222, 
242,  243,  247;  263,  266.  278,  295, 
298,  301-304,  30H,  310,  314,  316, 322, 

323.  325. 352. 370,  3^4.  390. 400,  4  I, 

449.  457. 408. 
Whiston,  William,  372,  40a 
Whitby,  Daniel,  324,  349,  363,  391, 

398, 444, 445. 
WMtti..gham,  William,  466. 
Wichelhaus,  Johannes,  338,  329. 
Widmanstadt,  Johann  Albrecnt,  327. 
Wieaelcr,  K.,  319,  325,  447. 
Wilke,  C  G.,  405,  457. 
Wilkins,  David,  276. 
Wilkinson*a  (Sir  John  Gardner)  Egypt, 

Wilkinson,  see  Wtbsier  and  WUkinson. 
Winer,  Georg  Benedict,  157,  188,  290, 

3»9.  324.  345.  349.  357. 359. 360,  3^4. 
405,  41 0^  422,  437, 439, 440, 447,  450, 

452,  454, 457. 
Winstanle.s  Calvin,  444,451. 
Winter,  J.  F.,  401. 
Wisdom  of  Solomon,  255. 
Word,  306^  325.  376.    (Sec  Logos,) 
Wordsworth,  Chr.,  114,  122,  273,  294, 

3"8.  335*  383.  444.  469. 
Wright,  William,  279,  326,  327,  330, 

464. 
Xenophon,  350. 

YaHWEH,  Kvpin^^  380. 

Young,  Edward  J.,  319. 
•'  Young  Mystic,  The,"  156. 
Young,  Patrick  (Junius,  Patricius),  324. 
Young's  Analytical  Concordance,  358. 

Zacharias  Chrysopolitanus,  263. 

Zacynthius,  see  Cod,  Z, 

Zafiri  (Z-phyrus  Franciscus),  435. 

Z^ller,  Eduard,  402. 

Ziegler,  L..  330,  331. 

Zigabenus  (or  Zygadenus),  see  Euthy- 

mius. 
Zohar,  the  book,  376. 
Zurich  :  library,  158, 167  ;  Psalter,  162, 

1 68;  catechism,  462;  Bible,  463. 


II.     INDEX   OF   BIBLICAL   PASSAGES. 

N.B. —  For  references  of  a  general  character,  see  the  names  of  the  Biblical 
writers  and  books  in  the  preceding  index. 


OLD  TESTAMENT. 

NoTS. —  The  abbreTiation  S.  stands  for  Septuagiat ;  and  this  version  is  also  aometimet  indi- 
cated by  added  references  in  Paurentheses. 


Genesis: 

-.  17,    .    . 

.    .    456 
.    .    .     168 

i.  26,     .    . 

•        • 

280 

xi.  10,    .    . 

ill.  14,   . 

1        •        • 

357 

xiv.  12-18, 

145,  146 

iv.  ii»   .    . 

I        •        • 

357 

xxiii.  I, 

.    .    .    3'7 

xii.  2,    .    . 

•         • 

410 

xxiii.  2, 

•    .    3'7 

xiv.  19,     356,  358, 

410 

xxiii.  3, 
xxiii.  8, .     . 

•    .    317 

xiv.  20,    356, 358, 

359. 

.    .    3'7 

410 

xxviii.  6,    . 

.    .    410 

XV.  24,  .    . 

226, 

227 

xxxii.  39,   . 

.    .    168 

xxiv.  27, 

1        •        • 

359 

xxxii.  49,    . 

.    .    168 

xxiv.  31,    . 

I        •        • 

410 

xxxiii.  24,  . 

.    .    410 

XXV.  30, 

■        •        • 

168 

Joshua  : 

xxvi.  29, 

•     357. 

410 

ix.  23,    .     . 

•    •    357 

xxvii.  II, 

1        •        • 

168 

ix.  29,    .     . 

•    •    357 

xxvii.  29,  . 

»        •        • 

35^ 

X.  I,  3,  .     . 

.    .     149 

xxvii.  44,  , 
xxxi.  48, 

1        •        • 
>        •        • 

rd 

X'.      .     .     . 
xii.  10,  .    . 

•  .     149 

•  •     149 

xliii.  17, 

>        •        • 

168 

xii.  10-22,  . 

•    .     «45 

xliv.  I,  .    , 

»        «        • 

35' 

XV.  5,     .    . 

.    .     140 

,  xliv.  19,     . 
xlvi.  28-1.  : 

1        •        • 

114 

xvii.  10,     . 

.    .     168 

26,       . 

147 

Judges: 

Exodus : 

xvii.  2,  .    . 

.    .    410 

iii.    14,  . 

.      263. 383 

Ruth: 

iii.  14  (S.), 

3^3 

ii.  19,     .     . 

•    .    .    358 

vii.  I,    . 

370 

ii.  20,     .     . 

363*  410 

viii.  42, 

287 

iv.  14,    .     . 

•    •    359 

xiv.   . 

149 
354 

I  Samuel: 

XV.  18,  . 

m     K./ f»  A*a  %/ a^A^  • 

X.  4,  . 

.    .    .     123 

xviii.  10, 
XX.  13,  . 

359 
224 

xii.  13,  . 
xii.  iS-xiv. 

.      .      .      121 

9,      .    167 

xxix.  17,    . 

168 

XV.  13,    . 

.     363. 410 

xxix.  22,    . 

168 

xix.  II  ff., . 

.    .     147 

Leviticus: 

xix.  II,.     . 

.    .     147 

xi.  13-19, 

146 

3SXV.33,    3 

56,358,410, 

xiv.  10,.     , 

224 

437,  438 

xvii.  14,     . 

224 

XXV.  32,    3 

56, 358, 359» 

Numbers: 

410 

xxvii.  18, 

•        • 

168 

XXV.  39,     . 

•    •    359 

Deuterono] 

MY  : 

XXX.  21, 

.    .     123 

vii.  14,  . 

■      3^3^ 

410 

2  Samuel: 

viii.  21, 

•           m 

456 

viii.  10. 

.    .     123 

X.  12,     . 

126, 

i3« 

xviii.  28,    . 

•    •    359 

xxiii.  1-7, 
I  Kings: 


450 


1.  40, 

359 

ii.  44,     . 

357 

ii.  45,     . 
ii.  40,     . 

357 

357 

iii.  II,    . 

114 

iii.  15,    . 

223 

V.  7, .    . 

359 

viii.  IS,, 
viii.  56^ , 

359 

359 

X.  9,  .    . 

358 

xix.  ii-xxu. 

149 

2  Kings  : 

i.-xxv.  . 

• 

149 

I  Chronicles: 

i.  5«-54, 

• 

'45 

xviii.  10, 

• 

'23 

xxviii.  8, 

• 

3'7 

xxix.  II, 

• 

207 

,238 

2  Chronicles: 

ii.  4  (S.), 

456 

ii.  12,     . 

359 

vi.  4,      . 

359 

ix.  8, 

358 

Ezra: 

vii.  27,  . 

359 

viii.  12, . 

114 

Nehemiah 

• 
• 

i.  5»..;     • 

456 

i.-xiii.    . 

147 

r  149 

vii.  6,    . 

456 

ix.  2, 

456 

X.  31,     . 

224 

Esther  : 

vii.  7,    . 

129 

viii.  .    . 

352 

Job  : 

i.  21, 

358 

xix.  16, . 

290 

xxix.  ^, . 

226 

xxxviii.  II, 

290 

494 


CRITICAL  BSSAYS 


xxxviii.  26b  . 
Psalms: 

V.6,.    .    .  . 

six.  9i  .    .  . 

XXVII.  (S.)  6k  • 

xxviii.   .    .  . 

XXX.  32  (S.),  . 

xxxiii.  6k    .  . 

xh  (xH.),  14,  . 

xlix.  19--IXX.  II, 

bar.  20  (S.), 

•     ••  <•     •<• 


290 

288 
168 

359 
277 


jg 


Ixvii.  (Ixriii.)  20^    35<C 

361 
Ixviii.  20  (Ixvii.  m, 

S.),  14.  •     43^437 
Ixxi.  (IxxiL)  it,      356 

Ixxi.  18,     ...    359 

IxxL  (Ixxii.)  19,  .    356 

Ixxiii.  II,  .    .    .    259 

Ixxvi.  13,  .    .    .    456 

Ixxxvi.  10^      .    .    456 

Ixxxviii.     (Ixxxix.) 

.53.     .    .    .    .    3# 
civ.  9,    .    .    .    .    168 

cix.  I,    .    .    .    .    261 

dx.  II, .    .    .    .    168 

CX-. 37< 

ex.  I,    .    .      168, 


*cxii.  (cxiii.),  2,  .  358 
Gxiit.  23,  .  .  .  168 
cxvii.  (cxviii.)  26^  363 
cxviii.  (cxix.)  12,  409 
cxxi.  6^.  •  115,123 
cxxti.  6^     .      115,123 


cxxiii.  6  (S.), 

cxxxiv.  21  (S.), 

cxxxviiL  35,  . 

cxliii.    .    •    . 

cxiiti.  I  (S.),  • 

cxliv.  13,   .    . 

cxlv.  13,  .  • 
Proverbs: 

viiL  22, .    .    . 

xiv.  15,      .    . 

xiv.  21  (S.),  . 

xvi.  20  (S.),   . 

xxix.  18  (S.), . 
Isaiah  : 

vi.  I,     .    . 

ix.6b     -  • 

xxix.  13,  . 

XXXV.  9,  . 

XXXV.  10^  . 

bd.  I,    .  . 
Jsrrmiah: 
xxiii.  5, 


359 

359 
203 

168 

359 
354 
354 

254 
225 

357 
357 
357 


2591279 

.  376 

.  228 

.  302 

*  302 

'  230 

.  426 


xxiii.  6, .  .  376^  426 
xxxi.  15,  .  .  .  230 
xxxii.  i8»  .  .  .  456 
xxxiL  19k...  456 
xxxiiL  I  c, .  .  .  426 
xxxiii.  10^ .  376^  426 
Lamrntatxons: 


IV.  4,  .  . 
Ezrkirl: 

XV.  2,      •  • 

xxiv.  7, 

xliv. .  .  . 
Danirl: 

ii.  20^    .  . 

ii.  45,    .  . 

iii.  28,   .  . 

ix.4,  .  • 
Hosra: 

!•  7»    "      •  • 

MiCAH: 

ii.  5,      .  . 

V.  4*  .  •  • 
Habakkuk: 

ii.  5, .    .  . 

tii.  17,   .  . 

Zbchariah  : 

iL  10^    .  . 

X.  la,    .'  . 


.    .    114 

.    168 
.    224 

264,278 


456 

3S9 
456 

426 

426 


426 

426 


Esdras  : 

vi.  24,    . 

I  Esdras: 
iv.  2, 

iv.  12,  . 

iv.  60,  . 

vi.  24,  . 

ix.  27,  . 

ix.  28,  . 

Tobit: 
iii.  II,    . 
viii.  5, 
viii.  15 
xi.  n, 
xi.  16, 
xi.  17, 
xiii.  6, 
xiii.  10, 
xiii.  12, 
xiii.  18, 

Judith  : 

xiii.  17,  .  .    .    .    409 

xiii.  18,  .      356, 410 

xiv.  13,  ...    351 

Esther  (Supplement) : 
vii.  6,    ....    455 


-17 


.  .  168 

.  .  290 

.  .  290 

.  .  409 

.  .  168 

.  .  168 

.  .  168 

.  .  409 
.  .  409 
.    .    409 

•  356, 409 
356,  409,  410 

•  359. 409 

•  •    •    354 

•  •    •    354 
.    .    .    410 

.     .    .    410 


APOCRYPHA. 

Wisdom  of  Solomon  : 

xiii.  I  ff.,  .  .  .  383 
xiv.  7  (S.),  .  .  357 
xiv.  8  (S.),      .     .     357 

ECCLESIASTICUS  (Sir- 
ach) : 

xvi.  12,  .  .  . 

xvi.  13, .  .  . 

xvi.  14,  .  . 

xxi.  I,    .  .  . 

xxviii.  4,  .  . 


xxxiii.  19, 
'  xxxvi.  22, 
xxxix.  5, 
XXX  ix.  6, 

xl.  5,      . 

Psalms  of 

ii-  33»  •  • 
viii.  41, .     . 

viii.  42,  .     . 

1  Maccabees: 

iv.  20,  .  . 
V.  55-x.  18, 
X.  69,     .    . 

2  Maccabees  : 

ii.  21,     .    . 


•  •  223 

•  .  223 
.  .  223 
.  .  123 

•  •  123 

•  •  354 

•  •  354 
.    .     123 

•  •  456 
.    .    456 

Solomon : 
456 


356 
356 

409 
144 

351 
455 


iii.  24,  . 

iii.  30,  . 

iii.  34*  . 

V.  20,  . 

vii.  10,  . 

vii.  24,  . 
xi.  8, 

xi.  10,  . 

xi.  13,  . 

xii.  15,  . 

xii.  22,  . 
xiv.  15,. 

XV.  22,  . 

XV.  23,  . 

XV.  27,  . 

XV.  34,  . 
3  Maccabees  : 

i.  9,  .  . 
i.  16, 

iii.  II,  . 
V.  8, . 

V.  25,  . 

V.  35»  • 

V.  51,  . 

vi.  18,  . 

vii.  2,  . 

vii.  42,  . 


455 

455 

450 
126,  1 28 
409 

455 
455 

456 
455 
455 
455 
455 
455 
455 

455 
450 

456 

456 

455 

455 

456 
456 


INDEX   OF   BIBLICAL   PASSAGES 


495 


Matthew  : 

vii.  9,    . 

i.  c.  .    .    . 
1.  o,  .     .    . 

.    .     192 
>93.  234 

vii.  II,  . 
vii.  19,  . 

i.  12,      .    . 

.    •     193 

vii.  22,  . 

i.  i8,     .   I 

48,  195.  391 

vii.  25,  . 

i.  19,      .    . 

.    .     195 

vii.  27,  . 

i.  20,      .    . 

148,  267 

viii.  3,   . 

i.2r,      .     . 
1.  26, 

.    .    207 

viii.  5,   . 

•    .    232 

viii.  7,   . 

ii.  I,.     .    . 

.    .    470 

viii.  9,    . 

ii.  2, .    .     . 

.    .    470 

viii.  29, 

ii.  8, .    .    . 

.    .    19s 

viii.  31, 

ii.  9,       .     . 

.    .     195 

ix.  5,      . 

ii.  II,    .    . 

.    .     193 

ix.  8, 

ii.  13.    •    • 

.    .     193 

ix.  13,    . 

11.  17,     . 

.    .    .     195 

ix.  17,    . 

ii.  18,    .     . 

.    .    230 

ix.  22,    . 

ii.  22,     . 

.    .    .     193 

ix.  23,    . 

iii.  II,   .     . 

.    .     148 

ix.  24,    . 

iii.  15,   .     , 

•  •  •       y 

111.  16,     I 

.    .     192 
48,  192,  193 

ix.  28,    . 
ix.  32,    . 

iii.  17,   .    . 

.    .    260 

ix.  35,    . 

iv.  I,      .    . 

.    .     148 

X.  2,  .     . 

iv.  2,      .     . 

•    •    233 

X.  3,  .     . 

iv.  3,     .     . 

.    .     123 

X.  15,     . 

iv.  4.      .     . 

•    •    233 

X.  41,     . 

iv.  8,      .    . 

.    •    233 

xi.  13.    . 

iv.  10,    .    . 

•    •    •    233 

xi.  iq,    . 

iv.  II,    . 

.     192,  193 

XI.  16,    . 

iv.  12,    . 

.    .    .    234 

xi.  19,    . 

iv.  18,    .    . 

.    .    .    234 

xi.  23,    . 

iv.  23,    .    , 

i93»  234 

xi.  27,    . 

V.  1-12, 

i43-'45 

xii.  lo,  . 

V.  4,  .     . 

.    .    .    470 

xii.  13,  . 

V.  5,  .     . 

.    .    470 

xii.  30,  . 

V.  9,  .     . 

.    .    .    267 

xii.  31,  . 

V.  21,       . 

.    .    .    234 

xii.  44,  . 

V.  22,       . 

•    •    •    23s 

xii.  46,  . 

V.  27,     .     . 

192,  234 

xii.  47,  . 

V.  30,     . 

.    .    .     192 

xiii.  2,   . 

•  V.  33.     • 
V.  38,     . 

,    .    .     192 
.    .    .     192 

•  •  •      ^ 

xiii.  0,    . 
xin.  8,   . 

V.  39.     .    - 

.    .    .    3S7 

xiii.  9,   . 

V.  42.     . 

.    .    .     128 

xiii.  14, 

V.  43.     • 

.    .    .     192 

xiii.  16, 

V.  44,     .  z 

06,  232,  275 

xiii.  36, 

vi.  I,     .  2 

07.  23s,  275 

xiii.  43, 
xiii.  48, 

vi.  2, 

•    •    •    23s 

vi.  4,      . 
vi.  6,     .    , 

.    .    .    227 
.      227. 275 

xiii.  ^2, 
XIV.  6,    . 

vi.  8,         I 

28.275.3" 

xiv.  15, 

vi.  9,      . 

.    .    .    234 

xiv.  19, . 

vi.  10,    .    . 

.    .    .    234 

xiv.  27, . 

vi.  13,      2C 

)6,  234,  275, 

XV.  5,     . 
XV.  6,     . 

355.  410 

vi.  15,    .    . 

'    •    .    233 

XV.  7,     . 

v.  18,     , 

.    .    .    227 

XV.  8.1     . 

VI.  32, 

vii.  7. 


193 
114 


NEW  TESTAMENT. 


114 

.  128 

•  193 
.  192 

.  193 

.  193 

.  234 

.  234 

•  234 

•  3" 

192.  232 

.  193 

.  192 

•  >93 
206,  233 

•  233 

•  233 
.  470 

•  470 
.  192 

•  3" 

•  234 

.  476 

.  476 

•  233 
.  192 

19a 

•  233 

•  193 
.  207 

.  192 

142,  378 

•  235 

•  233 
.  343 

•  '93 
.  192 

.  292 

193,  292 
.  292 

192,  193 

.  223 

•  233 
.  192 

■  '93 

.  192 

•  233 

•  193 
192,  193 

.  192 

.  192 

•  '93 
.  192 

.  470 

.  470 

.  192 

.  228 

116, 121,  130 

.    .    .  145 


zvi.  2, 
XV i.  3, 
xvi.  8, 
xvi.  II, 
xvi.  13, 
xvi.  14, 
xvi.  16, 
xvi.  21, 
xvi.  23, 
xvi.  27, 
xvi.  28, 
xvii.  4, 
xvii.  5, 
xvii.  10, 
xvii.  II, 
xvii.  21, 
xvii.  24, 
xvii.  24-xx 

xvii.  58, 
xvii.  I, 
xviii.  4, 


198,  206 
19S,  206,  232 

•  '93 

•  223 
.  223 

•  "7 

234.370 

•  275 

•  233 
.  441 

.  '93 

.  '93 
.  260 

•  234 
.  234 

206,  232 

•  243 


xviii.  16, 
xviii.  19, 
xviii.  20, 
xix.  I, 


17. 


142. 

'43 

117 

'93 
192 


xviii.  II,  193,  206,  232 

*  *  *  ^ 


'93 
'21,  134 

.     134 
'43 


xix.  16,     156,207,232, 

275 
xix.  17,     232,  267,  275 

xix.  18  ff.,        143,  144 


XV.  23, 
XV.  30, 


XIX.  20, 

xix.  29, 
XX.  3, 

XX.  4. 
XX.  s, 
XX.  6, 

XX.  7, 
XX.  16, 
XX.  20, 

XX.  22, 

XX.  23, 
XX.  28, 
xxi.  I, 
xxi.  2, 
xxi.  3, 
xxi.  9, 
xxi.  12, 
xxi.  18, 
xxi.  22, 
xxi.  25, 
xxi.  26, 
xxi.  44, 
xxii.  14, 
xxii.  41, 
xxii.  42, 

xxii.  43-45. 
xxii.  45,  . 


•  233 

•  233 
234,  292 
234.  476 

.  476 
234,  292 

.  234 

206,  234 

121 

231,  232 

23'.  232 

•  236 
.  470 

.  470 
192,  193 

.  452 

.  '93 
.  121 

.  471 

.  471 

.  206 

206,  234 

.  476 
.  476 
.  426 

•  193 


496 


CRITICAL  ESSAYS 


xxiii.  4,     ...    193 

zziii.  ij,    ...    471 

zjdii.  I4t  193, 19J,  ao6b 

233.471 


zjaii.  19, 
xxiii.  27, 
xxiii.  38, 
Miv.  15, 
xxiv.  40^ 
xxiv.  4(, 
XXV.  6^  . 
XXV.  15, 
xxvi  9, 
«vL33, 
xxvi.  35, 
xxvi.  39, 
xxvi.  56^ 
xxvL  02, 
xxvi.  63, 
xxvi.  70^ 
xxvi.  73, 
xxvii.  35, 
xxvii.  47, 
xxvii.  49, 
xxvii.  58, 
xxviii.  8, 
xxviii.  9, 
xxviii.  19, 
Mark: 
i.  2,  .    . 

ii.  17, 

••• 

111.  2, 

iii-  5. 
III.  14, 
iii.  19, 
iii.  20, 
iv.  9, 
iv.  21, 
iv.  23, 

v.  7.  • 

V.  40, 
vi.  II, 
vi.  22, 

vi.  27, 

VI.  28, 
vii.  2, 

vii.  5, 
vii.  8, 
vii.  16, 
vii.  26, 
viii.  29, 
viii.  38, 
viii.  39-ix, 
ix.     .     . 
ix.  1-50, 
ix.  2, 
ix.  12,    . 
ix.  23,    . 
ix.  43,    . 
ix.  44,    . 

ix.  48,    . 


IX.  41 
ix.  4( 


27  s 


1-49 


»93 
«34 

.    292 

•  *3^ 
.   967 

193»  «7 

•  235 

•  195 

•  >9S 

•  195 

•  195 

•  »93 
.    224 

.    224 

.    192 

.    292 

206^233 
192,  292 

275.3" 

•  «3« 

234f47i 

234t47i 

.    460 

.    207 
206^  232 

•  235 

•  233 

•  275 

.    471 

•  471 

•  233 

2S3,  311 

•  233 

•  232 

•  233 

206,  233 

'  275 

.  471 

.  471 

•  23s 

•  235 

•  234 

206,  233 
116,  130 

•  27^ 

•  441 
476 

•  477 

•  476 

•  477 

•  234 

.     207 

•  234 

206,  234 

•        234 


X.I7, 

x.i8» 
X.  20^ 

^29^ 

«.35. 
x.37» 
X.38. 
x:39. 

»;-5. 

xi.  10^ 

xi.  2j 

xL  261 

xi.  29, 

xii.  13, 

xiLi4. 

«i.  15. 

ai-  35-37- 
xii.  40, 

xiii.  i-xvL 

xitt.  i-xvi. 

xui.  8,   . 

xiii.  9»  . 

xiii.  14, 

xHi.  16, 

XIT.  61,  . 
XV.  28,  . 
XV.  43,  . 
xvL  0,   . 
zvi.  8-20, 
xvi.  9-20^ 
xvi.  i6» 
xvi.  27, 
xviL  26^ 
Luke  : 
i.  17, 
i.  28, 
i.  42, 

i.  46-55 
i..8, 

1.03, 
i.  68. 
i.  68-79, 

i.  73» 
i.  74. 
i.  80, 

ii.  7, 
ii.  14, 
ii.  29-32 
ii.  38, 
ii.  40, 
ii.  41, 
ii.  42, 
iii.  22, 
iv.  2, 
iv.  4. 

iv-  ^. 
iv.  8. 

iv.  18, 
iv.  19, 
iv.  30, 
iv.  38, 


IV.  44, 


.  233 
.     232 

•  233 
i4St  233 

I2I»  224 
.  224 
.  231 
.  231 
.  292 

•  363 

•  234 

ao^233 
.    232 

225,  226 

2a6b  292, 476 

.    476 

.    426 

•  233 

8,   143.144 
20,    .    142 

.    471 

•  471 
.    142 

•  343 
362,409 

206^233 

.  "7 
150,151 

.    200 

•  154 
.  130 
.    131 

•  27s 
234,  363 

234,  Z^Z 

201,  220 

■  35' 

.     126 

359.  362 
201,  220 

•  476 

•  476 

•  234 
207,  232,  266 

.  207 
.     220 

324*  347 

•  234 
.  234 

•  234 
.  460 

•  233 

•  233 

•  233 

•  233 
230,  471 
230,  47 1 

118,  121,  123, 
130 
.     .     .     207 


▼;3, . 
V.32. 

v.3^ 
VI.  3. 

vi.4. 
vL  10^ 

vi.  17, 

vi.  i8» 

vi.  21, 

vi.  27, 

vi.  28, 

▼;-30. 
^:4S 

^•> 
vu.  o^ 

▼ii.  7, 

▼iL  18, 

vii.  I9» 

vii.  36, 

viiLS, 

viiL  20, 

viii.  28, 

viii.37t 
viii.  40^ 

viii  48, 

viii.  54, 
ix.  20, 
ix.  26, 
ix.42, 

i«-43. 

«-54, 

i^  5& 

ix.  56^ 

X.  21, 

X.  22, 

X.  32, 

x-35* 

XI.  2, 

xi.  4, 
xi.  II, 
xi.  13, 

xi.  23, 

xi.  37, 

XI.  41, 
xi.  44, 

xi.  54. 
xii.  21, 
xii.  48, 
xii.  56, 
xiii.  13, 
xiii.  35, 
xiv.  3,    . 
xiv.  4,    . 
xiv.  5,    . 
xiv.  7-1 1, 
xiv.  13, 
xiv.  10, 
xiv.  19, 
xiv.  32, 
xiv.  34,  . 
xiv.  35,  . 
XV.  21,  . 


118,  130 
206b  233 

•  •     233 

•  •  343 
.  .  236 

•  •  233 
.  .  471 
.  .  471 
.  .  142 

206^232 

206^  232 

.    .    128 

116*130 
.  .  116 
.  .  116 
.  .  471 

.  .  47« 
118,  126 

•  •  233 
.  .  291 

.  .  232 

.  .  283 

•  •  233 

•  •  233 
.  .  370 

441,  452 
.  .  476 
.  .  476 
.  .  476 

20^  207,  237 
206,  207 

•  •  471 
.  .  471 
.  .  224 

•  •  235 
233.  275 

233.  275 
.  .  114 

.  .  128 

•  •  343 
18,  126,  130 

•  •  235 

•  -  234 

•  •  235 

•  •  23^ 
.  .  126 
.  .  232 
.  .  16S 

•  •  234 
.  .  471 
.  .  471 
.  .  207 
.  .  236 
.  .  145 

iiS,  130 

118,  130 

[4,  118,  130 

.  .  472 

232,  472 

275.3" 


INDEX   OF    BIBLICAL   PASSAGES 


497 


Xvi.  22,  •      .      .      .      476 

xvi.  23,  ...  476 
xvi.  27, .  .  116,  131 
xvii.  I  i-xxiv.  53,  I43t 

144 


xvii.  i6k 

225,  324 

xvii.3j.     . 

XVU.  30,     21 

.    .    476 

o6»  234,  476 

xvii.  37,     . 

.    .    476 

•  •  •         rt 

xviu.  18,    . 

•    « 

.    232 

xviii.  19,    . 

•    t 

ft    232 

xviii.  21,    . 

• 

•    233 

xviii.  29,    . 

• 

•    233 

xix.  10, .    . 

• 

ft    232 

xix.  31,.    . 

.    1 

.     131 

xix.  38, .    . 

»    . 

•    131 

xix.  41, .    . 

• 

ft    472 

xix.  42, 

t    • 

ft    472 

XX.  38,  .     , 

»    • 

.    384 

XX.  41-44, . 

k    « 

ft    426 

XX.  47,  .    , 

t    • 

•    233 
.    236 

xxi.  .    .    . 

ft    . 

xxi.  4,    .    . 
xxii.  19,     . 

:l 

xxii.  20,     . 

ft    . 

.    198 

xxii.  23,     . 

ft    . 

.    128 

xxii.  37,     , 

>    . 

V    233 

xxii.  43,     , 

198,  206 

xxii.  44,     . 

198,  206 

xxii.  64,     . 

•    •    •    235 

xxii.  66, 

.    .    .    472 

xxii.  67,     . 

ft    .    .    472 

xxiii.  10,    . 

ft    .    .    291 

xxiii.  15, 

.    .    .    207 

xxiii.  17,    . 

206,  23s 

xxiii.  32, 

•«•    V  ^75 

xxiii.  34,  I 

98,  206,  207 

xxiii.  49,    . 

•  •  • 

.    .    .    291 

xxiii.  52,    . 

ft    .    .     117 

xxiv.  3,      . 

.    .    .     198 

xxiv.  4, .    , 

.    .    .    166 

xxiv.  6^ .    . 

ft    .    .    198 

xxiv.  12,    , 

198,  206 

XXIV.  13,    . 

ft    .    .    167 

xxiv.  21,    . 

ft    .    .    167 

XXIV.  36,    . 

,    .    .     198 

xxiv.  40,    . 

19S,  206 

xxiv.  4c,    . 
xxiv.  46^    . 

ft    .    .    472 
ft    .    .    472 

xxiv.  51, 

ft      198, 207 

xxiv.  52, 

.    .        198 

John: 

i.  I,  255,  2f 

$4,  285.  318. 

347,  375 

i.  1-18,     2 

• 

54,  256,  259 

1.  7,  .    . 

.    .    .    259 
.    .    263 

1.9,  ..    . 

1.  14, 

.    .    259 

i.  I?,      .    . 

23s.  275 

1.  16, 

•    •    370 

i.  18,       16 

7,207 

,241- 

1. 19, 

i.  25, 
i.  26, 
i.  27, 

1-35. 

1.38. 

1-39. 

!•  3^5'. 
1.  40-52, 

111.  5,  . 

111.  6,  . 

iii.  13, 


28>  299,  344,  345, 
304.  375»  383. 384 


.  .  166 

.  .  347 
291,  292 

•  •  235 
291,  292 

.  .  472 
.  .  472 
.  .  472 

•  •  472 
.  .  164 

«  •  •  314 
198,  207,  275, 

...  .  344,384 

III.  16,  .  .   259,  284 

iii.  18,  ...  .  284 

iii.  25,  ...  .  256 

iii.  29,  ...  .  292 

iii.  31,  ....  343 

ni.  34.  ....  370 

iv.  10,  ...  .  128 

iv.  13,  ...  .  476 

iv.  14,  .  .  .  .  476 

iv.  31,  116,  121,  no 

iv.  32 166 

Jv.  35,  .  .  .  .  472 

IV.  36,  ...  .  472 
iv.  40,  .  .  117,  130 
iv.  47,  .  .   117,  130 

V.  3, .  .  .  206,  237 
V.  4, .  .  .  206,  237 
V.  16,  .  .  115,235 
V.  17,  ...  .  460 
vi.  22,  ...  .  292 

vi.  46,  .  .  343.384 
vi.  47-58,  ...  307 
vi.  51,  ...  .  476 

vi.  51-59.  ...  156 
vi.  52,  ...  .  476 
vi.  52-71,  ...  476 
vi.  53-72.  ...  476 
vi.  6q,  .  .  234,  376 
vii.  8,    .    .      207,  275 

vii.  30 34 

vii.  36,  ....     23 

vii.  37 291 

vii.  52.  ...  .  151 
vii.  53-vii.  II,  195, 
198,  206,  236,  329 
viii.  44,  286-293,  347 
viii.  47,  ...  343 
viii.  59,  .  .  .  235 
ix.  II,  .  .  .  .  472 
ix.  12,  ...  .  472 
ix.  40,  .  .  166,  343 
x.  18,     .    .    .    .    311 

X.  25 226 

X.  30,     .    .      429,460 

X.  33,  .  .  .  .  460 
X.  36,  .  .  .  .  367 
xi.  22,  .  .  126,  132 
xi.  31,  ....  344 
xi.  34,  ....  476 
>t'-35 476 


xi.  56, 

xi.  57. 
xii.  17, 

xii.  21, 

xii.  29, 

xiii.  14, 

xiii.  29, 

xiii.  30, 

xiii.  31, 

xiv.  10, 

xiv.  14, 

xiv.  16, 


XV.  16,  . 
xvi.  19, . 
xvi.  23, 

121, 
xvi.  26, 

xvi.  30, . 
xvii.  3,  . 
xvii.  9, 

xvii.  15, 

xvii.  20, 

xviii.  16, 
xviii.  32, 
xviii.  37, 
xix.  6,   . 
xix.  15, 
xix.  10, 
xix.  20, 
xix.  21, 
xix.  24, . 
xix.  31, 
xix.  38, 
xix.  40, 
xix.  41, 

XX.  II,  . 

XX.  20,  . 

XX.  2C,  • 
XX.  28,  . 
XX.  31,  . 
xxi.  12, 
xxi.  25, 
Acts: 
ii.  10,  . 
ii.  II,  . 
ii.  14-36, 
ii.  21,  . 

1-35.  . 
1.36,  . 

i.  47,  . 
ii.  I,  . 
ii.  2,   . 

".3, 

ii.  14,  . 
ii.  19,  . 
ii.  20,  . 

V.  32»  . 


.  476 

•  476 
344.345 
117.  130 

.  292 

.  152 
.  123 

•  470 
.  476 
.  370 
.  207 

114,  118,  130, 

i3« 
.  .  .  121 

'    '    '    ^33 
114,  115,  11^ 

130.  133.  135 
114,118,130, 

i3«.  '33 

...  133 

•   254, 457 

114.  118,  123, 

130.  131 
114,  118,  123, 

130,  131 
114,118,123. 

130,  i3« 
.  291 

.  283 

.  344 
.  142 

.  142 

.  142 

.  224 

.  224 

•  233 

.  "7 

.  117 

.  ^83 

•  3" 
.  291 

.  236 

.  223 

.  364 

.  376 

.  133 

206,  235 

.  472 
.  472 

374,  375 
.  136 

.  379 

37(>*  379 
.  472 

.  472 
114,  131,  134 
114,  117.  130, 

'3',  134 
.  .  .  128 

.  .  .  472 

.   441, 472 

.  .  •  429 


498 


CRITICAL   ESSAYS 


V.  8, . 

.     .    472 

XV.  40,  .    . 

.    .    316 

i.  29.      .    . 

407.  473 

V.  9,. 

.     .     472 

xvL7,   .    . 

.    .    207 

i.  29-31,     . 

r46 

V.  17, 

.    .    344 

xvi.  29, .     . 

.    .    126 

1. 30,      .    . 

•    ^73 

V.39. 

.    .    472 

KVL32,.    . 

27S»  316 

"•  5.      •    • 

.    442 

V.  40, 

.    .    472 

ivi.37,.    . 

•.    .    477 

11. 6,      .    . 

.    442 

V.  42, 

.    .    376          : 

KVl.  38,         . 

.    .    477 

ii.  9  £F., 

•    353 

vii.  46, 

.    .     128          : 

Kvi.  39, .    . 

"7.  130 

ii.  15,     .    . 

•    393 

vii.  55, 

.    .    476          xvii.  3.  .    . 

•    •    376 

ii.  16,     .    . 

.    442 

vii.  56,  , 

.     .    476          xvii.  13,     . 

.    .    311 

ii.  17,     .    . 

.    3»6 

vii.  56-S9, 
vii.  57-60, 

.    .    476          xvii.  31,     . 

367.442 

ill      ... 

.    340 

.    .    476          rviii.  5, 

•    •    376 

lii.  I,      .     . 

.    418 

vii.  p,  , 
VII.  60, 

.    .     136          xviii.  ir,    . 
.    .    476          xviiL  12,    . 

.    .    3" 

.    •    473 

iii.  2,     .    . 

»  •  • 

111.  4,     .    . 

.    418 
.    340 

viii.  I,  . 
viii.  5,   . 

.    .    476          xviii.  13,    . 
.    .    376          xviii.  20,    . 

•    •    47; 

iii.  18,    .    . 
iii.  25,   .    . 

111.  26,    .      . 

.    3'6 
.    477 

viii.  7,   . 

.    .    476          xviii.  28,    . 

.    .    376 

1 

•    477 

Vlll.  8,   . 

.    ,    476          xlx.  4,    .    . 

.    .     123 

iii.  29,   .     . 

355.386 

viii.  9,   , 

.    .    477          XX.  19.  .    . 

306.318 

iii.  29  ff.,    . 

•    353 

viii.  19, 

.    .    477          XX.  2r,  .    . 

306,318 

iv.  I,      .    . 

V 

•    349 

viii.  20, 

.    .    476          XX.  24,  .    . 

306,318 

iv.  4,      .   152. 

407,408 

viii.  22, 

.    .    316          XX.  25.  .    . 

306,318 

iv.  5.      .    . 

1 

.    225 

viii.  24, 

.    .    316          XX.  25-30, . 

.    .    297 

iv.  24,    .    .    , 

»        « 

"    367 

viii.  27, 

.    .     351           XX.  27,  .    . 

306,318 

V.  8, .    .    .    , 

t        1 

^ 

viii.  37i 

.     .     206          XX.  28,      20; 

^  294-33'. 

V.  II,      .     .     . 

1        < 

.    3^6 

ix.  5,     .  206, 
ix.  6,     .  206, 

210,  218 

365.  374 

V.  14,     .    .    . 

1 

345 

210,  218          XX.  32,  .     . 

306,  318 

\i.  4,     .    . 

3^7f  442 

ix.  14,    .    .    , 

.    .    136          aut.3S     30^ 

s  318,  324, 

Vi.  17,     .      .      . 

VII.  6,    .    . 

.    .    362 

ix.  20,   .    . 

■    .    376 

32  s 

210,  218 

ix.  21,   .    . 

,    .    136         xxii.  9^  .    . 

.    .    343 

vii.  25,  .     . 

340,362 

ix.  22,   .    . 
ix.  28,   .    . 

.    .    376          xxii.  10,     . 
.    477          xxii.  12,     . 

.    .    207 
.    .    477 

vi.i.q;    .     .     . 
Vlll.  8,  .    .    . 

343 
343 

ix.  29,   .    . 

.    477          xxii.  13,     . 

•    .    477 

viii.  II,      .    . 

3fi7 

ix.  31,   .    , 

.    .    316          xxii.  10,     . 

.    .     136 

viii.  20,      .    , 

473 

X.  36,     .     . 
X.  40,      .     • 

.     384          xxiii.  18,     . 
117,  131           xxiii.  20,     . 

118,  130 
118,  130 

viii.  21,      .    . 
viii.  2i-ix.  II, 

4oJi 

xi.  I, 

.     .     344           xxiv.  2, 

•    .    473 

viii.  23,      .     . 

453 

xi.  20,    . 

207,  298           xxiv.  3, 

.     .    473 

viii.  23-ix.  II, 

407 

xi.  25,    . 
X.  26,     .     . 

.     .     472           xxiv.  6-8,  . 

.    .     207 

viii.  24,      .     . 

^5j 

.     472           xxiv.  18,     . 

.    .    473 

viii.  27-ix.  5, 

408 

xii.  20.      I 

14, 

333*  351           xxiv.  19,     . 

.     .     473 

viii.  28, 

38 

7.393 

xii.  21,  .     . 

.    333          xxiv.  19-27, 

•     .     473 

viii.  32,       .     . 

364 

xii.  25,  .     . 

275,  311           xxiv.  20-28, 

•     .     473 

viii.  23*      '     • 

344 

xiii.  18, 

.     206           xxiv.  30,     . 

.    .     3^6 

viii.  34,      .     . 

344 

xiii.  20-27, 

.     367           xxvi.  14,     . 

.     .     207 

viii.  3S-'X.  3,  . 

407 

xiii.  23,       . 

.     128           > 

aCVl.  22,      . 

.     .     291 

ix 

333 

xiii.  28, 

:xvi.  23,     . 

.    .     326 

ix.  I,      .     .     . 

421 

xiii.  30, 

.     477           xxviii.  12,  . 

.    .    311 

ix.  1-5.    333* 

337. 339. 

xiii.  31,       . 

.     477           xxviii.  29,  . 

.    .     207 

401, 

417.420 

xiii.  32,       . 

.    473      Romans: 

ix.  2,  340.344 

.353.421 

xiii.  23*      . 

355.  472          i 

.  1-3     .     . 

•    •    372 

ix.  3*  349. 353i 

,414,421 

xiii.  38,       . 

.    473          J 

.  1-26,  .     . 

.    .    408 

IX.  3— 5»  • 

.    419 

xiii.  39,       . 

•    473          i 

.  3.  .     .     . 

3^7*  391 

ix.  4.  337.341. 

385.408, 

xiii.  46, 

.    311          i 

.4,  .     .35 

5.  367,  391 

420, 

421.447 

xiv.  6,    .     . 

•     477           J 

.  7.  .     •     • 

.    .     372 

ix.  5,  263.  277, 
ix.  0.     .    . 

332-438 

xiv.  7,    .     . 

•     477           J 

.  8,  .     .     . 

362,  372 

339»  340 

xiv.  7-27,  . 

•     477           i 

9.  •    -37 

2,  384.  477 

ix.  10,    .     .     . 

393 

xiv.  8-28,  . 

•     477           J- 

10,      .    . 

•     •     477 

ix.  1 1,    .     .     . 

473 

xiv.  20, 

.     224           i. 

i5»      .    . 

•     •     349 

ix.  12,    .    .    . 

473 

xiv.  21, 

.     224           i 

.16,     .    . 

•    •    353 

ix.  '4,    .     .     . 

393 

xiv.  26, .     . 

134.  3«6           i 

.17,     .    . 

.    .    426 

ix.  22-24,  .     . 

393 

XV.  5,     .     . 

•     3^4           i 

.  25,        34c 

>»  346,  355. 

ix.  25,    .     . 

»        • 

393 
4,426 

XV.  34,  . 

• 

.     207 

361,  409 

ix.  33,    .    . 

34 

INDEX  OF  BIBUCAL  PASSAGES 


499 


X. 333 

X.  St  •  •  341.  420.  421 
X.  9, .  .  .  367,  376 
X.  12,  353.  355.  384 
X.  12-14,  .  .  .  136 
X.  13,  ...  .  426 
X.  15,  .  .  .  .  426 

xi.  .  .  333»  339.  4i8 
xi.  I,  ....  337 
xi.  2,     .... 

xi.6 

xi.  13-16,  .  .  . 
xi.  10,  ...  . 
xi.  20,  .  .  .  . 
xi.  25-36,  .    .    . 

x;-  32,  353.  355.  3' , 
xi.  36,     334,341.346. 

.  „  353. 354,  362 
xii.  18,  ...  .  349 
xiii.  9,  .  . 
xiii.  II, 

207 


393 
207 

353 

339 
291 

353 
84 


XIV.  10, 

xiv.  23, 

xiv.  27, 

XV.  6, 

XV.  9, 

XV.  24-xvi.  17 

XV.  30-32, . 

XV.  33. 

XVI.  . 

xvi.  16, 
XV  i.  20, 
xvi.  24, 
xvi 
xvi 


I.  25, 

ri.  26, 


XVI.  27, 


1  Corinthians: 


.  230 

•  453 
20S,  442 

.  151 
346.362 
.  362 
.  362 
.  408 

3^6,  346 

•  '45 
316,  318 

.  316 

.  207 

.  448 
374,  3^7 


136*  317 
.  362 


.  .  .  4A2 

.  .  .  362 
.  .  .  126 

.  •  .  349 

•  .  •  330 

•  •  •  330 
...  330 

•  •  .  330 
'  -  '  330 
...  330 

•  •  •  330 

•  •  •  330 

•  •  •  330 

•  •  •  352 
3'9.  373.  446 

...  44 
.  323. 326 
.  .  .  224 
146,  224 
.  .  .  146 
.  367, 442 
.  .  .  321 

.      •      .     J2I 


viL  5,  .  .  .  .  298 
vii.  27,  ...  .  291 
vii.  33,  ....  473 
vii.  34,  ....  473 
viii.  6,  319,  369.  373, 
378,  442,  447,  448 


IX.  5, 
X.9,  . 

X.  18, 

xi.     . 

xi.  2, 

X.  32, 

xi.  3.      .  319 

xi.  7. 
xi   16, 

xi.  17, 
xi.  22, 
xiii.  3, 
xiii.  M, 
xiv.  iS, 
xiv.  26, 
XV.  9, 
XV.  15, 
XV.  24, 
XV.  27, 
XV.  28, 
XV.  47, 
XV.  57, 
2  Corinthians  : 

I,  . 


I 


7.  . 

14. 

21, 

23. 
24, 

ii.  . 

i.  I, 

i.  1-17, 

i.  2, 

i.  3-19. 
i.  10, 

i.  II, 

i.  12, 

i-  13. 
i.  14, 

ii.  14, 

ii.  15, 


3'2 
208 

349 
477 
477 

373.  376 

369 

317 
224 

317 

208 

146 

362 

146 

367 
373 
373 
373 
20S 

362 


ii.  16, 
V.  4, 


.  .  .  3J7 

35'.  359,  361 
.   218, 473 

.  473 
.  442 

.  346 

473.  477 

.  473 

.  477 

.  473 

.  473 

.  473 

•  473 

.  473 

.  473 

.  474 

.  474 
.  362 

.  225 

152,  225,  407, 

408 


344,  345.  3 


\^f 


iv.  14, 

V.  II, 

v.  14, 
V.  15, 

V.  IG^ 

v.  18, 

F.  19, 


387,  395.  433.  445 
.  370 
.   367 

•  346 
.   316 

.  474 

•  474 
.  349 

372,  448 
372,  384 


viu  I, 
vii.  15, 
viii.  13. 
viii.  14, 
viii.  16, 
ix.  15, 
X.4, 
X.  5, 

X.  17, 
xi.     . 

xi.8, 
xi.  9, 
xi.  22, 
xi.  31, 


.  316 

.  340 

.  474 

•  474 
.  362 

340,  362 

.  474 

•  474 
.  477 

•  477 
.  474 
.  474 
.  337 

341.  344,  345. 


355.  361,  362.  409, 


423,  424 
.    136 

.    367 


xii.  8,    . 
xiii.  4,   . 

xiii.  12,      ...  477 

xiii.  13,      ...  477 

xiii.  14,      .    .    .  477 
Galatians  : 

i.  I,  .    .  319.  367*  447 

...  443 

...  443 
346,362,410 

'    '    -  3^7 

.    .    .  3«4 

...  311 


1.3.  • 

1.4.  . 
i.  5,  . 

!:'> 
11.  6, . 

ii.  12, 
ii.  19, 
ii.  20, 
lii.  20, 
iv.  4, 
iv.  5, 
V.  1^23 
v.  22, 
V-  23. 
V.  25, 

VI.       . 

vi.  7. 
vi.  18. 

£PHESIANS: 

i.  3.  • 


1.7,  . 
i.  10, 
L  II, 
Li|. 

1.  IQ, 

1.  16-23, 

i.  17, 
i.  19, 
i.  20, 
i.  20-22 

ii.7.. 

ji.13, 
11.  14, 

ii.  15, 

ii.  20, 

"I  3, 
iii.  o  ff., 
iii.  9, 


.  474 

439.474 

.     .  383 

•     .  391 

.  391 

.    .  146 

.    .  474 

.     .  474 

.    •  477 

.     .  477 

.  384 

.  346 


35 «.  358.  359. 

361.  409,  447 

.    302 

.    474 
354.474 

.    362 

•  373 
.  447 
.  367 
.  367 

•  355 

•  224 

•  344 

•  474 
.    474 

355.  36a 
.    434 


208 


•    434 
»8.3^ 


Soo 


g-13.  . 

128b  131,  I3t 

ffi-»z»  • 

.    ...    474 

8i.  tti  . 

.    •    .    474 

fSLi%  , 

.    ...    370 

fSLzu  . 

>    •     346^302 

iT.S 

•  2»  3»9b  3^3» 

lv.6^     . 

>  259^  319b  ^ 

>     .       2qB^  29S 

If.  9b 

It.  12,  . 

.    .     Ji9^a99 

I?.i3,  . 

.    .    .    .    370 

▼•S»«    - 

3»9b  439. 447t 

45* 

▼.90b     • 

.    ...    373 
.    ...    316 

▼.  21,      < 

TLa, 

.    ...    225 

▼Ls 

>    •    •    •    349 

PRIUPPIAN8: 

Li,.. 

.    ...    310 

1.2,,.     , 

.    ...    310 

L^  ! 

•    •    •    3*** 
...    44a 

Lio,     . 

...    44a 

Ll6b     . 

►    ...    474 

ii7,     . 

: :  '^ 

11.  <H  •     • 

►    ...    475 
3*  319^  378 

it  ^11, 

ii.i6b    . 

.    ...    442 

Hi  «3.  . 

•    .     47S476 

iii.14,   . 

•    .     475.476 

iii.  20, 

.    ...    453 

iii.  21, 

•    .     442.453 

iv.  3.     ■ 

.  IIS,  118,  130 

iv.  7,     , 

,    ...    316 

iv.  8.     , 

.    ...    146 

iv.  9,      . 

.    ...    316 

iv.  20,    . 

.    .      346,362 

iv.  21,     . 

•    ...    477 

iv.  22,     . 

.    ...    477 

COLOSSIANS: 

i.  3.  •    • 

...    362 

i.  9,  .    . 

...     128 

i.  12,     . 

.    ...    362 

1.  13.     - 

.    ...    369 

1.  IS.     . 

L  15-20, 
1.16,       . 

.    ...    254 

319.  368,  369 
.    .      256, 266 

i.  19, 

.    ...    370 

i.  20,     . 

# 

...    370 

1. 21,     . 

.    ...    475 

i.  22,      , 

•    ...    475 

i.  27,     . 

208,  447 

ii.  2, 

208,  3«9.  447 

ii.  9,      . 

319.  369.  370 

lu  10,    . 

...    369 

111.  8,     . 

.    ...    146 

iii.  15,  . 
111.  10,   . 

...    316 
.    ...    316 

iii.  17, 

.    ...    362 

m.iM,  .  .   31^349 

hr.    .....  477 

hr.  1^     .    •    •    .  4if7 

h.^a,    •    .    •  40S 

iv.  lit  •    •    .    •  344 
1  TmssALQWUirst 

jL  t'^tf  •  •  •  •  4^ 
la,  .    .    .     36s, 475 

Lj.  .....   «S 

L  lOb    .   •   .   .   ynf 

iL  13,   •   •   •   .   362 

iLc     •   ...   384 

ii.5  .  .  -  .  475 
IL7,  .  .  3X1.475 
iL  It 475 

iL  12,  .  •  .  •  475 
iL  13,  .  .  .  .  ^ 
ii.  14,  •  .  .  .  317 
iw.  I,  .  ii8|  124, 130 
iv.  II,  ...  .  477 
iT.  X2,  .  .  •  .  477 
iv.  12-17*  •  •  .  477 
W.  i3-i8b  ...  477 
if.  14,  .  «  •  .  442 
▼.8>.  ....  453 
T.9b.  .  .  .  .  453 
▼.12,    .    ,     X18, 130 

T.  23,      •      •      .      .     316 
2THB8SALONIANS: 

i-3. 3fe 

}.  4. 317 

L  II,     ....    439 

L  12,  .  439, 447, 453 
ii.  I,  .  .  118,  130 
ii.  8,  ....  440 
ii.  10,  ...  .  477 
ii.  II,  .  .  .  .  477 
ii.  11-16,  .  .  .  477 
ii.  12-17,  .  .  •  477 
ii.  13.  .  .  225, 362 
ii.  14,  ...  .  22c 
iii.  3,  .  .  .  .  31S 
iii.  16,  ...  .  316 
I  Timothy: 
i.  I,  .    .    .     447, 448 

i.  2, 447 

i.  12,     .    .      306, 342 

i.  15 278 

i.  17.     .  340,  346,  354. 

362.  374 

ii.  3-5,  .    .      447,  448 

ii.  5.      •  319.  326,  373. 

443 
ii.  6,      .    .      326,443 

iii.  5,     .    .      317, 318 

iii.  I J 318 

iii.  10,  .  208,  250,  284, 
299,  392,  447 
iv.  10,  ...  .  448 
V.  21,  .  373.439.447 
vi.  3,  ....  325 
vi.  13-16*  ...    447 


1L14.  . 
^  I4*ltib 
▼L  i4-26b 
▼i.  ijL 
tLiS 
▼L21, 
vi.  22, 


L2,. 

L8b  . 

i-9b  . 

LiOb 

iL8, 

iL22, 

Hl.9b 

IT.  I,  . 

ir.Sb 
ir.  t6b 
ir.tS^ 
Trrus: 
Lt.  . 
Li^ 

i-3.  • 
L4,  . 

L5,  • 

iL3. 

iLiOb 

iLxi, 

iLi3. 

iLi4. 
iiL  3-7, 
i«.4. 

iii.  4-6, 
Philemon 


1.4, 
i.  II, 

i.  12, 
i.  18, 
i.  19, 
i.  19-22, 
i.  20-23, 
i.  23, 
i.  24, 
i.  25,  , 
Hebrews 


1.  I, 

i.  2,  . 

1.3.  . 

1.  6,  . 

i.8.  . 


1.9.  . 
11.7, 
ii.  9, 

•  •  • 

111.4, 

•  •  •      ^ 

111.  9, 
iii.  10, 
iv.  4, 

V. 

vii.  I, 
vii.  20, 
▼ii.  21, 


.• 


...   440 

.    .    .    224 

%iZm  ^Ji6u  162 

J^^^  JT***  J*^^ 


•  •  44S 

.  .  44; 
.  44S 

418. 4S3 

:  :rd 
449,449^456 

3<9. 39s.  403, 
4i2,439-4sr 

443i446 

•    .    44§ 

.    .    456 

373.448 


362 

475 
475 
475 
475 
47  S 
475 
475 
475 
475 


475 

384 
441,442 

.  364 
.  364 
.    230 

278,  3*8,  329 
346 

475 
475 
A77 
477 
3" 
475 
475 


INDEX  OF  BIBLICAL  PASSAGES 


S°K 


viL26,  . 

164,  166 

ii.  28,     .    . 

»       i 

.       .       324 

iz.28,   . 

•  0    ^53 

iii.  8-v.  21, 

•       330 

Z.  II,      . 

289,  291 

111.  16^   .    . 

'       •       329 

X.  22,    . 

•    •,  '♦^^ 

iii.  25,   •    , 

>  .  114 
.       .       370 

X.23,    , 

226,  476 

iv.  2,     .    . 

XII.  20,   . 

.    .    230 

iv.9,     .    , 

.       .       284 

xii.  22, 

.    .    476 

IV.  11-17,  . 

.       .       262 

xii.  23,  , 

•    .    476 

V.  I,  .      .      . 

K  4 

.       .       376 

xiii.  20, 

.    .    3>6 

V.4-I2,    . 

>    1 

.       .       460 

xiii.  21, 

346,  363 

V.  7, .    .  165, 

207,304. 

James: 

307,  314.  329-33i» 

i.  S.  • 

.    .    114 

458-463 

1.  17, 

27s.  3" 

V.  8, .     165,  207,  329- 

111.  8,     . 

.    .    166 

33» 

•  •• 

111.  9,     , 

.    .    316 

▼.  16,    .  11 

^4. 

"S  "8, 

V.9.  •    • 

.    •    291 

121, 126^  130,  132, 

I  Peter: 

»34 

1.3.  •    - 

•  3SJ 

^  359.  362 

V.  20,     . 

1 

364,457 

J-s*  • 

•    .    453 

2  John: 

i.18,     . 

207,  302 

1.5,.      .    . 

118,  130 

i.  19,     . 

287,  302 

1.7,  .    .    . 

fe       i 

•    .    345 

11.  7, . 

.    .    476 

3  John: 

ii.  8, . 

.    .    476 

L  14,     .    . 

t       i 

•    .    477 

iii.  15, 

.  126 

,  208,  316, 
476 

i.  15.     • 
Jude: 

1 

.    .    477 

iii.  16^   . 
iii.  20, 

.    .    476 
210,  218 

i.  4,  .    .    . 
i.  IS.     •    « 

i        1 

.  .  454 
.    .     166 

iv.  I, 

»       ■ 

.    .    326 

i.  25,     .  13 

'!» 

208,346, 

iv.  II,  . 

'  346*  3SSf  3^3* 

448 

410 

Revelation 

V.  2, .    , 

V.  II,      . 

• 
1    • 

•    •    3^S 
.    .    346 

1.4,  ..    . 
i.  5.  .    . 

1 

1              4 

.  .  383 
,    .    206 

2  Peter: 

•#  • 

346*  363 

i.  I,  .    . 

•  364,  439.  4S4 

i.7,  .    . 

.    .    340 

i.  i6k     . 

• 

.    .    456 

i.8.  .    .    . 

208,  383 

210,  212 

ii.9,. 

•    • 

.    .    446 

1.9,  .    .    , 

lu  10, 

1    « 

.    .    446 

i.  II,     . 

210^  218 

ii.  13»    - 

1    • 

275.3" 

ii.  3,      .    . 

210^  2X8 

ui.  10,  . 

1    • 

.    .    191 

ii.  10,    .    . 

.     .      164 

iii.  12,   , 

>    • 

•    .    442 

ii.  20,    .    . 

>     .      210 

iii.  18,   . 

>    • 

34^363 

ii.24,    .    , 

.     .     218 

I  John: 
1 1,  .    , 

ii.27,    .    . 

.     .     476 

• 

•    .    364 

ii.28,    .    < 

.     .     476 

ii.12,    . 

• 

•    .    324 

•  •  • 

111.  2,     •    . 

.     •     210 

Ii.13,    , 

1    • 

•    •    476 

iiL4,     .    . 

.     .      164 

fa.  14,    . 

• 

•    •    476 

iiL20^    .     . 

.     .     291 

g.23.    , 

>    • 

206,224 

iv.  3,     .    , 

,     .     224 

fl.a7.    - 

•    • 

•    •    324 

.     .     383 

iv.  II, 

V.  5,. 
V.  8, . 
V.  10, 
V.  12, 

V.  13, 
V.  14, 
vi.  II, 
vii.  10, 
vii.  12, 
vii.  15, 
ix.4, 

X.  II, 

xi.     . 
xi.  3, 
xi.  o, 
xi.  II, 
xi.  12, 

4 15. 

XI.  17, 
xi.  19, 
xii.  . 
xii.  4, 
xii.  18, 

■  •  • 

Xlll.    . 

xiii.  I, 
xiv.  14, 
XV.  3, 
xvi.  5, 

XVll.  I, 

xvii.  8, 
xvii.  9, 
xvii.  10, 
xvii.  14, 
xvii.  16, 
xvii.  17, 
xviii.  2, 
xviii.  9, 
xviii.  12, 
xviii.  16, 
xviiL  17, 
xviii.  22, 
xix.  9,   • 
xix.  17, 
xix.  20,. 
xxi.  19^. 
xxii.  14, 
xdLi8^ 


409 

344 
164 

210,  218 

.  409 

•  ^  i 
210,  218 

V  123 

365 
345 
164 
123 
164 

477 

477 
149 

164,  166 

t  164 

477 

3§3 
283 

477 
291 

477 

477 

477 
164 

210,  218,  3^4 

210,  218,  383 

.  164 

210,  218 

.  476 

.  476 

.  164 

210,  218 

•  325 
210,  218 
164,  166 

.  164 

.  476 

.  476 

.  223 

•  325 
166,456 

166 

164 

20S 

239 


■y 


8  aOM  Oti  07S  272 


0 

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